f/ 


3 


OUR  PRESIDENTS  AND  THEIR  OFFICES 


OUR   PRESIDENTS 
AND  THEIR  OFFICE 


INCLUDING  PARALLEL  LIVES  OF 
THE  PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  PEOPLE 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  OF 
SEVERAL  CONTEMPORARIES,  AND 
A   HISTORY  OF  THE   PRESIDENCY 


BY 

WILLIAM  ESTABROOK  CHANCELLOR 

Author  of  "The  United  States :  A  History  of  Progress," 
and  of  other  books 


WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION  BY  CHAMP  CLARK 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress 
* 'Tell  the  truth."— Grover  Cleveland,  Campaign  Order,  J 884 


NEW  YORK 

THE  NEALE  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

19X2 


.Co 


Copyright,  1912,  by 
The  Nealc  Publishing  Company 


To  the  Twelve  Living  but  Unknown  Presidential-elect  of  Destiny: 

May  you  all  be  as  brave  as  Washington,  as  good  as  either  Adams  meant 

to  be,   as  wise  as  Madison;    and  if  so   be  the   fate  that  befell 

Lincoln,  Garfield  and  McKinley  befall  you  also,  may 

all  America  weep  with  an  equal  sorrow ! 


258730 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  PRESIDENT  AS  LEADER 

By  CHAMP  CLARK, 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

AMERICAN   HISTORY  FOR  AMERICANS 

No  man  ever  excelled  Lord  Bacon  in  expressing  a  great 
thought  in  a  few  words:  he  says,  "History  makes  men  wise." 
In  addition  to  making  men  wise,  history  contributes  largely  to 
their  pleasure;  and  the  study  of  history,  like  the  practice  of 
charity,  should  begin  at  home.  To  us,  George  Washington  is 
of  more  importance  than  all  the  Old  World  Captains  together 
from  Nimrod  to  Kitchener.  Thomas  Jefferson  more  nearly 
concerns  us  than  all  transatlantic  statesmen  from  Lycurgus  to 
Lloyd-George.  Whether  we  voted  for  him  or  not,  William 
Howard  Taft,  our  President,  is  of  more  interest  to  us  than  all 
the  crowned  heads  of  earth. 

IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Sensible  men  will  welcome  "Our  Presidents  and  Their 
Office"  as  a  timely  and  valuable  contribution  to  our  literature. 
The  Presidency  of  this  Republic  is  the  greatest  political  office 
known  among  men.  Whether  merit  or  geographical  location, 
whether  luck  or  accident  has  elevated  them  to  that  exalted 
office — and  in  the  elections  of  most  of  them  there  was  some- 
thing of  each  and  all — they  and  their  careers  are  well  worth 
study.  Taken  all  in  all,  they  will  bear  comparison  favorably 
with  any  line  of  monarchs  or  statesmen  that  ever  lived  in  any 

9 


io  INTRODUCTION 

age  or  country.  They  were  all  men  of  high  character  in  this 
supreme  station,  of  broad  patriotism  and  of  unimpeachable 
integrity.  At  least  four  of  them  wrote  their  names  on  the 
scanty  lists  of  immortals.  With  graphic  pen,  the  author  of 
the  present  work  analyzes  their  careers,  gives  the  sources  of 
their  power  and  points  out  the  reasons  why  they  were  chosen 
in  preference  to  all  their  great  contemporaries.  With  con- 
summate skill,  he  uses  their  lives  to  illustrate  the  blessings  of 
our  free  institutions.  Perhaps  the  most  notable  of  all  the 
lessons  displayed  is  that  the  greater  Presidents  stood  for 
definite  issues  as  leaders  before  their  fellow  countrymen.  They 
were  advocates  of  measures  and  policies.  They  were  wise  and 
courageous  and  loyal  to  principle  as  they  understood  the  situa- 
tions before  them. 

OURS  A  GOVERNMENT  BY  MAJORITIES 

As  a  rule,  our  Presidents  have  been  the  leaders  of  men, 
and  of  the  political  thought  of  their  respective  parties;  and 
ours  is  a  government  by  parties,  or  perhaps,  to  speak  more 
precisely,  a  government  by  majorities.  As  it  has  been,  so  it 
is  now,  and  so  let  us  hope,  it  always  will  be.  Some  of  us  may 
not  wish  it  so  to  be,  but  the  principle  is  fixed  in  the  very  nature 
of  Americanism. 

Consequently,  an  adequate  discussion  of  the  Presidents  is 
really  a  history  of  the  government  of  our  country  under  the 
Constitution.  The  more  that  history  is  studied  by  our  people, 
the  better  for  us  all.  An  intelligent  democracy  is  the  finest 
of  all  societies  of  men. 

A  STUDY  OF  INTENSE  INTEREST 

The  study  of  the  office  itself  and  of  its  powers,  apart  from 
the  personalities  of  the  men  who  have  held  it,  is  one  of  intense 


INTRODUCTION  n 

interest.  This  subject  is  treated  by  the  author,  who  is  a  dis- 
tinguished historian  and  educator,  in  a  manner  that  both 
delights  and  instructs  the  reader — not  only  delights  and  in- 
structs but  also  surprises  him  by  demonstrating  that  the  power 
attaching  to  the  Presidency  is  greater  than  that  of  any  consti- 
tutional monarch,  and  that  it  has  been  one  of  the  forces  that 
have  lifted  the  United  States  of  North  America  to  preeminence 
and  a  prosperity  unequalled  to-day  among  the  other  nations  of 
mankind.  Our  Fathers  of  the  Constitution  did  no  part  of 
their  work  better  than  in  the  organization  of  this  new  and 
splendid  office  of  Chief  Executive  representing,  ruling  and 
obeying  all  the  people. 

Champ  Clark. 

Washington,  D.  C,  December  18,  igil. 
Speaker's  Room. 


PREFACE 

The  purposes  of  this  work  are  several.  Of  these,  the  first 
is  to  recount,  from  the  same  point  of  view,  as  fully  as  the 
space  permits,  the  life  of  each  President.  The  second  is  to 
measure  all  the  Presidents  by  uniform  standards.  The  third 
is  to  show  their  relations  to  the  main  forces  of  American 
history.  And  the  fourth  is  to  show  how  the  Presidency  itself 
has  developed  since  the  days  of  the  Constitution-makers. 

If  our  Federal  Republic  were  in  the  historical  meaning  of 
the  term  a  "nation,"  our  Senators  would  be  elected  at  large  by 
a  vote  throughout  the  country  irrespective  of  States,  and  our 
Presidents  likewise.  Only  the  Supreme  Court  is  national ;  and 
to  the  people  it  is  the  least  satisfactory  of  our  governmental 
devices.  We  may  be  integrating  into  a  typical  nation;  but  if 
so,  the  process  is  counter  both  to  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the 
Constitution  and  to  the  desires  of  all  true  democrats. 

Wonder  attaches  to  the  careers  of  certain  Presidents  who 
seem  to  us  "immortals  of  this  earth."  Their  lives  must  be 
presented  upon  a  different  scale  from  those  of  the  apparently 
lesser  men  of  our  highest  office.  Of  this  wonder,  excellence 
of  moral  virtue  is  not  the  cause ;  nor  is  achievement.  It  does 
not  ask  the  same  facts  of  all  great  men.  Perhaps  it  springs 
from  a  sense  that  here  is  a  revelation  of  the  essential  nature 
of  humanity;  from  each  several  man,  a  different  revelation. 

The  historian  seeks  to  tell  the  truth.  With  truth,  we  may 
win  justice.  But  we  are  still  too  near  even  the  first  President 
to  be  able  to  say,  "This  is  the  truth,  the  whole  truth  and  noth- 
ing but  the  truth."  Far  less,  may  one  say  it  of  the  Presidents 
of  recent  years. 

It  is  becoming,  therefore,  to  be  chary  of  moral  judgments 
respecting  personal  motives.  A  genial  democracy  warns  us 
to  respect  the  office  always,  and  the  person  in  the  office  within 
the  limits  of  ascertained  fact  and  of  our  own  self-respect. 

The  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  who  has 

13 


14  PREFACE 

kindly  written  the  Introduction,  is  in  no  sense  responsible  for 
the  details  of  the  text  of  this  work.  He  has  in  fact  studied 
neither  manuscript  nor  proof.  He  belongs,  however,  securely 
in  the  noble  line  of  genuine  democrats ;  and  as  such  is  in  hearty 
accord  with  the  main  political  propositions  of  this  work. 

If  the  opinions  herein  expressed  differ  widely  from  those  of 
some  readers  who  may  have  lived  in  one  locality  and  have  seen 
but  little  of  public  life,  I  can  but  cite  for  my  views  a  quarter 
of  a  century  of  familiarity  with  politics,  in  and  by  which  I  have 
lived,  and  nearly  half  a  century  of  migration,  in  which  I  have 
spent  more  than  one  year  in  each  of  nine  States  and  have 
visited  in  every  part  of  the  Union.  Politics,  public  office,  travel 
and  many  changes  of  residence  have  made  me  a  convinced 
decentralizationist  and  Jeffersonian  democrat.  And  history 
seems  to  confirm  this  faith. 

Presidents,  Speakers,  Chief  Justices  have  worked  and  now 
work  for  whom  ?  For  us  as  well  as  themselves ;  for  their  own 
posterity  and  for  ours.  They  are  among  our  chief  nation- 
builders.  W.  E.  C. 

Cosmos  Club,  Washington,  D.  C. 


CONTENTS 

PART  ONE 

History   of  the  Presidency 

AFTER  PAGE 

I.  The  Road  to  the  White  House 19 

II.  The  Essential  Issues  of  Our  Politics 63 

III.     The  Principles  and  History  of  Our  Political  Parties      .  91 

PART  TWO 

Presidential  Powers 

I.     Origin  of  the  Presidential  Character 127 

II.  Constitutional  and  Customary  Powers 149 

III.  The  Cabinet 173 

IV.  The  President  as  Mayor 199 

V.     The  White  House,  Official  Home  of  the  Presidents  .     .  204 

PART  THREE 

Lives  of  the  Presidents 

I.     George  Washington 215 

II.     John  Adams 240 

III.  Thomas  Jefferson 252 

IV.  James  Madison 271 

V.     James  Monroe 289 

VI.     John  Quincy  Adams 304 

VII.     Andrew  Jackson 320 

VIII.     Martin  Van  Buren 346 

IX.     William  Henry  Harrison 368 

X.     John  Tyler 372 

15 


i6  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XI.     James  Knox  Polk 379 

XII.     Zachary  Taylor 390 

XIII.  Millard  Fillmore 399 

XIV.  Franklin  Pierce 405 

XV.     James  Buchanan 412 

XVI.     Abraham  Lincoln 429 

XVII.     The    President    of    the    Confederate    States    of    North 

America — Jefferson  Davis 473 

XVIII.     Andrew  Johnson 483 

XIX.     (Hiram)   Ulysses  [Simpson]  Grant 492 

XX.     Rutherford    Birchard    Hayes    (With    an  Account  of  His 

Rival,  Samuel  J.  Tilden) 512 

XXI.     James  Abram  Garfield 521 

XXII.     Chester  Alan  Arthur 527 

XXIII.  (Stephen)  Grover  Cleveland 532 

XXIV.  Benjamin  Harrison 543 

XXV.     William  McKinley 549 

XXVI.     Theodore  Roosevelt 562 

XXVII.     William  Howard  Taft 578 

Bibliography 591 

Index 595 


PART  ONE 
HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


'Go  put  your  creed  into  your  deed, 
Nor  speak  with  double  tongue." 

— Ralph   Waldo  Emerson,  Concord  Ode,  1857. 


Our  Presidents  and  Their  Office 


CHAPTER  I 
The  Road  to  the  White  House 

Never  the  same  road — Presidency  and  Chief  Justiceship  compared — an 
immortal  list — the  martyr-Presidents — the  Presidency  a  web  of  fate — ■ 
the  influence  of  Franklin — and  of  others — the  Jeffersonian  dynasty — 
a  revenge  of  fate — personal  qualities  of  successful  candidates — poli- 
tical opinions  as  to  centralization  and  parochialism — previous  official 
careers  of  Presidents — physical  qualities  of  the  Presidents — their 
temperaments  and  dispositions — there  is  no  Presidential  temperament — 
family  status — wives  of  the  Presidents — the  meaning  of  a  happy  mar- 
riage— moral  characters — the  White  House  families — manners — births 
and  deaths — occupations  of  parents — ages  of  Presidents  in  the  office — 
their  voting  residences — youthful  wealth  or  poverty — nearly  all  Presi- 
dents migratory  in  youth — later  wealth — advantages  of  older  children 
— small  families  and  helpful  parents — an  early  start  in  life — war 
records — scholarship  of  the  Presidents — names  of  Presidents  all  agree- 
able— all  Protestants — nearly  all  lawyers — party  leaders  few — plain 
men— mistakes  that  we  have  not  made — two-term  Presidents — future 
of  the  Presidency — popular  requirements  for  the  Presidency — the 
end  of  the  road. 

Never  the  Same  Road. — In  life's  journey,  twenty-six  men 
since  1788  have  found  a  stage  at  the  home  of  the  President 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Twelve  or  fifteen  men 
now  living  in  childhood,  youth  or  manhood  are  upon  the  road 
to  the  White  House.  It  has  never  been  the  same  road  for  any 
two  men.  One  man  found  it  upon  his  life's  journey  at  two 
different  stages, — Grover  Cleveland.  Five  men  have  died  in 
the  Presidency;  and  two  soon  after  leaving  it.  The  death- 
rate  is  one  in  four.  The  average  President  has  for  contem- 
poraries two  living  former  Presidents.     The  average  man  of 

19 


20  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

fifty-six  years  has  an  expectation  of  life  of  fourteen  years. 
The  average  President  lives  but  seven  years  after  that  age. 
Eight  of  the  four-year  tenants  of  the  White  House  have  been 
invited  to  take  a  second  lease  immediately  after  the  first ;  but 
nearly  all  the  others  went  out  sorrowfully,  some  even  with 
bitterness  at  heart.  Polk  was  ill  and  did  not  care  to  remain, 
and  Hayes  was  rich  and  likewise  did  not  care.  Of  the  twenty- 
two  elected  Presidents,  only  nine  survivors  have  failed  of  re- 
election, and  of  these  the  ninth  is  still  alive, — Roosevelt. 

Presidency  and  Chief  Justiceship  Compared. — The 
Presidency  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  is  commonly 
considered  the  most  influential  office  of  our  government.  Per- 
haps, the  Chief  Justiceship  of  the  Supreme  Court  is  the  most 
powerful  office  of  all;  but  the  Presidency  has  the  public  eye 
and  the  public  ear;  and  under  our  Constitution  as  now  inter- 
preted, is  much  more  attentive  and  responsive  to  present  public 
opinion. 

Perhaps,  if  by  custom  Presidents  were  allowed  to  serve  any 
number  of  terms,  the  office  would  rise  to  a  dictatorship.  And 
perhaps  if  by  custom  Chief  Justices  were  expected  to  resign 
from  the  bench  at  the  end  of  their  second  quadrennium,  the 
office  would  sink  to  the  European  notion  of  the  judiciary. 
Certainly  such  a  changing  court  could  not  make  itself  a  per- 
petual Constitutional  Convention  without  referendum  to  the 
people.  A  President  based  his  opinion  of  the  primacy  of  his 
office  upon  the  fact  that  he  could  appoint  the  Chief  Justice,  of 
course,  "by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate," 
while  he  himself  is  the  whole  people's  choice. 

A  Justice  rested  his  case  upon  the  statement  that  the  Presi- 
dency is  a  kaleidoscope ;  every  man  in  it  is  an  amateur  at  the 
business,  which  it  takes  at  least  eight  years  simply  to  learn. 

The  pages  of  this  history  show  that  we  do  not  yet  know. 
Sovereignty  here  is  not  determined.  We  are  a  system  of 
checks  and  balances,  every  officer  watching  every  one  else; 
and  soon  or  late  public  opinion  rules.  When  we  don't  like  the 
kind  of  Justice  and  justice  that  we  have,  we  wait  for  death, 
and  then  put  another  kind  of  man  in,  whence  issues  another 
kind  of  law.  Similarly,  we  change  our  executive.  And  the 
impasse  of  checks  and  balances  gives  way  to  progress.  We 
may  yet  find  a  better  system ;  but  so  far  this  is  the  best  in 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  21 

human  history.  Sovereignty  rests  nowhere  and  everywhere 
in  this  nation.     Such  is  American  democracy. 

Our  Immortal  List. — We  have  had  eight  Chief  Justices 
of  the  United  States.1  Who  knows  their  names?  Millions 
can  repeat  the  names  of  the  twenty-six  Presidents.  The  list 
is  not  less  world-famous  than  that  of  the  Roman  Caesars,  or 
that  of  British  Sovereigns.  Fortunately  for  the  reputation  of 
them  all,  it  includes  the  names  of  several  men  whom  any  age 
and  any  land  would  be  glad  indeed  to  hold  in  high  honor, — 
men  of  light  and  of  leading,  men  of  self-sacrifice  and  of 
ultimate  heroism,  men  of  notable  talent  and  at  least  one  man 
of  positive  genius  of  unique  quality. 

The  Martyr-Presidents. — It  is  a  list  that  has  been  glori- 
fied by  the  pitiful  example  of  three  martyrs,  in  each  case  men 
of  singular  amiability  of  character, — Abraham  Lincoln, 
James  Abram  Garfield,  and  William  McKinley. 

These  men  were  martyrs  to  public  office,  in  each  case  mod- 
estly occupied.  Their  pitiful  deaths  made  the  Presidency  of 
this  Republic,  in  the  deepest  sense,  sacred  to  all  good  citizens ; 
which,  however,  should  not  absolve  us  from  trying  to  make 
the  office  safer  to  occupy.2 

The  Presidency  a  Web  of  Fate. — The  list  of  Presidents 
looks  like  a  list,  a  line,  a  thread,  until  we  come  to  know  the 
history  of  the  Presidency;  and  then  we  see  that  in  truth  we 
have  before  us  cloth  with  warp,  woof,  and  nap,  a  veritable, 
mysterious,  fascinating  web  of  Fate.  In  a  sense,  once  given 
George  Washington ;  and  every  other  man  was  inevitable.  In 
truth,  again,  we  could  not  escape  George  Washington.  In 
this  sense,  the  whole  of  American  history  is  a  predetermined 
deliverance,  that  we  may  watch  but  may  not  control.  We 
have  seen  a  revolution  due  to  universal  manhood  suffrage ; 
we  might  also  foresee  another  revolution  due  to  equal  suffrage. 
By  1850,  the  number  of  voters  had  multiplied  and  their  quality 
had  greatly  declined,  as  Chancellor  Kent  so  uselessly  predicted 
in  New  York  State.  Irresistibly,  woman  suffrage  is  sweeping 
over  the  land.  Some  day,  female  Jacksons  and  William  Henry 
Harrisons  may  occupy  the  White  House.  The  age  of  majority 
may  yet  be  reduced  to  eighteen  years. 

'See  Appendix  III.  'See  pp.  66,  525,  531. 


22  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

They  Made  Work  for  One  Another. — Too  little  atten- 
tion has  been  given  to  the  decisive  importance  of  individuals 
in  the  Presidency.  Polk  provoked  a  war  with  Mexico,  Tyler 
had  prevented  a  third  war  with  England,  McKinley  annexed 
the  Philippines,  Cleveland  refused  to  annex  even  little  Hawaii. 
Jackson  and  Grant  were  spoilsmen ;  Cleveland  and  his  success- 
ors civil  service  reformers.  A  hundred  pages  might  be  filled 
with  these  contrasts  specifically  set  forth. 

Four  Great  Men  Prior  to  1789. — But  history  does  not 
deal  with  imaginary  alternative  courses  save  to  lighten  a  per- 
haps monotonous  narrative.  It  is  clearly  within  the  field  of 
history  to  inquire  into  the  causes  whereby  men  rose  to  power. 
To  a  clear  understanding  of  American  history,  it  is  necessary 
to  see  that  between  the  call  to  arms  in  1775  and  the  establish- 
ment of  the  new  Constitution,  four  men  were  virtually  the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States.  They  were  not  individually 
Presidents,  but  in  combination  they  operated  somewhat  as 
a  President  operates.  These  four  men  were  Samuel 
Adams,  Patrick  Henry,  John  Hancock,  and  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin. With  them  but  one  other  needs  to  be  mentioned,  the 
field  commander  George  Washington. 

The  Influence  of  Franklin. — By  far  the  ablest  of  these 
men  was  Benjamin  Franklin.  He  had  printing  establishments 
in  ten  cities,  including  the  West  Indies.  He  ran  the  postorfice, 
was  colonial  agent  abroad,  wrote  inspiring  articles,  hated  war, 
and  financed  Braddock's  expedition.  Here  is  the  true  tap 
root  of  our  national  history.  It  lies  in  the  genius  of  Benja- 
min Franklin,  to  whom  the  word  "genius"  applies  more  aptly 
and  fully  than  to  any  other  A.merican. 

No  Braddock  and  Braddock's  defeat,  probably  no  George 
Washington,  popular  hero;  no  war-hero,  no  general  revolu- 
tionary war.  But  for  Franklin,  Braddock  would  have  given 
up  the  attack  upon  Fort  Duquesne.  It  was  not  only  his 
ingenuity  that  put  the  expedition  on  its  feet;  it  was  his  money 
also.  And  Franklin  had  made  all  that  money.  Unlike  Wash- 
ington, he  had  not  inherited  or  married  a  dollar.  Not  only 
intellectually  but  also  morally,  he  was  the  superior  of  Wash- 
ington. He  had  no  love  of  money,  no  secrecy  of  his  sins,  and 
no  vanity. 

To  specify  another  instance :  But  for  Franklin,  we  could 
never  have  won  Yorktown.     No  Yorktown  surrender,  no  ter- 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  23 

mination  of  that  war.  It  came  at  the  "nick  of  time,"  a  finer 
phrase  than  "psychological  moment";  and  Rockingham  let  the 
people  go.  Franklin  did  not  fight;  but  though  very  old,  he 
crossed  the  dangerous  ocean  many  times  and  risked  capture 
often. 

The  Opportunity  of  Patrick  Henry. — With  the  war- 
hero  made  at  Braddock's  defeat,  Patrick  Henry  could  declaim 
with  terrible  passion  and  splendid  eloquence,  "Let  us  fight!" 
He  liked  Washington  even  less  than  Franklin  did ;  but  he  knew 
that  the  big,  hot-headed,  proud  man  was  glad  to  fight. 

The  Skill  of  Sam  Adams. — Up  North,  an  abler  man 
than  Henry  was  doing  the  same  work  of  arousing  the  people, 
— old  Samuel  Adams,  master  of  Boston  town-meeting.  He 
got  a  Continental  Congress  together,  maneuvered  it  into  a 
fighting  mood,  persuaded  it  to  adopt  the  fourteen  thousand 
Yankees  around  Boston  as  a  Continental  Army,  and  to  appoint 
Washington  as  its  head.  Washington  could  never  have  done 
this  himself.  He  had  no  political  adroitness  and  no  gift  of 
speech.  He  could  do  three  or  four  things, — coin  the  labor  and 
sweat  of  slaves  into  money;  write  letters  and  keep  accounts; 
fight ;  and  look  the  hero  in  clothes  that  advertised  him. 

The  Handling  of  Hancock. — With  John  Adams's  help, 
Sam  Adams  made  Washington  commander-in-chief.  No 
army  command  for  Washington,  small  chance  of  the  Presi- 
dency of  a  new  nation.  The  two  Adamses  had  to  go  at  this 
thing  hypocritically  and  deceitfully.  Their  patron  and  money- 
bag, John  Hancock,  wished  to  be  commander-in-chief  him- 
self. They  worked  him  off  into  President  of  the  Congress, 
which  he  did  not  like.  Hancock  and  Washington  had  the 
money  and  the  pride  and  the  two  big  offices;  Henry  and 
Samuel  Adams  aroused  the  people. 

Give  Place  to  Washington. — Given  Washington,  his 
health,  courage,  and  other  military  qualities;  given  his  final 
success;  and  he  comes  into  the  Presidency  of  the  Federal  Con- 
vention in  1787  with  apparent  inevitableness.  Behind  the 
appearance  is  the  intelligence  of  Benjamin  Franklin  of  Phila- 
delphia, who  might  have  been  President  instead.  Washing- 
ton was  master  of  the  Alexandria  lodge  of  Masons.  There- 
fore, they  made  the  Federal  Convention  as  secret  as  the  grave. 
Of  course,  the  President  of  this  Convention  must  be  the  first 
President  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.     Orators  and 


24  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

philosophers  and  statesmen  and  rich  merchants  and  even  town- 
meeting  politicians  must  stand  aside.  Washington  had  enough 
of  the  desiderata.  They  paid  off  all  his  debts  as  general,  so 
that  he  might  live  securely  and  ostentatiously.  Wealth,  hero- 
worship  at  home,  fame  abroad,  pride,  and  at  last  self-control 
made  him  President.  Upon  this  fact,  all  American  national 
history  turns. 

The  Washington  pyramid  bases  upon  four  corners, — Samuel 
Adams,  John  Hancock,  Patrick  Henry,  Benjamin  Franklin, — 
upon  agreements  and  discords  and  rivalries. 

John  Adams  had  helped  to  make  Washington  President  as 
well  as  Commander-in-chief.  He  supported  the  President  as 
Senator-at-large,  such  being  his  conception  of  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency.    In  return,  Washington  made  Adams  his  successor. 

The  Jeffersonian  Dynasty. — But  there  is  another  thread 
in  this  fate.  Another  Virginian  who  loved  neither  Henry  nor 
Washington  had  played  his  part  in  destiny, — Thomas  Jeffer- 
son. He  felt  that  the  Declaration  written  by  him  made  him 
the  greatest  of  all  Americans.  In  the  terrible  war,  he  had  lost 
his  wife  and  all  but  two  of  his  children,  his  cash,  even  his 
reputation  at  home,  for  he  was  insolvent.  Still,  Washington 
sent  him  abroad  and  made  him  famous.  This  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson envied  Washington's  wealth,  his  fame,  his  magnificent 
person,  his  powers.  He  had  seen  the  increase  of  his  neighbor, 
and  was  bitter  of  heart.  He  despised  Hamilton,  Washing- 
ton's right-hand  man.  Out  of  all  this  grew  the  Republican 
party,  the  anti-Federalists,  the  haters  of  the  more  or  less 
mythical  "monocrats."  Jefferson  was  suave,  adroit,  plausible. 
He  throve  as  the  opposition,  and  landed  in  the  Presidency  by 
one  vote.  In  making  Adams  his  heir,  Washington  had  made 
a  mistake.  He  had  made  the  government  unpopular.  But 
every  student  of  American  history  clearly  understands  that  if 
Washington  had  not  died  in  1799,  Jefferson  would  not  have 
become  President  in  1801.  Moreover,  though  Jefferson  wrote 
the  Declaration,  Sam  and  John  Adams  put  it  through  Con- 
gress. In  more  ways  than  one,  Jefferson  was  himself  the 
product  of  Washington  and  the  two  Adams.  And  he  had 
caught  something  of  the  benignant  manner  of  Benjamin 
Franklin  and  something  of  the  fiery  rhetoric  of  Patrick 
Henry. 

So  far,  the  web  of  this  cloth  is  complete.     No  Adams,  no 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  25 

General  and  President  Washington.  No  President  Washing- 
ton, no  President  John  Adams.  No  President  Washington, 
no  Jefferson  minister  to  France  and  leader  of  the  opposition 
from  hatred  of  pro-British  Hamilton,  agent  in  Philadelphia 
of  New  York  bankers  and  speculators.  No  President  Adams, 
tactless  and  strong,  no  room  for  a  tactful  President  Jefferson. 
And  with  Washington  alive,  no  room  for  Jefferson  in  the 
Presidency,  even  so !  Washington  died  at  a  too  early  age, — 
we  might  call  it  "providential"  for  Jefferson. 

The  web  of  the  cloth  of  Presidential  fate  grows  now  longer 
and  wider.  The  certainty  of  it  grows  clearer.  Washington, 
the  Adamses,  Franklin  forced  the  Constitutional  Convention. 
And  this  Convention  brought  into  play  the  unique  powers  of 
a  comparatively  young  man, — James  Madison.  Unlike  most 
of  his  compatriots,  Madison  had  learning  and  learned  friends. 
Among  them  was  Pelatiah  Webster  of  Philadelphia  who  had 
written  a  deal  about  what  the  Federal  Government  should  be. 
Result : — Madison  put  through  a  good  Constitution.  He  was 
the  peaceful,  quiet  star  of  that  recent  association  over  which 
Washington  presided.  Madison  owed  his  Presidency  to  just 
three  facts, — first,  that  Washington  was  dead,  for  the  General 
had  no  interest  in  these  frail  scholarly  men ;  second,  his  promi- 
nence in  the  Federal  Convention ;  third,  a  personal  and  political 
friendship  with  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  made  him  his  Secre- 
tary of  State  and  his  heir,  when  it  was  supposed  that  the  Vice- 
President  would  always  be  the  heir.  If  Thomas  Jefferson  had 
formed  an  affection  for  Aaron  Burr,  how  different  history 
would  have  been! 

Monroe  had  been  a  lieutenant  under  Washington  and  did 
not  like  him.  This  was  a  bond  of  sympathy  between  Jeffer- 
son, Madison  and  himself.  Monroe  was  ardent  and  affection- 
ate. This  pleased  Jefferson.  He  had  defeated  Madison  for 
Congress,  and  then  circumstances  had  brought  them  together. 
The  mission  to  France  had  turned  him  against  Washington 
and  John  Adams.  Madison  made  Monroe  Secretary  of  State, 
with  the  cordial  approbation  of  Jefferson,  who  saw  with  delight 
a  pro-Gallican  foreign  minister  in  office.  Certainly  but  for 
Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Madison,  Monroe  would  never 
have  been  Secretary  of  State.  In  the  "War  of  1812,"  he  was 
Secretary  of  War  also,  and  alone  of  Americans  in  prominent 
office  in  Washington,  acquitted  himself  creditably.     To  make 


26  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

him  President  was  not  merely  easy:  it  was  inevitable.  The 
Virginia  dynasty  was  still  the  traditional  notion.  Virginia 
was  very  near  the  city  of  Washington. 

J.  Q.  Adams. — Monroe  took  John  Ouincy  Adams  to  be 
Secretary  of  State.  Why?  Years  and  years  ago,  George 
Washington  had  said  that  the  son  of  John  Adams  would  make 
a  shining  mark  in  the  upper  world  of  diplomacy  and  of  gov- 
ernment. Such  praise  by  Washington  in  his  older  years  was 
rare.  And  then  Adams  had  left  the  Federalists  to  become  a 
Democrat  upon  conviction  and  in  the  face  of  his  constituency. 
This  literally  "made"  J.  O.  Adams.  A  real  diplomat,  one  of 
the  best  we  have  ever  had,  the  Secretaryship  of  State  belonged 
to  him.  The  glory  of  the  Monroe  administration  was  the 
Monroe  Doctrine, — Adams  wrote  it  out.  He  must  be  Presi- 
dent. Old  John  Adams,  his  father,  said  so ;  Thomas  Jefferson 
said  so.  Madison  and  Monroe  agreed.  And  T.  Q.  Adams  was 
made  President. 

The  Radical  Comes  In. — All  this  is  comparatively  easy. 
It  is  harder  to  trace  the  causes  set  in  operation  by  these  six 
Presidents  that  made  Andrew  Jackson  the  revolutionist  Presi- 
dent. And  yet  these  men  made  him  such  as  truly  as  they  made 
their  other  successors.  If  there  had  been  no  "War  of  1812," 
there  would  have  been  no  battle  of  New  Orleans,  and  probably 
if  there  had  been  no  battle  of  New  Orleans,  there  would  have 
been  no  call  for  Andrew  Jackson  to  be  President.  But  for 
Madison  and  Monroe,  there  would  have  been  no  "War"  and 
no  battle,  at  least  of  the  half -guerrilla  kind  actually  fought. 

Jackson  was  mightily  aggrieved  against  the  government  at 
Washington.  Personally,  he  didn't  like  its  manners  and  style. 
He  had  been  Senator  twice  and  had  resigned  twice.  But  he 
had  been  a  soldier  also,  and  the  government  had  not  treated 
him  well.  He  had  been  even  fined  a  thousand  dollars  for  con- 
tempt of  court.  He  felt  outraged  by  his  treatment.  But  the 
battle  made  him  famous,  and  J.  O.  Adams  gave  a  glorious  ball 
in  his  honor,  the  finest  yet  held  in  Washington.  This  made 
Jackson  respectable  Presidential  timber.  Jackson  was  a  re- 
lentless hunter.  He  had  stolen  a  wife  from  a  husband  in 
whose  house  he  was  lodging;  he  now  undertook  to  steal  the 
Presidency  from  the  man  who  had  once  barely  defeated  him 
and  who  had  then  bestowed  upon  him  signal  honor. 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  27 

With  country-wide  hunting,  he  took  his  prey.  Jackson 
made  "little  Van"  his  Secretary  of  State  and  minister  to  Eng- 
land. His  enemies  forced  Van  Buren's  return.  Then  Jackson 
made  him  President. 

Harrison  and  Tyler. — After  Van  Buren  came  Harrison. 
Former  Presidents  had  commissioned  him  Major-General  and 
Governor  of  Indiana  and  Minister  to  Columbia,  whence  Jack- 
son had  removed  him.  Washington  was  a  war-hero  and  there- 
fore became  President.  Jackson  was  a  war-hero  and  there- 
fore became  President.  Ergo,  "Old  Tip"  Harrison  must  be 
President.  The  General  who  had  won  the  battle  of  Tippe- 
canoe River  must  have  his  reward.  The  making  of  this  cloth 
of  fate  is  moving  forward. 

As  to  Tyler,  he  was  never  elected  President  and  does  not 
concern  this  argument. 

Polk  and  His  Punishment. — Next  came  Polk,  political 
manager  for  Jackson  in  Tennessee  and  Speaker  of  the  House, 
working  for  the  Jackson- Van  Buren  machine.  "The  Her- 
mitage" spoke,  and  the  voice  of  the  dying  "Old  Hero"  made 
Polk  President. 

Polk  made  Taylor  President.  He  appointed  him  Major- 
General  of  the  army  of  invasion.  When  he  won  Buena  Vista 
and  was  forced  by  Polk  to  resign,  the  people  remembered  the 
political  "outrages"  of  the  past  and  yelled  for  "Old  Rough 
and  Ready."  The  outrages  were  the  bad  treatment  by  the 
government  of  Jackson;  the  refusal  of  the  Senate  to  confirm 
Van  Buren  as  Minister  to  England;  and  the  recall  of  W.  H. 
Harrison  from  Colombia.  Washington,  Jackson,  Harrison, 
war-heroes,  were  made  President;  therefore,  Taylor  shall  be 
President,  and  he  was.  Taylor  was  the  revenge  of  fate  upon 
Polk  for  the  Mexican  War. 

Fillmore  was  never  elected  President. 

Two  Tactful  Men. — Polk  had  picked  up  Pierce  as  a 
private  in  the  Mexican  War  and  had  made  him  Brigadier- 
General.  He  had  been  hurt  at  Buena  Vista.  Surely,  but 
for  Polk  and  Taylor,  both  dead,  Pierce  would  never  have 
been  thought  of  for  President.  It  has  been  said  that  Nathaniel 
Hawthorne  made  Pierce  President.  Very  possibly.  Jackson 
made  Hawthorne  charge  d'affaires  in  London;  and  this  gave 
him  political  experience  and  close  acquaintance  with  Martin 
Van  Buren.     Hence,  the  biography  had  weight. 


28  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

If  Polk  had  not  made  the  Mexican  War,  Pierce  would  never 
have  lived  in  the  White  House,  unless  as  a  minor  em- 
ploye. 

Then  came  Buchanan,  who  had  been  Secretary  of  State 
under  Polk  and  who  by  President's  appointment,  had  held  so 
many  diplomatic  posts  that  when  the  supply  of  war-heroes 
gave  out,  he  was  almost  an  inevitable  President. 

It  has  been  no  part  of  the  purpose  of  this  review  to  show 
that  inferior  men  have  been  manipulated  into  the  Presidency ; 
but  that  whatever  kind  they  have  been,  they  have  gone  in  from 
definite  personal  causes,  relations  and  conditions.  The  his- 
tory of  the  Presidency  is  not  a  succession  of  steps,  but  a  series 
of  links  in  a  chain, — a  hidden  fate. 

How,  then,  came  Lincoln? 

The  Lincoln  Revolution. — The  people  were  tired  of 
bureaucrats  in  1828  and  elected  Jackson;  they  were  tired  of 
habitual  office-holding  politicians  and  elected  Lincoln.  Both 
Jackson  and  Lincoln  were  symptoms  and,  in  a  measure,  evi- 
dences of  reaction.  Lincoln  himself  was  in  politics,  deep  in 
politics.  Jackson,  another  revolutionist  President,  had  worked 
for  the  Presidency  in  order  to  get  full,  sweet,  and  perfect  per- 
sonal revenge  upon  his  enemies. 

But  in  what  way  were  his  predecessors  responsible  for  Lin- 
coln? First,  by  his  "Spot  Resolutions"  in  Congress  against 
the  Mexican  War,  Lincoln  came  to  be  a  national  figure.  Polk 
gave  him  this  opportunity. 

Buchanan  helped  Lincoln  against  Douglas.  Lincoln  got  the 
majority  vote,  though  he  lost  the  Senatorship.  With  that 
majority  vote,  Illinois  came  into  consideration  as  a  field  from 
which  to  choose  a  Presidential  candidate.  Buchanan  hoped 
to  keep  Douglas  out  of  the  Presidency;  and  he  won.  This 
gave  Lincoln  room.  Jackson  made  Taney  Chief  Justice. 
Taney  gave  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  The  decision  gave  Lin- 
coln his  argument 

Johnson  was  never  elected  President. 

Grant  Accounted  For. — Against  all  his  military  and  poli- 
tical advisers,  Lincoln  kept  Grant  in  the  army  and  steadily 
promoted  him.  Vicksburg  and  Appomattox  made  Grant 
President. 

No  Lincoln,  no  Grant  as  General  of  the  Army  in  the  days 
of  himself  and  of  Johnson.     The  latter  put  Grant  into  the 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  29 

brightest  of  the  political  limelight  by  taking  him  on  political 
tours,  and  otherwise. 

More  Generals. — Lincoln  had  promoted  Hayes  in  the 
Army;  and  in  Ohio  politics  and  again  upon  the  floors  of  Con- 
gress, Hayes  had  been  a  Grant  supporter.  If  there  had  been 
no  War  between  the  States,  Hayes  would  never  have  been 
heard  of  even  in  Ohio  politics.  The  election  of  Lincoln  occa- 
sioned the  Civil  War.  His  debate  with  Douglas  was  a  potent 
factor  in  causing  that  war.  No  Civil  War,  no  Lincoln  or 
Grant  and,  therefore,  no  Hayes,  for  his  army  record  was 
half  the  political  power  of  R.  B.  Hayes.  The  rest  was  his 
money  and  good  nature.  He  was  honored  in  Ohio;  and  the 
Republicans  needed  Ohio. 

The  case  of  Garfield  is  much  like  that  of  Hayes,  with  the 
added  factor  that  Hayes  was  grateful  to  Garfield  for  his 
Electoral  Commission  work.  Partisans  are  not  always  un- 
grateful. Besides,  by  attacking  Lincoln,  Garfield  had  early 
made  himself  notorious. 

Arthur  is  not  in  the  record.  But  Hayes,  by  putting  him 
out  of  the  Collectorship  of  the  Port  of  New  York,  made  him 
Vice-President. 

The  Cleveland  Reaction. — Cleveland  was  made  by 
Arthur  and  Garfield  and  Hayes  and  Grant.  The  people  had 
to  take  him  instead  of  Folger  for  Governor  of  New  York 
when  Arthur  ran  him  j1  and  that  Cleveland  landslide  put  him 
all  the  way  across  into  the  Presidency. 

Benjamin  Harrison  as  United  States  Senator  fought  Cleve- 
land. This  fact  and  his  grandfather  William  Henry  Harrison 
and  his  war  record  made  him  President. 

Now  comes  McKinley.  Who  discovered  and  made  him? 
Cleveland  by  fighting  the  protective  tariff.  And  Hayes  of 
Ohio  assisted  in  bringing  McKinley  forward  as  the  champion 
of  the  protected  interests. 

That  McKinley  made  Roosevelt,  and  Roosevelt  Taft  are 
commonplaces. 

Let  him  who  would  be  President  hasten  to  be  public  friend 
or  public  enemy  of  the  President  that  now  is  in  office ! 

Personal  Qualities  of  Successful  Candidates. — What 
is  the  first  personal  requirement  for  the  high  office?  "Per- 
sonal magnetism"  is  not  the  correct  answer.    The  "magnetic" 

xSee  p.  534,  infra. 


30 


HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 


James  G.  Blaine,  a  delightful  man  to  know,  went  down  before 
the  brusque  Cleveland.  The  yet  more  popular  Henry  Clay 
was  defeated  each  several  time  that  he  ran.  William  Jen- 
nings Bryan  is  certainly  a  more  eloquent  speaker  than  either 
of  the  two  men  who  have  defeated  him, — McKinley  and  Taft. 

Political  Opinions  as  to  Centralization  or  Localiza- 
tion of  Governmental  Functions. — The  political  opinions 
of  candidates  have  not  had  much  to  do  with  their  success. 
There  has  always  been  one  main  issue, — for  centralization  or 
against.  Shall  we  be  a  nation  or  a  federation  ?  In  the  nega- 
tive, this  has  meant  that  the  centralizationists  were  nationalists, 
the  decentralizationists  were  State's  rights  men.  Some  Presi- 
dents really  had  no  political  opinions;  they  did  not  under- 
stand, or  they  did  not  care.  It  has  been  the  irony  of  fate  that 
some  decentralizationists  were  forced  into  many  centraliza- 
tionist  acts, — conspicuously  Lincoln,  who  at  heart  was  a 
localist,  a  parochial,  though,  of  course,  not  a  divisionist. 

Washington  did  not  comprehend  the  issue,  but  in  action 
was  a  centralizationist.     The  lists  are  as  follows,  viz. : 


Centralizationists.  Urn 

decided  and  zvavering. 

Localists. 

Washington 
J.  Adams 

Jackson 

J.  Q.  Adams 

Jefferson 
Madison 

W.  H.  Harrison 

Lincoln. 

Monroe 

Polk 

Van  Buren 

Taylor 
Grant 

Tyler 
Fillmore 

Hayes 
Garfield 

Pierce 
Buchanan 

Arthur 

B.  Harrison 

Johnson 
Cleveland 

McKinley 
Roosevelt 

Taft 

Opinions  on  Questions  in  Issue. — It  is,  of  course,  not 
true  that  the  opinions  of  a  Presidential  candidate  upon  poli- 
tical issues  do  not  influence,  even  at  times  determine,  his 
success.  But  American  democracy  is  experimenting  upon 
many  matters, — tariff,  currency,  banking,  corporations,  trans- 
portation,— and  tries  now  one  policy,  now  its  opposite.     A 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  31 

candidate  is  up  to  find  out  which  the  people  intend  to  do.  He 
cannot  foreknow.  If  he  could,  he  would  either  espouse  the 
winning  side  or  withdraw  from  this  campaign,  perhaps  to  try 
another  after  longer  public  agitation.  In  this  sense,  it  makes 
no  difference  what  are  the  political  principles  or  what  is  the 
party  of  the  candidate.  In  an  opposite  sense,  he  is  put  up 
because  he  believes  or  is  believed  to  believe  in  certain  policies. 

So  far  as  the  Presidency  is  concerned,  this  is  the  sole  signifi- 
cance of  the  party  platform, — that  it  formulates  the  belief  of 
the  party  as  to  what  is  the  belief  and  will  be  the  action  of  the 
man  if  elected. 

In  consequence,  of  this  series  of  situations,  known  as  Presi- 
dential elections,  the  views  of  a  man  respecting  government 
and  politics  are  not  vital  to  his  success.  One  side  is  as  likely 
to  win  as  another.  We  zigzag  toward  some  unknown  destiny. 
Our  politicians  proper  pick  principles  and  policies,  as  well  as 
men,  to  win, — to  win  power  through  government. 

And  yet  in  order  to  keep  before  the  people,  win  or  lose, 
from  decade  to  decade,  let  the  man  who  intends  first  to  be  a 
power  in  the  land  be  the  advocate  of  a  few  principles, — the 
fewer  the  better;  if  possible,  one  until  it  wins.  The  spokesman 
for  a  principle  or  for  principles  may  become  a  statesman.  In 
truth,  the  main  difference  between  great  men  and  lesser  is 
that  a  few  ideas  control  the  former  while  the  lesser  pick-and- 
choose,  vacillate,  and  hesitate  among  many  ideas.  But  for 
their  surrender  to  worth-while  ideas,  most  great  men  would 
appear  as  mediocre  as  most  men  are.  Perhaps  knowing  a 
great  idea  when  it  comes  by  is  greatness. 

The  Vice-Presidential  Candidates. — Not  only  have  the 
American  people  failed  to  choose  Vice-Presidential  candidates 
with  a  view  to  a  chance  of  one  in  four  of  succession  by  death, 
natural  or  violent ;  but  we  have  also  failed  adequately  to  con- 
sider whether  or  not  the  running-mate  will  help  the  ticket. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  often  the  Vice-Presi- 
dential candidates  have  hurt  the  Presidential.  Doing  away 
with  the  Electoral  College  choice  has  put  us  into  the  predica- 
ment of  electing  pairs  of  officers,  not  a  single  officer.  To 
illustrate  from  recent  history,  the  Democratic  party  has  nomi- 
nated W.  J.  Bryan  three  times, — his  associates  were  Arthur 
Sewall  of  Maine,  of  whom  no  one  had  ever  heard,  Adlai  E. 
Stevenson  of  Illinois,  who  as  Vice-President  had  been  regarded 


32  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

as  inconsequential  in  the  days  of  Cleveland,  and  John  W. 
Kern  of  Indiana,  suspected  of  being  the  pleasant  tool  of  a 
boss.  There  was  not  a  strong  candidate  among  them.  In  a 
hundred  and  twenty-three  years  of  our  history,  we  have  not 
had  twenty  wisely  chosen  Vice-Presidential  candidates, — not 
twenty  who  if  seated  by  the  decease  of  the  President  or  by 
later  election  would  have  been  average  Presidents,  not  twenty 
whom  the  voters  were  glad  to  honor.  Usually,  they  have  had 
a  Hobson's  choice,  as  in  1904  a  H.  G.  Davis  against  a  C.  W. 
Fairbanks,  or  in  1908  a  J.  W.  Kern  against  a  J.  S.  Sherman, 
all  then  national  nonentities. 

Here  is  a  chance  for  the  wiser  party  to  decline  taking  a 
deadweight  (or  perniciously  live  weight)  candidate  and  to  run 
a  ticket  without  handicap  probably  against  a  badly  handi- 
capped opposition. 

Early  Services  of  the  Presidents. — The  Presidents 
usually  come  from  wide  experiences,  though  not  often  of 
national  prominence.  These  experiences  may  be  classified  as 
follows,  viz. : 

United  States  Senator 12 

International  Diplomat 8 

Cabinet  Secretary 8 

State  Governor 13 

Army  General 8 

Congressman   20 

Judge 4 

Large  personal  business  affairs 5 

Average  number  of  important  prior  experi- 
ences      3 

No  man  ever  reached  the  Presidency  without  at  least  one  of 
these  kinds  of  position  in  his  career.  Most  Presidents  had 
several,  as  their  biographies  show. 

Those  with  the  greatest  variety  of  official  experience  were: 
J.  Adams,  Monroe,  Jackson,  Van  Buren,  W.  H.  Harrison, 
and  B.  Harrison. 

Those  with  the  least  variety  were :  Washington,  Madison, 
Tyler,  Polk,  Taylor,  Fillmore,  Lincoln,  Johnson.  Grant,  Gar- 
field, Arthur,  and  Cleveland. 

But  when  we  add  experience  in  business  and  in  general  life 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  33 

and  consider  depth  and  intensity  of  experience,  how  the  lists 
change!  Our  tables  do  not  show  the  relative  values  of  these 
experiences.  Let  no  man  doubt  that  in  true  life-experiences 
prior  to  the  Presidency  Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Jackson 
rank  at  or  near  the  head  of  the  list. 

Of  all  these  offices,  the  State  Governorship  appears  the  most 
valuable  as  a  preparation.  Next  to  this,  service  as  Represen- 
tative in  Congress. 

Were  official  experience  in  nature  and  in  amount  alone  to  be 
considered,  probably  these  men  would  have  proven  failures: 
Washington,  Jackson,  Taylor,  Fillmore,  Pierce,  Lincoln, 
Grant,  Johnson,  Garfield,  and  Arthur. 

And  even  Buchanan  would  have  proven  a  great  success. 
That  it  greatly  helps  to  have  held  some  office  in  Washington 
is  clear  upon  the  face  of  the  record;  the  voters  get  the  habit 
of  thinking  of  the  man  as  belonging  in  Washington.  That 
twenty  of  the  twenty-six  Presidents  should  have  served  as 
Congressmen  tells  it  own  story.  Life  there  creates  in  some 
the  desire  to  live  in  the  White  House.  Excepting  Cleveland 
only,  every  President  had  some  official  business  in  Washington 
for  years  before  his  election. 

Physical  Qualities  of  the  Presidents.— Like  Saul,  some 
of  these  men  stood  head  and  shoulders  above  all  the  people. 
A  dozen  of  them  were  either  six  feet  or  more  in  stature  or 
above  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  pounds  in  weight,  or  both. 
Several,  however,  were  of  frail  and  slight  physique.  The  larg- 
est of  them  all  is  the  President  of  the  present  quadrennium, 
six  feet  and  more  in  height  and  three  hundred  pounds  and 
more  in  weight.  Next  to  him  comes  Grover  Cleveland.  But 
there  has  been  no  tendency  upward  in  height  and  weight,  for 
among  the  very  small  men  came  Benjamin  Harrison,  sand- 
wiched in  between  the  two  terms  of  Cleveland.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  list  stands  the  man  who  probably  in  sheer  muscle 
was  the  strongest  of  all,  the  superb  Washington,  six  feet  two 
and  a  half  inches  in  his  stocking- feet,  weighing  over  two  hun- 
dred pounds.  He  could  ride  one  horse  after  another  all  day 
long, _  day  after  day.  It  is  gravely  recorded  that  he  threw  a 
Spanish  silver  dollar  across  the  tidewaters  of  the  wide  Rappa- 
hannock. In  the  prints  of  the  day,  he  was  pictured  as  a  mighty 
athlete,  stripped  for  boxing  and  weight-throwing.  His  run- 
ning jump  was  twenty-two  feet.    In  his  youth,  he  could  dance 


34  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

all  night.  As  the  years  passed,  he  became  valiant  at  the  dinner- 
table,  often  eating  and  drinking  for  three  or  four  hours  with 
his  guests. 

Both  the  Adamses  were  good  swimmers,  but  of  other  ath- 
letic prowess  little  is  reported.  They  were  small,  stout  men. 
For  one  who  was  thin  and  over  six  feet  tall,  Jefferson  was  a 
good  horseman.  Madison  was  a  small,  slight  man,  never 
strong.  Monroe  was  scarcely  his  superior.  Jackson  always 
had  poor  health  but  marvelous  endurance.  He  sat  his  saddle 
well.  He  was  of  middle  height  but  slender.  His  bones  were 
heavy.  The  bullet  of  Dickinson  in  a  duel  splintered  against 
his  ribs.  Van  Buren  was  a  short,  stout  man,  disinclined  to 
exercise.  W.  H.  Harrison  was  vigorous,  six  feet,  and  an  out- 
door athlete.  Tyler  was  a  quiet  gentleman  of  good  height 
and  strength,  but  though  a  planter,  not  interested  in  sports  or 
any  other  physical  exercise.  Polk  was  like  Madison  and 
Monroe. 

Taylor  was  a  large,  strong  man,  not  so  tall  as  Harrison  but 
heavier,  and  an  out-door  athlete.  By  disposition,  Fillmore  was 
another  Van  Buren,  though  above  six  feet  tall,  but  as  indif- 
ferent to  physical  exercise.  Pierce,  the  lawyer,  was  like  Tyler. 
Buchanan  was  large  and  tall  but  an  indoors  man  of  sedentary 
habits.  Lincoln  was  six  feet  four  inches  in  height,  but  weighed 
only  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  pounds.  He  had  strength 
to  work  and  to  fight  in  his  youth;  as  President,  however,  he 
took  but  little  exercise  and  was  in  poor  health.  Johnson  was 
of  good  size  and  weight  but  cared  nothing  for  exercise.  Grant, 
who  was  small  and  heavy,  was  a  good  horseman  but  seldom 
rode  for  pleasure.  Hayes  was  a  large,  cheerful,  healthy  man 
who  enjoyed  life  but  cared  nothing  for  physical  exertion. 
Garfield  was  more  active.  Arthur  was  like  Van  Buren,  Fill- 
more, and  Buchanan,  though  not  so  tall  as  the  last.  Cleveland 
went  fishing,  which  is  good  for  the  lungs  because  of  the  out- 
door air ;  he  was  tall  and  very  heavy.  Harrison  was  small  and 
stout  but  in  no  sense  an  athlete  or  sportsman.  McKinley  was 
of  medium  height  and  weight,  and  sedentary.  Roosevelt 
weighed  above  two  hundred  and  twenty-five,  rode  horseback, 
played  tennis,  went  hunting, — an  inharmonious  combination 
of  Washington,  Jackson,  Harrison,  Taylor, — an  all-around 
athlete,  first-class  at  nothing  but  ambitious  in  everything  in 
the  way  of  bodily  exercise,  essentially  vigorous.     Taft  plays 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  35 

golf  because  he  likes  the  game  and  works  in  a  gymnasium 
mornings  to  keep  down  his  weight. 

The  review  suggests  that  size,  weight,  strength  and  activity 
have  had  little  or  nothing  to  do  with  securing  the  Presidency 
or  with  succeeding  in  it. 

Temperaments  and  Dispositions  of  the  Presidents. — 
To  mention  "temperament"  is  at  once  to  bring  before  the  mind 
the  men  who  most  exhibited  what  is  popularly  meant  by  that 
term, — a  natural  character  uncorrected  by  experience.  We 
think  at  once  of  Jackson,  the  explosive  and  terrible  when  pro- 
voked, otherwise  gentle  and  agreeable;  of  Roosevelt,  explosive 
and  voluble  and  indefatigable ;  of  Washington,  silent,  dignified 
and,  it  is  said,  "stately";  of  Grant,  the  imperturbable. 

When  a  man  reaches  the  Presidency,  usually  his  natural 
temperament  is  so  overlaid  with  habits,  so  suffused  with  aspi- 
rations, so  calmed  by  trials,  as  not  always  to  be  easily  discern- 
able.  Half  the  Presidents  were  already  touched  by  senescence, 
which  soon  destroys  the  motor-temperaments  and  indicates 
falsely  the  reflectiveness  of  other  temperaments.  And  yet 
nearly  all  Presidents  were  naturally  of  the  motor-tempera- 
ments,— muscular,  sinewy  or  nervous.  Such  temperaments 
are  by  no  means  essential  to  success  as  President,  but  they  are 
almost  essential  to  success  in  seeking  the  Presidency.  There- 
fore, the  war-heroes  win.  Such  men  as  the  Adamses,  Madi- 
son, Cleveland,  and  Taft  did  not  seek  the  office  in  the  fashion 
of  the  warriors. 

For  industrial  and  commercial  success,  the  motor-tempera- 
ments are  essential.  Merchants,  manufacturers,  farmers,  me- 
chanics, miners,  seafarers  admire  the  man  who  "gpes,"  the 
man  who  "does,"  because  he  is  like  themselves.  Yet  states- 
manship is  not  going  and  doing. 

The  Presidency  is  by  no  means  solely  an  executive  function. 
Strong  driving  power  is  not  the  temperamental  necessity.  In 
selecting  Justices,  Secretaries,  diplomats,  and  the  subordinates 
of  importance,  judgment  is  all-essential.  The  doer  is  seldom 
a  good  observer  and  critic.  The  Presidency  is  also  a  legislative 
function;  and  legislation  requires  study,  contemplation,  rea- 
soning. 

Men  01  every  variety  of  temperament  have  been  President, 
— the  anaemic   sedentary  Madison,   the   sanguine   sedentary 


S6  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Adamses,  the  corpulent  sedentary  Cleveland,  the  muscular- 
motor  Taylor,  the  nervous-motor  Jackson,  the  sinewy-motor 
Lincoln.  Whatever  be  a  man's  native  temperament,  until  cor- 
rected, he  looks  upon  the  qualities  of  others  as  faults  or  even 
vices.  No  educated  or  socially  experienced  man  permits  him- 
self to  manifest  crudely  his  natural  qualities. 

Temperament  may  be  otherwise  stated, — as  voluntary,  re- 
flex or  critical  in  action.  The  first  is  childish,  the  second 
machine-like,  the  third,  considerate  but  sometimes  dilatory. 
Tyler  illustrates  the  first,  being  inconsistent  yet  active;  Polk 
the  second,  being  a  driver  but  inconsiderate ;  and  Taft  the  last, 
perfectly.  The  voluntary  are  victims  of  "bright  ideas"  and 
whims;  the  second,  of  habits  of  thinking  and  doing;  the  last, 
of  over-caution  and  of  dispassionateness  to  inaction,  even  in- 
difference. By  its  quality,  every  temperament  tends  to  destroy 
the  individual.  But  no  man  has  reached  the  Presidency  with 
an  uncorrected  temperament.  What  he  has  had  has  been  a 
disposition  founded  upon  and  rounded  out  from  his  native 
temperament.  For  this  reason,  the  common  talk  in  Washing- 
ton of  "a  Presidential  temperament"  is  beside  the  mark.  There 
is  no  such  thing.  If  there  were,  it  would  be  a  muscular-motor 
temperament  calculated  to  win  the  nomination  and  election; 
and  thereafter  to  wreck  the  office  and  the  nation.  The  de- 
sideratum is  any  temperament  duly  disciplined  by  experience 
and  chastened  by  affliction  into  something  else. 

Family  Status. — Our  standard  of  sex-morals  for  men  has 
slowly  changed  since  1789.  We  know  but  little  accurately  of 
the  earlier  Presidents  respecting  their  relations  with  women. 
But  it  is  well  to  pause  be  fore  condemning  any  man  and  to  recall 
that  Moses,  who  wrote  the  Ten  Commandments,  including 
the  fifth,  had  at  one  time  two  regular  wives  and  that  he  author- 
ized husbands  to  divorce  their  wives  with  bills  of  writing — 
no  trial  in  court  being  necessary.  If  wre  can  give  clean  bills 
of  health  to  nearly  all  Presidents  upon  this  score,  we  may 
properly  felicitate  the  nation ;  the  record  is  unique  in  history. 
No  hereditary  dynasty  ever  had  a  series  of  monarchs  with 
clean  scores ;  or  ever  will  have. 

Wives  of  the  Presidents. — We  know  too  little  of  the 
mothers  and  fathers,  of  the  grandmothers  and  grandfathers 
of.  the  Presidents.  We  know  also  too  little  of  their  wives. 
And  yet  what  we  do  know  is  important.     For  one  item, — the 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  37 

Harrisons,  Garfield  and  Cleveland  were  near  kin.  Of  course, 
the  Adamses  were  father  and  son. 

George  Washington  married  one  of  the  wealthiest  women 
in  America.  Without  her  cash,  he  could  never  have  financed 
himself  as  the  unpaid  commander  of  a  rebellion  that  at  times 
degenerated  into  guerrilla  warfare.  Even  as  a  war-hero,  with- 
out her  funds,  he  might  not  have  reached  the  Presidency  in  an 
age  when  wealth  counted  relatively  far  more  than  it  does 
to-day.  The  common  taunt  of  his  enemies  that  "the  Widow 
Custis  saved  him  from  being  a  common  planter"  had  its  bitter- 
ness in  its  relative  truth.  Still,  Washington  had  the  judgment 
to  select  her  and  the  personal  charm  to  win  her ;  and  deserves 
credit  accordingly.  Martha  Dandridge  Custis  was  an  essential 
factor  in  his  success. 

Abigail  Smith  took  an  ordinary  parsimonious  Massachu- 
setts grammar  school  teacher  turned  lawyer,  getting  fees  with 
equal  greed  from  Tory  and  Patriot  alike,  an  irascible,  con- 
ceited, industrious  self-seeker,  and  converted  him  to  public 
uses.  She  made  him  President,  and  gave  to  him  a  son  who 
also  became  President  under  similarly  competent  training.  She 
was  a  Quincy;  and  a  proud  race  may  well  be  proud  of  this 
their  greatest  scion. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  the  first  wife  of  Patrick  Henry  had 
not  died,  and  if  the  second  wife  had  not  been  so  domestic  that 
she  would  not  let  him  out  of  her  sight,  he  might  easily  have 
risen  to  so  great  a  political  figure  as  to  have  been  President 
instead  of  Washington,  for  he  was  far  more  popular  in  the 
South.  One  tour  of  Henry  into  the  North  in  1787  might  have 
changed  all  later  American  political  history,  for  he  was  always 
the  first  orator  of  his  times.  Their  wives, — the  dispositions 
and  health  of  four  women, — largely  determined  the  destinies 
of  three  men, — and,  therefore,  of  this  nation. 

The  whole  later  situation  is  similarly  well  worth  considera- 
tion. The  death  of  the  wife  of  Thomas  Jefferson  in  the  middle 
of  his  career  created  widespread  sympathy  for  him,  and  his 
continuing  widowerhood  gave  him  time  for  political  activities. 
Madison's  wife  made  his  home  socially  popular.  Monroe's 
wife  belonged  to  a  fine  Northern  family.  Perhaps  the  career 
of  J.  Q.  Adams  was  less  affected  by  his  wife  chan  that  of  any 
earlier  President,  but  the  social  prestige  of  her  Maryland 
ramily  helped  even  a  President's  son. 


38  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

The  case  of  Andrew  Jackson  is  of  absorbing  interest.  He 
offended  not  only  the  proprieties  but  also  decency  and  sound 
morals  by  capturing  a  wife's  vagrant  fancy.  This  reckless 
exploit  fascinated  all  the  Western  country.  Over  it,  Jackson 
fought  a  duel.  Throughout  his  lifetime,  it  made  him  a  cause 
of  endless  fireside,  country-store  and  pulpit  discussion.  With- 
out a  single  really  obvious  qualification  for  the  Presidency, 
Jackson  owed  his  election  to  this  marriage,  to  the  battle  of 
New  Orleans,  and  to  his  own  measureless  egotism.  And  then 
to  the  world's  astonishment,  he  made  a  fairly  good  President. 

Van  Buren  was  a  widower  with  grown  sons  and  much  of 
a  social  lion  among  ladies;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  his 
marriage  affected  his  career.  This  is  equally  true  of  the 
patriarchal  William  Henry  Harrison.  But  the  complete  change 
in  the  political  skill  of  Tyler,  following  the  death  of  his  first 
wife,  and  his  prompt  second  marriage  suggest  the  question  as 
to  whether  or  not  the  wife  of  his  youth  was  not  the  real  poli- 
tical director  of  his  earlier  successes. 

As  for  Polk,  it  was  the  money  of  Sarah  Childress  that  gave 
him  the  means  to  work  freely  in  politics ;  and  it  was  her  social 
grace  that  made  his  home  a  power  in  Washington.  Taylor 
always  said  that  his  wife  was  the  cause  of  all  his  achievements. 
She  went  upon  all  his  military  campaigns  with  him  and  was 
the  financier.  The  attractive  wife  of  Fillmore  was  well  con- 
nected. She  came  of  that  Leland  family  which  was  said  to 
have  more  blood-relatives  than  any  other  in  America.  An 
influence  of  this  kind  certainly  could  not  have  delayed  her 
husband's  progress.  The  wife  of  Pierce  was  a  charming  and 
brilliant  lady. 

The  case  of  Buchanan,  the  bachelor,  stands  out  unique.  His 
betrothed  died,  and  he  remained  faithful  to  her  memory.  Does 
this  explain  in  part  at  least  his  absorption  in  politics  and  at 
the  same  time  the  social  favor  always  accorded  to  him?  In 
every  aspect  of  private  morals,  no  better  man  was  ever 
President. 

Mary  Todd  married  Abraham  Lincoln, — persuaded  him  to 
marry  herself,  to  put  it  accurately, — in  order  to  make  him 
President.  She  said  so  herself,  said  that  he  was  the  smartest 
man  she  knew  and  certain  to  be  the  most  popular.  She  al- 
ways talked  to  him  and  about  him  on  the  assumption  that  he 
would  be  President.     That  kind  of  home  atmosphere  is  con- 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  39 

tagious.  She  herself  was  a  clever  woman,  though  not  an 
agreeable  one. 

Grant  had  a  good  wife.  Without  her,  he  would  probably 
have  died  a  drunkard  before  1861.  Bessie  McCardle  taught 
Johnson  nearly  all  that  he  ever  really  knew  and  was  the  good 
genius  of  his  life.  Hayes  was  well  married  to  a  lady  of  prop- 
erty. Arthur  was  a  widower,  a  club  man,  a  man-about-town, 
a  man's  man.  Obviously,  Cleveland's  relations  with  women 
had  nothing  to  recommend  him  to  decent  men  for  the  first 
term  in  the  Presidency.  He  arrived  with  apparently  the  worst 
handicap  an  able  man  can  have.  Benjamin  Harrison  was  well 
married.  That  the  influence  upon  McKinley  of  his  beautiful 
semi-invalid  wrife  was  wholly  for  good  because  she  herself 
was  highly  intelligent  and  thoroughly  good,  everyone  knows 
or  should  know.  She  did  not  actively  promote  his  progress, 
but  she  made  him  personally  gracious  and  therefore  popular; 
and  having  lost  her  children,  she  had  time  to  give  to  him  her 
woman's  view  of  his  problems. 

Each  of  the  wives  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  was  wealthy, 
well-born  and  a  social  favorite.  The  wife  of  William  Howard 
Taft  has  always  been  a  political-minded,  ambitious  woman, 
like  himself,  with  enormously  rich  relatives. 

The  Limited  Meaning  of  a  Happy  Marriage. — Over 
against  this  record  should  be  set  that  of  the  wives  of  other 
men  who  sought  but  did  not  attain  the  Presidency.  Superla- 
tive merit  in  a  wife  is  no  essential  for  reaching  that  height. 
A  good  wife,  a  rich  wife,  a  stolen  wife,  a  well-born  wife,  an 
able  wife,  the  memory  of  such  a  wife,  the  loss  of  one  be- 
trothed,— not  one  feature  is  essential.  But  it  helps  a  man 
greatly  that  in  his  career  with  reference  to  women  there  should 
be  something  distinctive ;  either  good  that  makes  good  women 
and  good  men  think  well  of  him  or  bad  that  makes  him  so 
prominent  as  to  cause  his  good  or  great  other  qualities  to  be 
clearly  seen.  For  political  purposes,  in  a  world  of  good  and 
evil,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  record  of  Grover  Cleveland 
actually  forwarded  his  interests,  not  because  men,  even  bad 
men,  approved  the  record,  but  because  against  such  blackness 
the  white  qualities  of  the  man  shone  brilliantly.  How  great 
a  name  might  such  a  man  have  had — if!  if,  early  in  his  man- 
hood, he  had  seen  and  recognized  such  a  helpmeet  as  the  wife 
who  at  last  came  into  his  life! 


40  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Of  not  one  man  can  we  say  that  whatever  his  experience 
with  women,  he  would  certainly  have  been  President;  yet  of 
nearly  every  one,  we  must  report  that  his  good  or  evil  fortune 
in  respect  to  women  was  nearly  or  quite  decisive  in  shaping 
his  career.  And  it  is  altogether  well  that  this  is  so,  for  the 
President  is  over  all  the  people, — the  women  and  the  children 
as  well  as  the  men,  over  the  homes  as  well  as  the  factories, 
stores,  mines,  and  farms. 

Moral  Characters. — The  shameful  thing  is  not  that  men 
in  some  respects  not  clean  are  called  to  the  Presidency,  but 
that  once  there,  by  a  conspiracy  of  silence  regarding  their 
sins,  they  are  held  up  hypocritically  as  ideals,  even  as  idols, 
for  a  nation's  unreserved  worship.  Final  history  is  not  so 
written.  Truth  has  a  way  of  coming  to  its  own.  Even  "charity 
rejoices  in  the  truth." 

One  who  conceals  the  truth  soon  comes  not  to  care  for  it; 
and  one  who  does  not  care  for  the  truth  soon  loses  interest 
even  in  his  beliefs.  And  one  who  is  not  earnest  in  his  beliefs 
must  lose  not  only  his  intelligence  but  also  his  character. 
Truth-seeking  and  truth-speaking  are  the  price  of  self-respect. 

The  White  House  Families. — Almost  every  President 
has  had  children.  Candid  history  has  not  diligently  inquired 
into  the  lives  of  all  the  Presidents;  but  if  in  any  measure  in 
the  absence  of  positive  information,  rumors  and  traditions 
are  to  be  heeded,  only  Polk  and  Buchanan  were  really  childless 
when  first  elected  to  the  Presidency.  The  bachelor  does  not 
get  near  to  men's  hearts.  Cleveland's  frank  acknowledgment, 
"Tell  the  truth,"  gained  rather  than  lost  votes. 

Most  of  the  Presidents  had  happy  family  households.  J. 
Adams  and  his  son  had  wives  and  children  and  grandchildren. 
Jefferson  had  two  grown  daughters.  Madison  had  wife  and 
stepchildren,  a  beautiful  household.  Monroe  had  a  wife  and 
two  daughters.  Jackson  was  alone,  all  alone;  he  had  stolen 
his  affinity  from  another  man's  hearthstone.  This  marriage 
had  been  happy,  though  childless ;  but  Mrs.  Jackson  had  died 
at  the  time  of  her  husband's  election, — of  a  broken  heart,  he 
said,  because  of  the  publication  of  the  circumstances  of  their 
union.  Van  Buren  had  four  stalwart  sons.  W.  H.  Harrison 
had  wife,  children,  grandchildren,  a  large  family.  Tyler  had 
wife  and  grown  children.     In  his  administration,  the  White 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  41 

House  saw  a  funeral  of  a  matron  and  the  wedding  of  a  youth- 
ful bride.  Public  opinion  was  shocked.  Yet  both  his  mar- 
riages were  happy  and  fruitful.  Polk  had  a  beautiful  wife  but 
no  offspring.  Taylor  had  a  charming  household, — wife, 
children,  son-in-law,  grandchildren.  Fillmore  was  well  mar- 
ried and  had  children.  Pierce  had  lost  three  sons.  Buchanan 
was  alone  in  the  world.  Lincoln  had  wife  and  three  boys,  of 
whom  one  died  in  the  White  House,  to  his  almost  desperate 
grief,  for  he  was  a  devoted  father.  Johnson  had  wife,  children 
and  grandchildren.  Grant  had  a  fine  family.  Hayes  had 
wife,  children  and  grandchildren.  Benjamin  Harrison's  wife 
died  in  the  White  House;  they  had  grown  children.  Cleve- 
land in  his  second  term  had  a  young  wife  and  small  children. 
Arthur,  a  widower,  had  a  son  and  daughter.  McKinley 
and  his  wife  had  lost  their  two  children;  they  were  true  life- 
long lovers.  Roosevelt  had  six  children,  one  by  his  first  wife. 
He  has  always  been  a  good  husband  and  father.  Taft  has  a 
wife  and  three  children,  and  a  pleasant  home-life. 

Minor  Morals. — As  to  the  minor  virtues  of  non-use  or  of 
strict  moderation  in  using  alcohol  and  tobacco,  the  record  of 
the  Presidents  is  good.  Jefferson,  Pierce,  Johnson,  Grant, 
Arthur,  and  Cleveland  erred  as  to  alcohol ;  Jackson,  Grant  and 
McKinley  were  excessive  users  of  tobacco.  But  no  other 
Presidents  were  incapacitated  seriously  even  upon  occasions 
from  either  of  these  minor  vices.  On  aesthetic  grounds,  we 
may  delight  in  the  good  examples  of  such  recent  Presidents 
as  Lincoln,  Hayes,  Roosevelt,  and  Taft;  but  both  Grant  and 
Cleveland  were, — to  use  a  mild  term, — "careless"  in  respect 
to  alcoholic  stimulants  and  to  tobacco.  One  was  a  weak,  per- 
haps even  a  bad,  President,  the  other  strong  and  good. 

In  money  matters,  the  unhappy  examples  of  Jefferson  and 
of  Monroe,  in  early  days,  have  been  warnings  to  later  states- 
men. Notably  careful  and  thrifty  were  Van  Buren,  Buch- 
anan, Lincoln,  Hayes,  and  Cleveland. 

Painstaking  honesty  in  money  affairs  has  characterized 
nearly  every  successful  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

Selfishness  and  Manners. — Those  who  would  setup  such 
propositions  as  that  "the  people  will  not  elect  a  selfish  man 
President"  or  "an  unselfish  man  has  no  chance,  for  he  is  sure 
to  be  crowded  out"  are  hard  put  to  it  to  make  their  argument. 
The  contrasts  are  startling.     We  have  had  at  least  a  half 


42 


HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 


dozen  intensely  selfish  Presidents  in  the  simplest  meaning  of 
that  term, — men  who  asked  first,  "Where  do  I  come  in  on 
that?"  And  we  have  had,  by  way  of  startling  contrast,  Jef- 
ferson, Monroe,  W.  H.  Harrison,  Lincoln,  and  McKinley. 

Moralists  do  well  and  frankly  to  admit  that  neither  does 
egoism  prevent  large  public  service  nor  does  altruism  prepare 
for  it.  Perhaps  the  man  who  looks  well  to  his  own  going  may 
be  a  wise  guide  for  all  of  us.  At  any  rate,  Washington,  Jack- 
son, Van  Buren  and  Cleveland,  though  conspicuously  selfish 
men  in  small  matters,  were  useful  Presidents. 

There  are  various  kinds  of  manners, — "fashionable,"  good, 
kind  though  rude,  and  none.  Manners  are  conspicuously  mat- 
ters of  taste  and  opinion ;  but  these  four  graded  lists  serve  to 
set  the  distinctions : 


rntended  to  be 

Kind 

fashionable. 

Good. 

though  rude.      Almost  none, 

Washington 

John  Adams 

W.  H.  Harrison  Johnson 

J.  Q.  Adams 

Jefferson 

Polk                        Grant 

Jackson 

Madison 

Taylor                    Cleveland 

Pierce 

Monroe 

Lincoln. 

Buchanan 

Tyler 

Garfield 

Fillmore 

Arthur 

Hayes 

Roosevelt 

B.  Harrison 

Taft 

McKinley 

Formal  manners,  however  insincere,  evidently  help  toward 
the  Presidency.  The  plain  people  like  to  hear  "Delighted  to 
see  you"  from  a  stranger.     It  is  the  language  of  friends. 


ROAD  TO  THE 

Months  of  Birth. 

Jan.    Fillmore,  McKinley. 

Feb.  Washington,  W.  H.  Har- 
rison, Lincoln 

Mar.  Madison,  Jackson,  Tyler, 
Cleveland. 

April  Jefferson,  Monroe,  Buch- 
anan, Grant. 

May 

June 

July    J.  Q.  Adams. 

Aug.  B.  Harrison. 


Sept.  Taft. 

Oct.  J.  Adams,  Hayes,  Arthur, 

Roosevelt. 
Nov.  Polk,   Pierce,  Garfield. 
Dec.  Van  Buren,  Johnson. 


WHITE  HOUSE  43 

Months  of  Death. 

Tyler,  Hayes. 
J.  Q.  Adams. 

Fillmore,  B.  Harrison. 


W.  H.  Harrison. 

Madison,  Jackson,  Polk, 
Buchanan,  Cleveland. 

J.  Adams,  Jefferson,  Mon- 
roe, Van  Buren,  Taylor, 
Johnson,  Grant. 

Pierce. 

Arthur. 
Washington. 


The  three  Presidents  who  were  assassinated  died  in  April, 
September,  and  September,  respectively. 

Those  who  believe  that  the  month  that  sees  the  advent  of  a 
person  to  this  life  is  of  considerable  importance  would  do  well 
to  note  this  list.  February  and  March  are  certainly  starred 
splendidly.  More  human  beings  are  born  in  May  than  in  any 
one  other  month,  and  yet  this  month  has  seen  no  President 
arrive.  If  the  stars  that  are  said  to  preside  over  births  have 
aught  to  do  with  character  and  luck,  what  shall  we  say  of 
October  that  brought  such  diverse  men  here  as  Hayes  and 
Roosevelt  ? 

Evidently,  the  early  months  of  summer  are  highly  morbific 
for  old  men. 

Occupation  of  Parents. — Fourteen  Presidents  had 
farmers  or  planters  for  fathers, — the  first  six,  Jackson,  Van 
Buren,  Polk,  Taylor,  Garfield,  and  B.  Harrison.  Three  had 
lawyers, — J.  Q.  Adams,  Tyler,  Taft.  Two  had  clergymen, — 
Cleveland,  Arthur.  Three  had  merchants, — Buchanan,  Hayes, 
and  Roosevelt.  One  had  a  hunter, — Lincoln ;  another  had  an 
iron  manufacturer,  McKinley;  one  had  a  politician,  W.  H. 


44  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Harrison;  another  a  sexton  and  constable,  Johnson;  one  a 
tanner,  Grant. 

Four  Presidents  had  at  least  one  parent  of  foreign  birth. 

Ages  of  the  Presidents  in  Office. — Considerable  age 
has  not  been  a  requirement  for  the  Presidency.  Our  youngest 
Chief  Magistrate  was  Theodore  Roosevelt,  who  arrived  at 
forty-two  years,  an  age  when  men  are  just  finding  themselves 
in  ordinary  business  life.  At  inauguration,  our  oldest  Presi- 
dent was  sixty-eight,  W.  H.  Harrison.  Next  to  him  was 
James  Buchanan,  sixty-six  less  seven  weeks. 

Upon  entering  office,  the  average  age  of  our  Presidents  has 
been  fifty-six  years.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  March 
(inauguration  delayed,  however,  until  April),  1789,  Wash- 
ington was  fifty-seven  years  old;  in  March,  1801,  Jefferson 
also  was  fifty-seven;  in  March,  1829,  Jackson  became  sixty- 
two,  while  in  March,  1861,  Lincoln  was  but  fifty-two.  It  is 
an  office  attained  in  what  would  have  seemed  to  the  Fathers 
in  the  Constitutional  Convention  "old  age."  They  were  fathers 
then,  not  grandfathers.  Their  own  average  age  was  but 
thirty-seven  years.  We  now  call  fifty-six  "advanced  middle 
life." 

The  Presidents  of  the  highest  administrative  efficiency 
have,  in  general,  been  the  younger  among  these  men, — Polk 
was  forty-nine  when  his  term  began  in  1845,  and  Cleveland 
became  forty-eight  in  1885.  The  extreme  youth,  as  the  Presi- 
dency goes,  of  Roosevelt  has  already  been  remarked.  His 
administrative  efficiency  is  too  well  known  to  require  emphasis. 
But  such  efficiency,  however,  has  been  by  no  means  always 
synonymous  with  success  and  usefulness  as  President. 

The  Voting  Residences. — The  State  of  their  voting  resi- 
dence has  had  a  deal  to  do  with  the  election  of  candidates  to 
the  Presidency.  In  early  days,  Virginia  was  "the  mother  of 
Presidents."  She  has  given  to  us  five, — Washington,  Jeffer- 
son, Madison,  Monroe,  and  Tyler.  The  fathers  of  several 
other  Presidents  were  Virginians, — indeed,  William  Henry 
Harrison,  though  nominated  from  Ohio,  was  himself  a  native 
Virginian ;  so  was  Taylor.  To-day,  Ohio  and  New  York  are 
disputing  primacy  as  the  pedestal  to  the  Presidency, — Ohio 
named  W.  H.  Harrison  in  1840,  Hayes  in  1876,  Garfield  in 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  45 

1880,  McKinley  in  1896,  and  Taft  in  1908;  while  New  York 
named  Van  Buren  in  1836,  Fillmore  (as  Vice-President)  in 
1848,  Arthur  (as  Vice-President)  in  1880,  Cleveland  in  1884, 
and  Roosevelt  (as  Vice-President)  in  1900.  Tennessee  has 
had  three  Presidents, — Andrew  Jackson  (a  native  of  South 
Carolina)  in  1829,  Polk  (a  North  Carolinian)  in  1845,  an<^ 
Andrew  Johnson  (as  Vice-President)  in  1865. 

In  this  present  epoch,  it  is  clearly  advantageous  to  be  a 
resident  either  of  New  York  or  of  its  western  neighbor,  Ohio. 
Along  with  the  center  of  population,  which  is  now  at  Bloom- 
ington,  Indiana,  the  nursery  of  the  Presidents  is  moving  west- 
ward. It  is  a  reciprocal  relation  of  cause  and  effect.  Had 
Blaine  lived  in  New  York  State  or  in  Ohio,  he  would  have 
defeated  Cleveland;  but  in  this  world,  nearly  everything  off- 
sets,— he  might  have  been  unable  to  get  to  the  front  either  in 
New  York  or  in  Ohio,  for  he  tried  both  his  native  State  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Kentucky  before  trying  at  twenty-four  years 
of  age  a  middle  walk  of  life  in  Maine.  Live  near  and  east 
of  the  limelighted  center  of  population  in  order  to  be  known 
in  time. 

Youthful  Wealth  or  Poverty. — Assuming  that  one- 
tenth  of  the  population  at  each  period  of  our  history  have  been 
well-to-do  or  wealthy,  one-half  in  moderate  circumstances, 
and  three-tenths  poor,  one  observes  that  to  preserve  the  ratios 
three  Presidents  should  have  been  born  of  well-to-do  parents, 
thirteen  of  parents  in  moderate  circumstances,  and  ten  of  poor 
parents.  The  facts  show  that  the  well-to-do  have  an  enormous 
advantage.  To  this  class  belonged  the  parents  of  Washing- 
ton, Jefferson,  Madison,  J.  O.  Adams,  Tyler,  Taylor,  Pierce, 
Buchanan,  Hayes,  B.  Harrison,  Roosevelt  and  Taft, — twelve 
in  all.  To  the  class  of  those  in  moderate  circumstances  be- 
longed the  parents  of  J.  Adams,  Monroe,  Polk,  Van  Buren, 
W.  H.  Harrison,  Fillmore,  Grant,  Arthur,  Cleveland,  and  Mc- 
Kinley,— ten  in  all.  To  the  poor  by  birth  belonged  Jackson, 
Lincoln,  Johnson,  and  Garfield, — four  in  all.  And  yet  these 
facts  show  that  even  the  very  poor,  even  those  who  in  child- 
hood do  not  have  food  enough,  are  not  barred  from  the  Presi- 
dency. The  only  requirement  is  to  get  food  enough  to  keep 
alive.  Lincoln  never  owned  what  men  call  "clothes"  until  past 
his  majority;  his  poverty  was  almost  desperate. 

Nearly  All   Presidents   Migratory  in  Youth. — Yet 


46  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

more  significant  are  such  facts  as  changes  of  location  and  loss 
of  parents  in  the  upgrowing  of  youth,  It  is  a  strange,  pathetic, 
startling  truth  that  childhood  troubles  increase  the  chances  of 
success.  But  few  Presidents  were  allowed  to  grow  up  in  their 
home-towns.  Washington  lost  his  father  early  and  went 
a-roaming.  Jackson,  Polk,  Lincoln,  Cleveland  and  half  of 
the  others  were  wanderers  in  youth.  Jackson  as  a  growing 
boy  indeed  had  neither  mother  nor  father.  The  father  of  the 
soon  motherless  Abraham  Lincoln  was  never  an  asset  to  him. 
Perhaps,  the  social  sympathy  for  an  unfortunate  stranger  boy 
in  a  town  helps  bring  him  into  political  prominence.  Perhaps, 
the  early  necessity  to  shift  for  himself  drives  him  forward. 
At  any  rate,  to  be  motherless  or  fatherless  or  both,  a  stranger, 
and  not  too  poor,  is  an  advantage  in  the  early  stages  of  the 
road  to  the  White  House.  And  yet  we  have  elected  some  men 
who  were  reared  happily  by  their  parents  in  their  home-towns : 
not  nearly  so  many,  however,  as  the  ratio  of  average  of  popu- 
lation requires.  It  is  human  nature  that  generally  communities 
in  their  early  political  careers  back  strangers  whom  they  never 
saw  in  boyhood  rather  than  native  sons.  We  have  been  a 
migratory  people;  and  we  elect  transients  who  are  most  like 
most  of  us. 

Later  Wealth. — At  election,  nearly  all  of  our  Presidents 
have  been  poor  men.  Poverty  is,  of  course,  a  relative  term, 
and  they  were  not  poor  as  compared  with  unskilled  day- 
laborers;  but  they  were  poor  as  compared  with  average  busi- 
ness men  and  lawyers.  Most  of  them  had  been  servants  of 
the  public,  which  reflects  its  own  poverty  in  the  salaries  paid. 

In  i860,  Lincoln  said  that  he  was  not  worth  twenty  thousand 
dollars,  including  his  home  and  office  furniture.  His  friends 
called  the  estimate  twice  too  high.  By  1865,  out  of  the  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars  our  fathers  paid  him  "to  save  the 
Union,"  he  had  saved  about  twenty  thousand  dollars. 

"Workingmen  wanted.  Capitalists  barred."  Such  is  the 
writing  over  the  gateway  to  the  Presidency.  The  several  rich 
men  who  nevertheless  have  passed  in  were  always  under  suspi- 
cion. In  history,  as  in  the  Gospel,  all  things  are  possible,  but 
the  real  millionaire  who  desires  to  enter  the  White  House  as 
tenant  for  four  years  by  election  would  do  well  to  sell  all  that 
he  has  and  to  give  the  proceeds  to  the  poor, — all,  saving  out 
not  even  the  nest  egg  to  a  fortune,  saving  only  a  town  house 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  47 

or  a  modest  farm  for  respectability's  sake  and  perhaps  a  bal- 
ance of  a  few  hundred  dollars  at  his  bankers'.  He  must  re- 
member that  the  American  people  do  not  ask  of  a  Presidential 
candidate,  "Where  did  you  get  it?"  but  "Have  you  got  the 
goods  on  you  or  cached?"  To  have  wealth  is  at  once  to  be 
politically  damned  for  the  Presidency. 

This  fact  recalls  the  vicious  contest  of  1876-7,  when  one- 
millionaire  Hayes  euchered  five-millionaire  Tilden  out  of  the 
Presidency  that  perhaps  he  had  bought  legally. 

In  1844,  Polk  had  the  larger  property  but  Clay  the  larger 
income. 

Mark  Hanna  of  Ohio  could  and  did  make  a  President,  but 
he  could  not  have  made  himself  President  against  a  poor 
man. 

In  nearly  every  Presidential  campaign,  the  poorer  man  has 
won,  backed  by  the  richer  party.  In  1848,  Taylor  was  rich, 
but  Lew  Cass  was  richer;  in  1866,  Lincoln  was  poorer  than 
any  rival ;  the  exceptions  to  the  rule  have  been  very  few.  In 
1896,  and  in  1900,  McKinley,  in  financial  distress,  even  duress, 
defeated  Bryan;  Taft  who  defeated  him  in  1908  was  poorer 
than  he.  Even  wealth  won  by  public  favor  for  voice  and  pen 
is  a  political  debit.  A  statesman  like  a  priest  should  be  poor ; 
so  the  people  think  in  all  Christendom. 

At  election,  the  average  President  has  an  income  from  all 
sources  of  less  than  five  thousand  dollars  a  year.  The  richest 
of  the  Presidents  were  Washington,  Hayes,  and  Roosevelt. 
So  great  have  been  the  changes  in  the  purchasing  power  of 
money  that  no  comparison  between  their  reputed  financial 
positions  is  feasible.  We  don't  know  the  average  equated 
value  of  the  dollar  that  Washington  threw  across  the  Rappa- 
hannock and  of  the  dollar-per-word  that  Roosevelt  received 
for  that  interesting  book  "African  Game  Trails."  But  Wash- 
ington was  one  of  the  four  richest  men  of  his  time  in  1775 — 
the  others  being  John  Hancock  whose  bold  and  beautiful  sig- 
nature graces  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  President 
of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation,  Thomas  Nelson  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  Charles  Carroll  of  Maryland,  signers  with  him. 
Perhaps,  Nelson  was  morally  the  finest  of  them  all,  for  he 
spent  in  the  war  for  the  patriot  cause  every  acre  and  every 
dollar,  dying  penniless, — like  most  of  us. 

Hayes   and   Roosevelt   were   millionaires, — the   latter   the 


48 


HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 


richer.  Taylor  had  less, — just  how  acquired  we  do  not  yet 
know.  Buchanan,  still  less,  perhaps  $300,000,  saved  by  a 
bachelor  from  law  fees,  not  from  salary.  Monroe  had  almost 
nothing,  Johnson  likewise,  and  Garfield.  All  the  rest  had 
something, — save  McKinley,  who  died  insolvent. 

Our  Rich  Presidents. — Hayes  had  such  large  private  in- 
terests as  to  require  in  the  White  House  a  separate  office  for 
their  management  to  which,  under  the  direction  of  his  father, 
one  of  his  grown  sons  devoted  his  entire  time.  The  sources 
of  this  wealth  and  its  investment  have  never  become  known. 
Neither  Washington  nor  Roosevelt  gave  much  personal  atten- 
tion to  the  details  of  their  fortunes,  though  each  was  a  careful 
business  man. 

Annual  Incomes. — The  median  President  in  respect  to 
property  has  not  possessed  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  or  re- 
ceived an  annual  income  of  two  thousand  save  as  he  imme- 
diately earned  it. 

Slaveowners,  Otherwise  Capitalists,  and  the  Self- 
Dependent. — In  any  society,  the  man  who  depends  solely 
upon  hand-to-mouth,  his  own  daily  toil,  no  matter  how  skillful, 
seldom  becomes  a  ruler.  The  status  of  the  Presidents  at  the 
time  of  their  first  elections  was  as  follows,  viz. : 


aveowners. 

Otherwise 

Virtually 

Capitalists. 

Self-dependents.1 

Washington 

Van  Buren 

J.  Adams 

Jefferson 

Buchanan 

J.  0.  Adams 

Madison 

Hayes 

W. 

H    Harrison 

Monroe 

Roosevelt 

Fillmore 

Jackson 

*      *      * 

Pierce 

Polk 

Washington 

Lincoln 

Taylor 

Madison 

Grant 

Tyler 

Polk 

Garfield 

Taylor 

Arthur 
Cleveland 
B.  Harrison 
McKinley 
Taft 

aMost  of  these  men  owned  a  farm  or  a  city  residence  and  some  were 
"worth"  a  few  thousand  dollars  besides. 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  49 

Advantages  of  Being  Older  Children  in  Family. — 
There  are  often  broached  interesting  speculations  as  to  which 
child  of  a  mother  is  the  ablest.  The  Presidency  has  no  posi- 
tive answer;  but  it  seems  to  indicate  the  oldest  or  at  least  the 
older  children.  Primogeniture  in  favor  of  sons  helped  a  little 
in  that  older  age  before  the  Kentish  system  of  equal  heritage 
was  established.  Primogeniture  gave  all  of  the  estate  of 
Washington's  father  to  him  by  a  succession  of  three  steps.1 
It  helped  Thomas  Jefferson  and  James  Madison.  Assuming 
that  in  our  history  the  average  family  has  had  five  children, 
the  Presidency  shows  that  the  chance  of  the  oldest  of  three 
sons,  or  the  elder  of  two,  is  considerably  better  than  that  of 
the  others.  But  parental  favor  has  something  to  do  with  the 
case.  Yet  Benjamin  Franklin,  who  was  of  Presidential  grade, 
was  the  youngest  of  seventeen  children  and  ran  away  from 
home  in  order  to  find  room  to  grow.  The  middle  and  youngest 
children  in  families  are  too  little  influenced  by  adults  to  come 
forward  vigorously;  they  are  smothered  in  childishness  by 
older  children,  and  escape  thereby  through  life  much  affliction. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  middle  of  three  children  of  his 
mother,  the  oldest  being  a  girl,  the  youngest  a  boy  who  died  in 
infancy.  He  was  soon  motherless,  though  he  had  a  good  step- 
mother.    His  father  chose  good  wives. 

J.  Q.  Adams  was  also  the  second  child  and  first  son.^ 

Jackson  was  the  youngest  of  three  doubly  orphaned  boys. 

Small  Families  and  Helpful  Parents. — It  is  note- 
worthy that  distinguished  and  wealthy  parents  help  any  boy 
forward,  which  is  bad  for  the  mediocre  boy,  for  he  cannot 
make  good.  Several  Presidents  have  been  helped  greatly  by 
older  brothers, — both  Washington  and  Taft  by  rich  half- 
brothers. 

Presidents  seldom  come  from  large  families.  Perhaps,  one 
neglected  reason  is  that  "Nil  admirari"  is  too  often  in  the 
mouths  of  brothers  and  sisters  who  "damn"  one  another  "with 
faint  praise."  And  yet  it  is  not  true  that  most  Presidents  have 
made  their  way  forward  alone. 

The  case  of  Garfield  is  seldom  fairly  stated;  he  had  his 
mother  and  the  farm  to  help  him  until  he  was  on  his  own  feet. 
The  "poor  canal-boy"  was  a  campaign  phrase.  Only  Jackson, 
Fillmore,  Lincoln,  Johnson,  and  Cleveland  really  came  up  the 

1See  p.  221,  infra. 


50  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

long  road  to  the  White  House  alone.  Two  of  these  were  so 
marred  in  the  making  as  not  to  be  elected  Presidents.  Fill- 
more was  amiable  but  characterless;  Johnson  ugly  and  of  too 
harsh  a  character.  Every  other  President  was  helped  through 
childhood  and  youth  (and  some  of  the  Presidents  in  early 
manhood)  by  parents  or  near  relatives  or  by  inherited  estates. 
Pierce  had  a  prolonged  infancy,  being  under  wise  and  strong 
paternal  guidance  until  in  middle  life.  J.  Q.  Adams  likewise. 
This  is  measurably  true  of  both  Roosevelt  and  Taft.  But  most 
Presidents  were  not  retarded  by  too  long  association  with 
children.  Perhaps,  the  care  of  smaller  children  does  not  retard 
so  much  as  being  cared  for  by  older  children.  This  may  in 
part  explain  the  superior  progress  of  the  older  children. 

No  "only  child"  of  parents  surviving  until  his  majority  ever 
became  President.  Such  persons  are  indeed  but  i  in  78  of 
the  population.  Orphanage  in  desperate  poverty  yet  permitting 
survival  is  a  far  better  preparation  for  American  politics. 

Similarly,  no  institutional  child  has  arrived  at  this  greatness 
of  manhood. 

An  Early  Start. — An  early  start  in  war  or  in  politics, 
which  is  an  unending  war,  is  helpful.  The  start  is  easier  for 
the  stranger  than  for  the  native  to  get.  Though  the  transient 
has  no  social  standing,  and  nobody  knows  him  and  he  knows 
nobody,  yet  he  gets  a  majority  of  the  ballots  at  election  time. 
There  are  no  ancient  jealousies,  no  family  feuds,  to  bed  war  f 
or  to  sidetrack  him.  Nor  is  the  stranger  as  timid  as  the  native ; 
he  has  seen  at  least  two  worlds,  that  of  "home"  and  this  of 
"here-and-now."  He  is  going  forward  and  upward  because 
he  is  on  the  move. 

War  Records. — A  requirement  of  a  President  is  identifica- 
tion with  some  war.  Let  the  man  who  would  be  President  go 
before  the  enemy  somewhere  and  be  shot  at.  The  people  love 
those  who  hold  their  own  lives  and  those  of  the  enemy  cheap. 
A  soldier  is  a  protector,  and  a  patriot. 

In  lieu  of  the  war-hero,  we  sometimes  elect  a  war-legislator 
or  a  war-diplomat. 

Washington  was  an  Indian  fighter,  a  colonel  against  the 
French,  and  our  Revolutionary  general.  John  Adams  was  an 
agitator  at  home  and  a  diplomat  abroad  for  war.  Jefferson 
wrote  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  became  a  war-gov- 
ernor, and  suffered  greatly  from  war-depredations.     Monroe 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  51 

was  a  soldier.  John  Quincy  Adams  was  a  diplomat  in  the 
War  of  1 81 2.  Jackson  was  a  general  and  a  terrible  Indian 
fighter.  As  State  Senator,  Van  Buren  was  the  star  war- 
jingoist  in  New  York  prior  to  the  War  of  181 2.  William 
Henry  Harrison,  Taylor,  Pierce,  Grant,  Hayes,  Garfield,  Ben- 
jamin Harrison,  McKinley,  and  Roosevelt  were  all  soldiers, 
the  first  seven  being  generals,  the  eighth  a  major,  the  last  a 
colonel;  and  all  saw  service  in  the  field.  Madison  never 
fought,  but  was  made  to  permit  a  war.  In  early  life,  Polk 
was  not  connected  with  any  war,  but  he  made  one.  Buchanan 
was  a  diplomat,  Cleveland  a  fighting  reformer,  Taft  a  colonial 
administrator.  Tyler,  Fillmore,  Johnson,  and  Arthur  were 
Vice-Presidents  elevated  to  the  Presidency  by  death.  Lincoln 
went  to  the  Black  Hawk  War. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  the  man  who,  being  above  seventeen 
and  under  fifty  when  a  real  war  is  on,  stays  at  home  will  not 
be  President;  some  man  who  goes  to  the  front  will  be  pre- 
ferred to  him.  One  might  suppose  that  our  main  concern  in 
America  is  war.  Yet  in  fact  since  1775  we  have  fought  but 
one  year  in  ten, — fifteen  years  of  battles  in  a  hundred  and 
forty-two  years. 

In  the  period  from  1861  to  1865,  °*  6,000,000  men  and 
boys  of  military  size,  one  in  five  went  into  the  Union  armies. 
Two  in  five  were  physically  unfit  to  fight.  It  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at  that,  from  Lincoln  to  McKinley,  we  had  six  Presi- 
dents who  had  seen  battle.  Statistical  probability  favored 
this.  Historically,  if  not  philosophically,  considered,  war  is 
the  supreme  examination  of  peoples;  and  democracy  like  aris- 
tocracy makes  its  warriors  into  rulers,  seldom  good  ones. 
War-comrades  are  usually  loyal  political  supporters.  They 
vote  not  Republican,  but  G.  A.  R.,  which  has  been  the  chief 
asset  of  the  Republican  party  and  its  tariff  beneficiaries. 

Scholarship  of  the  Presidents. — Many  of  the  Presi- 
dents were  students,  even  scholars,  in  a  fine  sense  of  those 
two  words.  Both  the  Adamses,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Pierce, 
Buchanan,  Hayes,  Garfield,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Roosevelt, 
and  Taft  were  all  men  of  learning.  Lincoln  was  a  master- 
artist  in  writing,  and  Jefferson  but  slightly  his  inferior.  Wash- 
ington, J.  Q.  Adams,  Cleveland,  and  Roosevelt  all  wrote  with 
power  if  not  with  skill.  Several  were  orators  or  debaters  of 
excellent  quality.     Among  these  were  J.  Q.  Adams,  Pierce, 


52  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Lincoln,  Garfield,  McKinley,  and  Roosevelt.  Several  were 
thinkers  or  casuists  beyond  other  men  of  their  generation, — 
Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Lincoln. 

It  is  a  fiction  of  tradition  that  several  of  the  Presidents 
were  almost  illiterate.  The  fiction  attaches  to  Jackson,  to 
Lincoln,  and  to  Johnson.  Jackson  made  blunders  in  spelling, 
in  grammar,  and  in  rhetoric;  but  none  in  argumentation  and 
in  exposition.  His  errors  were  of  form,  not  of  substance. 
His  mind  was  good,  his  oral  conversation  lucid,  convincing, 
delightful.  In  a  sense,  Lincoln  was  an  illiterate  until  he  was 
twenty- four  or  five  years  old;  but  by  the  time  that  he  went 
to  Congress,  he  was  admirably  skilled  both  in  written  compo- 
sition and  in  oral  speech,  a  skill  attained  by  study.  Scarcely 
any  other  Americans  ever  knew  the  Bible,  Plutarch,  Black- 
stone,  Shakespeare,  Bunyan,  grammar,  geometry,  and  Ameri- 
can history  as  well  as  he,  for  he  thought  parts  of  them  out 
and  understood  them  clearly.  Johnson  was  less  illiterate  than 
Jackson;  with  a  decent  Congress,  he  would  have  made  an 
average  President. 

Few  youthful  scoundrels  have  ever  become  Presidents  of 
the  United  States;  and  no  man  once  in  office  ever  betrayed 
his  trust  for  personal  profit.  Still,  we  have  had  a  variety  of 
the  somewhat  unworthy.  It  is  interesting  to  see  that  no  man 
who  sat  in  the  seat  of  the  scornful  ever  became  President. 
The  sneer  has  barred  nomination.  We  elect  only  men  who 
are  in  earnest.  It  might  even  be  set  up  and  defended  that  our 
Presidents  have  been  inclined  to  take  themselves  too  seriously. 
Single  individuals  are  seldom  so  important  as  our  Presidents 
have  sometimes  seemed  to  themselves,  forgetting  that  our 
responsibilities  are  only  for  what  we  have  caused  and  can 
change. 

No  fool,  no  ignoramus,  no  child,  no  dotard  can  be  elected 
President,  wherein  election  surpasses  heredity  in  making  a 
nation's  chief  ruler.  We  are  in  peril  enough  of  error  even  as 
we  are,  especially  of  electing  men  once  useful  but  become 
senescent  like  Buchanan,  or  weakling  like  Pierce,  or  mere  war- 
heroes,  pure  specialists,  naive  in  all  other  matters  like  Grant, 
or  political  "availables"  and  the  favorites  of  some  preceding 
President. 

The  Names  of  Our  Presidents. — We  have  yet  to  elect 
a  President  with  a  disagreeable,  a  fanciful,  or  a  painfully 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  53 

common  name.  We  elected  an  Andrew  Jackson,  not  a  "John 
Jackson."  We  do  not  like  long  names, — Hayes  was  handi- 
capped by  the  longest  name  in  the  list.  We  prefer  two  names 
to  three,  and  the  less  letters  and  syllables  the  better.  Cleve- 
land wisely  dropped  Stephen  early  in  his  career.  Roosevelt, 
really  three  syllables,  became  two  in  America;  the  Theodore 
"God-given"  and  Roosevelt  "red  field"  were  attractive.  Ulysses 
S.  Grant  and  U.  S.  Grant  fascinated  millions.  Franklin  Pierce 
was  a  reminder  of  an  American  immortal.  John  Adams  was 
powerful ;  and,  for  popular  uses,  Abraham  Lincoln — "Father 
Abraham" — was  almost  perfect. 
The  table  of  first  names  is : 


James              5, 

William 

3, 

Zachary 

1, 

George             1, 

Thomas 

1, 

Franklin 

1, 

Martin             1, 

Millard 

1, 

Chester 

1, 

(Hiram, 

Ulysses 

1, 

Theodore 

1, 

not  used)     1, 

Rutherford 

1, 

Andrew 

2, 

( Stephen, 

Grover 

1, 

Benjamin 

1, 

not  used)     I, 

John 

3> 

Abraham 

1, 

Nearly  every  President  had  some  sound  of  "a"  in  his  name. 

Probably  the  nicknames  Jim,  Bill,  Jack,  and  Andy  helped 
these  men.  A  man  named  Samuel  in  the  popular  vote  over- 
whelmed one  named  Rutherford.  And  the  Confederates  chose 
a  President  surnamed  Jefferson. 

It  is  improbable  that  a  John  Smith  will  ever  contest  the 
American  Presidency  with  an  Algernon  Clarence  Peterkin. 
As  for  the  four-name  persons,  the  American  voter  and  the 
American  party-leader  have  no  time  or  inclination  to  bother 
with  the  alphabet.  The  Gillespie  that  split  James  from  Blaine 
made  an  open  wound. 

In  Presidential  politics,  "a  good  name  is  rather  to  be  chosen 
than  great  riches." 

But  let  not  the  good  name  be  that  of  a  famous  "blue-blood" 
family  two  generations  away  from  "work."  No  aristocrat 
true  to  the  manner  will  ever  come  to  the  White  House  gates 
with  the  lease  in  his  pocket.  Roosevelt  did  not  have  the 
manners  of  his  birth. 

All  Presidents  Protestant. — By  Constitutional  pro- 
vision, all  our  Presidents  have  been  native  Americans:  and 


54  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

by  fortune,  nearly  all  have  been  wholly  of  descent  from  the 
British  Isles.  Yet  several,  including  Jackson,  have  come  from 
parents  or  grandparents  of  foreign-birth.  Such  being  the 
case,  it  is  noteworthy  that  every  President  has  been  a  Protes- 
tant member  or  sympathizer.  Several  were  church  denomi- 
national leaders.  Among  them  were  several  sons  or  grand- 
sons of  Christian  ministers.  History  finds  no  warrant  for 
regarding  any  of  them  "atheists"  or  even  "infidels,"  as  their 
contemporaries  sometimes  asserted.  They  were  perhaps  free 
thinkers,  a  little  ahead  of  their  times.  Certainly,  no  liberal 
student  of  religion  to-day  would  call  even  Thomas  Jefferson 
"anti-Christian" :  he  was  in  fact  an  Episcopal  vestryman. 

Their  affiliations  were  these,  viz. : 

Episcopalian:  Washington,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe, 
W.  H.  Harrison,  Tyler,  Taylor,  Pierce,  Arthur. 

Presbyterian:  Jackson,  Polk,  Buchanan,  Lincoln,  Cleve- 
land, B.  Harrison. 

Methodist- Episcopalian :  Johnson,  Grant,  Hayes,  Mc- 
Kinley. 

Trinitarian  Congregationalist :    J.  Adams,  J.  Q.  Adams. 

Unitarian  Congregationalist:    Fillmore,   Taft. 

Reformed  Dutch:    Van  Buren,  Roosevelt. 

Disciples :    Garfield. 

(The  President  of  the  Confederacy,  Jefferson  Davis,  was 
a  Baptist.) 

With  over  two  hundred  Christian  denominations  in 
America,  this  record  of  nine  Episcopalians,  six  Presbyterians, 
and  four  Methodists  is  instructive.  The  non-church-member, 
the  member  of  a  small  denomination,  even  the  member  of 
certain  large  denominations,  is  not  in  line  for  the  Presidency. 

Nearly  All  Presidents  Lawyers. — Nearly  all  Presidents 
have  at  one  time  or  another  studied  law.  To  say  that  we  have 
"too  many  lawyers  in  government"  is  as  absurd  as  the  early 
colonial  notion  in  Virginia,  in  New  York,  and  in  Massachu- 
setts that  lawyers  should  be  barred  out,  as  absurd  as  to  say 
that  we  have  "too  many  priests  and  ministers  in  religion"  or 
"too  many  teachers  in  education."  The  law  is  government; 
and  the  lawyers  are  the  profession  that  governs. 

Yet  half  of  the  Presidents  at  election  were  not  practicing 
lawyers,  though  more  of  them  practiced  quietly  than  their 
biographers  have  cared  to  tell.    Is  it  a  relic  of  the  notions  that 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  55 

only  gentlemen  of  property  and  leisure  should  rule  and  that 
Senators  are  Earls  and  Presidents  Kings  ? 

Being  a  lawyer  is  not  a  sine  qua  non  for  the  Presidency. 
But  most  of  the  good  Presidents  were  good  lawyers,  and  some 
were  little  else, — among  them,  Van  Buren,  Lincoln,  Cleveland. 
Yet  most  of  the  Presidents  engaged  in  other  pursuits  and  had 
other  interests  as  well  as  the  law, — among  them,  Jefferson, 
Jackson,  Hayes. 

The  law  helps  politically  for  two  reasons, — the  people  ex- 
pect lawyers  to  be  concerned  in  government;  and  the  clients 
of  successful  lawyers  are,  therefore,  numerous  and  prosperous, 
becoming  groups  of  almost  certain  political  supporters. 

Among  the  Presidents,  only  Washington,  Jackson,  W.  H. 
Harrison,  Johnson,  Grant,  and  Roosevelt  knew  little  or  no 
law ;  the  second,  however,  was  for  a  time  a  judge  and  the  last 
a  university  law-student.  A  knowledge  of  the  law  would 
have  hurt  none  of  these  men. 

We  have  had  in  fact  but  two  great  lawyers  in  the  Presi- 
dency,— Van  Buren  and  Benjamin  Harrison, — and  but  three 
others  notably  good, — J.  Q.  Adams,  Lincoln,  and  Taft.  None 
of  the  others  was  above  the  standard  of  a  fair  lawyer  in  a 
routine  practice. 

Dark  Horse  Candidates. — The  first  seven  Presidents  were 
logical  candidates,  and  the  people  expected  them  to  arrive. 
But  many  of  the  others  were  either  "political  unknowns"  or 
"dark  horse  candidates."  Since  J.  Q.  Adams,  only  Buchanan, 
Cleveland,  McKinley,  and  Taft  were,  in  any  sense,  "inevi- 
tables." To  list  the  "unknowns"  and  the  "dark  horses"  would 
be  to  draw  too  fine  distinctions.  All  the  others  were  more 
or  less  "surprises."  Jackson,  the  war-hero,  was  a  political 
unknown  and  a  vast  surprise  to  the  national  political  managers 
whose  calculations  he  swamped.  No  prophet  ever  could  have 
predicted  the  succession  three  terms  ahead.  The  foremost 
leaders,  the  famous  statesmen  and  politicians  do  not  arrive. 

Party  Leaders  Few. — Misconceptions  regarding  the  Presi- 
dency are  so  numerous  that  it  is  not  advisable  to  try  to  collect 
and  to  correct  them  all.  One  is  that  the  standaid  bearer  is  a 
party  leader  or  at  any  rate  a  good  party  man.  Since  popular 
elections  began,  the  record  is  this : 

W.  H.  Harrison  was  a  moderate  party  man,  a  Whig. 

Tyler  was  a  Democrat  nominated  by  Whigs. 


56  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Polk  was  a  strongly  partisan  Democrat. 

Taylor  had  never  voted,  and  had  no  politics. 

Fillmore,  Pierce,  and  Buchanan  were  partisan  Democrats. 

Lincoln  was  a  partisan  Republican. 

Johnson  was  a  Democrat  nominated  by  Republicans. 

Grant  was  a  moderate  Democrat  nominated  by  Republicans. 

Hayes,  Garfield,  and  Arthur  were  partisan  Republicans. 

Cleveland  was  a  partisan  Democrat. 

B.  Harrison,  McKinley,  Roosevelt,  and  Taft  were  partisan 
Republicans. 

As  for  being  party  leaders,  only  Polk,  Buchanan,  Lincoln, 
Garfield,  Cleveland,  McKinley,  and  Roosevelt  were  party 
leaders,  seven  in  eighteen.  It  is  almost  a  disadvantage  to  be 
a  party  leader.  The  records  of  defeated  Presidential  candi- 
dates show  that  party  leaders  often  fare  badly.  Clay,  a  party 
leader,  was  always  defeated.  So  was  Cass.  Buchanan,  a 
party  leader,  defeated  Fremont,  a  figurehead  candidate.  The 
contest  of  i860  was  between  party  leaders.  Lincoln,  a  party 
leader,  defeated  McClellan,  a  figurehead.  Grant,  also  a  figure- 
head, defeated  Seymour,  a  party  leader.  Four  years  later, 
Grant,  become  a  party  leader,  defeated  Greeley,  a  leader  but 
not  a  party  leader.  Hayes,  scarcely  a  leader,  polled  less  votes 
than  Tilden,  decidedly  a  party  leader.  Garfield,  a  dark  horse 
but  a  leader,  defeated  Tilden,  a  party  leader.  The  contest 
of  1884  was  between  great  party  leaders.  In  1888,  Cleveland, 
a  party  leader,  defeated  Harrison,  not  yet  a  real  leader.  In 
1892,  the  two  leaders  met.  In  1896,  McKinley,  a  great  party 
leader,  defeated  Bryan,  a  rising  party  leader.  In  1900,  he 
defeated  him  again.  In  1904,  Roosevelt,  a  minor  party  leader, 
defeated  Parker,  not  a  leader.  In  1908,  Taft,  in  no  sense  a 
leader,  defeated  Bryan,  a  famous  leader  then. 

Some  of  our  Presidents,  indeed,  had  seen  too  much  service, 
beginning  too  early,  working  too  hard,  resting  too  little,  ar- 
riving too  late;  and  arriving  only  (in  part  at  least)  to  fail. 
Many  certainly  came  to  the  White  House  overworn;  it  was 
almost  their  characteristic  condition,  their  bodies  tired,  their 
heads  a-swim  with  plans,  and  their  hearts  hot  with  hope,  and 
their  souls,  it  may  be,  eager  to  do  right  and  therefore  well. 

Plain  Men  in  the  Economic  Scale  of  Life. — To  most 
Americans,  it  is  comforting  to  know  that  small  means  and  a 
considerable  family  are  almost  essential  to  election  as  Presi- 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  57 

dent.  To  some,  it  is  even  exhilarating  to  know  that  at  sixty 
years  of  age,  W.  H.  Harrison,  former  Governor,  Senator, 
Minister  to  Columbia,  and  Major-General,  was  ekeing  out  a 
living  by  working  a  little  distillery  (not  moonshine  either)  ; 
he  lamented  that  his  product  made  his  neighbors  drunk,  noisy, 
idle  and  poor,  and  closed  it  up,  and  with  it  the  door  of  hope 
of  ever  getting  upon  his  financial  feet  again.  At  sixty-four 
years  of  age,  he  drew  one  month's  salary  as  President,  dying 
poor  indeed  but  with  a  legacy  of  fame  for  his  descendants. 

It  is  a  saying  in  Washington,  "No  gentleman  ever  lives  at 
the  White  House," — meaning  gentleman  of  leisure,  who 
knows  and  practices  the  ways  and  manners  of  good  society. 
In  fact,  the  White  House  has  seen  men  of  various  ranks  of 
society.  Few  Presidents  have  been  strictly  "men  of  fashion." 
Some  of  them,  however,  may  be  so  regarded, — Washington 
and  Roosevelt  lived  in  style ;  likewise,  Arthur  and  Taft.  Other- 
wise, our  Presidents  have  usually  lived  plainly,  very  plainly. 
This  plainness  has  perhaps  often  been  intentionally  exagger- 
ated for  political  purposes ;  but  we  need  no  certificate  to  under- 
stand that  our  Presidents  have  generally  been  neither  spend- 
thrifts nor  overly  good  dressers  and  too  generous  diners.  The 
thrift  of  Hayes  is  famous ;  but  Cleveland  also  saved  money  as 
President.  Thrift  is  a  kind  of  certificate  of  character.  It 
requires  foresight  to  withhold  from  spending. 

Mistakes  We  Have  Not  Made. — We  have  not  been  an 
ungrateful  people.  Not  half  of  these  men  really  deserved 
second  terms.  Of  the  less-than-one-term  Presidents,  none  de- 
served reflections, — personal  bad  habits  interfered  in  the  case 
of  Arthur.  Of  the  one-term  Presidents,  none  except  Roose- 
velt deserved  consideration  for  a  second  term ;  personal  morals 
interfered  in  the  case  of  Pierce ;  and  Roosevelt  was  given  his 
elective  term.  We  have  made  some  bad  mistakes  in  choosing 
Presidents  and  Vice-Presidents ;  and  others  in  reelecting  them ; 
but  we  have  avoided  others  iust  as  bad.  We  did  not  give  to 
Grant  a  third  term. 

This  world  is  not  Heaven  or  Paradise;  and  it  is  not  Hades 
or  any  other  place  (or  ever  will  be  while  men  dwell  upon  it) 
than  what  it  is — an  experiment  in  good  and  evil — somewhat 
more  good  than  evil. 

The  Two-Termers  in  Groups. — The  first  four  of  the  two- 
term  Presidents  were  elected  by  electors  chosen  by  the  State 


58  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

legislatures  and  the  first  five  of  the  two- termers  came  in 
before  the  days  of  party  conventions  to  nominate  Presidents. 
We  can  set  forth  these  two  groups : 

i.  Washington,  Jefferson,   Madison,   Monroe. 

2.  Lincoln,  Grant,  Cleveland,  McKinley. 

Jackson  occupies  a  middle  position,  for  he  was  elected  by 
electors  chosen  by  popular  vote,  but  their  choice  of  himself 
was  not  controlled  by  the  pledges  of  a  party  convention.  Since, 
however,  Jackson  undoubtedly  would  have  been  chosen  by  a 
party  convention  of  the  Republican  Democrats  of  his  time,  he 
may  fairly  be  considered  as  in  the  second  group. 

Roosevelt  will  not  go  down  into  history  as  a  two-termer. 
His  place  is  unique,  our  seven-year  Vice-President-President. 

TwoTtermers  before  1829: 

A. — Washington,  Jefferson,   Madison,   Monroe. 

One-termers  before  1829: 

B. — John  Adams,  John  Quincy  Adams. 

Two-termers  since  1829: 

C. — Jackson,  Lincoln,  Grant,  Cleveland,  McKinley. 

One-termers  since  1829: 

D. — Van  Buren,  W.  H.  Harrison,  Tyler,  Polk,  Taylor,  Fill- 
more, Pierce,  Buchanan,  Johnson,  Hayes,  Garfield,  Arthur, 
B.  Harrison. 

Of  these  one-term  Presidents,  three  were  such  by  reason  of 
death, — W.  H.  Harrison,  Taylor,  and  Garfield.  Four  of  them 
were  less  than  one-termers  in  that  they  were  Vice-Presidents 
succeeding  to  the  Presidency  upon  the  death  of  their  chiefs, — 
Tyler,  Fillmore,  Johnson,  Arthur.  The  one-term  group,  there- 
fore, is  properly  divided  into  two  subgroups: 

The  one-term  Vice-President-Presidents: 

E. — Tyler,  Fillmore,  Johnson,  Arthur. 

The  complete  one-termers  in  the  Presidency: 

F. — Van  Buren,  Polk,  Pierce,  Buchanan,  Hayes,  B.  Har- 
rison. 

The  Future  of  the  Presidency. — Of  these,  three  groups 
are  especially  interesting  because  in  them  we  are  concerned 
with  the  future  of  the  American  Presidency,  viz. :  Group  C, 
containing  the  nominated  and  popularly  elected  Presidents, 
who  have  had  two  elections;  Group  E,  the  Vice-Presidents 
who  became  Presidents  but  failed  of  nomination  and  election, 
and  Group  F,  the  Presidents  who  failed  of  election,  one  of 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  59 

whom,  however,  was  nominated  a  second  time.  With  them 
all  may  be  fairly  contrasted  Cleveland,  who  ran  three  times, 
winning  the  first  and  third  time,  Roosevelt,  the  Vice-President 
who  became  President,  and  Grant,  who  tried  for  a  third  nomina- 
tion, but  failed  to  get  it.  Is  it  possible  to  discern  any  principles 
that  concern  any  of  these  groups? 

In  1892,  a  President  and  a  former  President  ran  as  com- 
petitors. Otherwise,  Benjamin  Harrison  probably  would  have 
been  a  two-term  President. 

Every  two-termer  was  originally  put  into  the  Presidency 
by  a  group  of  admiring  friends.  Every  one  had  a  large  and 
strong  personal  constituency.  Every  one  was  picturesque, — 
for  different  reasons  but  truly  so.  Every  one  was  a  radical, 
and  was  styled  by  his  enemies  an  extremist.  Every  one 
of  them  had  been  a  fighter  of  some  kind — in  arms  or  in  poli- 
tics. 

Incidentally,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  nearly  every  President 
was  a  member  of  at  least  one  great  secret  society.  Washing- 
ton was  one  of  the  most  prominent  Freemasons  of  his  day,  and 
set  the  pace. 

Popular  Requirements  for  the  Presidency. — In  the 
light  of  history,  apart  from  the  Constitutional  limitations,  it 
is  not  possible  to  discern  a  single  absolute  requisite  for  elec- 
tion ;  but  it  is  possible  to  discern  many  qualities  in  candidates 
that  are  likely  to  promote  their  election. 

First,  to  live  near  the  limelighted  center  of  population. 

Second,  to  possess  wife  and  children. 

Third,  to  have  a  public  official  record,  including  a  war- 
record  and  army-comrades. 

Fourth,  to  be  a  Protestant  and  preferably  a  member  of  one 
of  two  denominations,  Episcopalian  or  Presbyterian. 

Fifth,  to  be  by  descent  from  the  British  Isles. 

Sixth,  to  have  an  agreeable  name,  preferably  but  two. 

Seventh,  to  be  money-honest. 

Eighth,  to  be  publicly  known  as  a  warm  friend  or  as  a  bitter 
enemy  of  at  least  one  President. 

Ninth,  to  be  an  orphan  or  an  older  child ;  and  thereby  to  get 
an  early  start  in  independent  living. 

Tenth,  to  be  from  forty-five  to  sixty-eight  years  of  age. 

Eleventh,  to  be  of  but  limited  wealth  and  income  from 
earnings. 


60  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Twelfth,  to  have  had  a  migratory  youth,  preferably  within 
the  same  State. 

Thirteenth,  to  have  some  knowledge  of  the  law. 

Fourteenth,  to  be  a  country  boy  by  birth  and  rearing. 

Fifteenth,  to  belong  to  one  or  more  national  secret  societies. 

Sixteenth,  to  be  identified  prominently  in  the  public  mind 
with  some  cause  or  principle  or  achievement  or  issue,  i.  e.,  to 
wear  a  halo  or  at  least  a  badge  of  distinction. 

Seventeenth,  to  have  a  group  of  enthusiastic  friends,  either 
"insiders"  or  with  large  financial  means,  or  both. 

Eighteenth,  to  be  known  as  intensely  in  earnest. 

Nineteenth,  to  be  well  known  in  Washington,  and  at  home 
to  be  thought  of  as  having  Washington  political  interests. 

In  the  contest,  the  poorer  man  wins;  the  mere  standard- 
bearer  often  defeats  the  party-leader ;  and  the  relatively  silent 
man  overcomes  the  orator  and  the  writer.  These  tendencies 
are  worth  thinking  about.  There  are  many  possible  permuta- 
tions. We  have  yet  to  set  an  oratorical  party  leader  worth  a 
million  against  a  purse-poor,  reticent  mere  standard-bearer. 

Our  Unstable  Equilibrium. — But  why  do  the  great 
issues  of  tariff  and  of  currency  count  so  little?  Partly,  be- 
cause we  are  experimenting,  and  like  a  pendulum  swing  from 
one  side  to  the  other.  Partly,  because  the  poorer  man,  the 
standard-bearer,  is,  in  literal  fact,  more  compliant  with  the 
requirements  of  the  men  of  great  property,  who  have  always 
been  potent  in  American  politics,  than  is  the  brilliant  party- 
leader.  Partly,  because  we  are  still  in  a  condition  of  unstable 
equilibrium  on  the  main  principle  itself.  Are  we  a  nation  or 
a  federation?  Where  is  the  sovereignty?  Compared  with 
this  principle,  slavery,  internal  improvements,  banks,  currency, 
tariff,  pensions,  war-preparation,  severally  and  collectively,  are 
small  and  dependent. 

Wanting  a  great  foreign  war  to  settle  the  principle,  we  tried 
a  domestic,  and  found  ourselves  tending  to  centralization,  and 
now  avert  our  faces  from  the  truth  with  its  historic  lesson 
that  when  "all  roads  lead  to  Rome,"  the  peripheral  termini 
decline  in  prosperity  and  the  travellers  grow  few. 

Who  is  President  deeply  concerns  us.  In  1912,  we  have 
reached  the  pass  predicted  by  Alexander  Hamilton  when  for 
a  year  we  set  ourselves  to  thinking  almost  solely  who  the  next 
President  shall  be.    And  yet  as  a  nation  we  have  never  seri- 


ROAD  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE  61 

ously  considered  what  are  the  essentials  for  a  President,  our 
highest  employe,  and  yet  the  director  of  our  fate,  and  in  large 
measure  the  determiner  of  our  lives.  The  man  in  the  White 
House,  for  good  or  ill,  controls  the  destinies  of  us  all. 

The  Ride  to  the  White  House. — On  his  fine  thorough- 
bred, General  George  Washington,  big,  brave  and  splendid, 
rode  along  into  the  hearts  of  the  people.  He  was  literally 
"the  man  on  horseback."  Nations  integrate  upon  great  indi- 
viduals; such  was  Washington.  Nations  split  upon  great  in- 
dividuals, a  part  going  one  road,  the  rest  another,  or  sitting 
down  and  refusing  to  travel.  Jefferson  split  the  nation,  win- 
ning by  one  electoral  vote;  and  then  slowly,  steadily  nearly 
all  the  people,  all  indeed  save  the  Eastern  commercial  classes 
and  the  great  Southern  planters,  united  around  his  standard. 

Came  another  upon  horseback,  pale,  white-haired,  keen- 
eyed,  soldierly  General  Andrew  Jackson ;  nearly  all  the  people 
rallied  to  his  standard. 

So  General  William  Henry  Harrison  gathered  them  about 
his  political  war-eagle ;  and  likewise  General  Zachary  Taylor's 
war-clan  grew  as  big  as  the  nation. 

There  was  no  other  popular  movement  until  General  Ulysses 
S.  Grant  swept  down  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  the  fifth  man  on 
horseback. 

Last  came  Colonel  Theodore  Roosevelt,  galloping. 

These  were  all  personal  elections.  Principles,  policies,  party, 
had  but  little  to  do  with  these  mob-assemblings  in  honor  of 
the  wrarrior-great. 

Others  walked  in, — some  barely  squeaked  in.  A  few  of  the 
sober  pedestrians,  however,  had  great  majorities  or  pluralities 
as  this  record  shows.  Occasionally,  principles,  policies,  party 
did  count, — for  or  against. 

Sometimes,  the  victory  has  gone  contrary  to  early  expecta- 
tion, as  when  Polk  defeated  the  brilliant  Clay,  and  Taylor 
the  yet  richer  Cass. 

In  1876,  two  millionaires  were  pitted  against  one  another; 
in  1880,  two  war-generals;  in  1892,  a  President  and  a  former 
President. 

There  are  often  hard  battles  to  get  within  the  White  House 
gateway.  Lincoln  came  in  literally  by  stealth  and  under 
guard;  Hayes  by  a  protracted  legal  battle. 

There  on  Pennsylvania  Avenue  at  the  foot  of  Sixteenth 


62  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Street,  Northwest, — above  the  Potomac,  over  which  the  white 
Washington  Monument  shaft  stands  sentinel, — is  the  most 
dramatically  important  spot  in  the  New  World.  Even  Wall 
Street  yields  primacy,  battling  for  the  Presidency  rather  than 
the  Presidency  seeking  to  w7in  it,  for  big  business  is  more  de- 
pendent upon  politics  than  politics  is  upon  big  business. 

The  House  at  the  End  of  the  Road. — The  Presidency 
is  no  office  for  any  man  to  seek.  Yet  no  man  in  health, 
whether  former  President  or  minor  citizen,  will  ever  decline 
it,  or  even  a  nomination  to  it  by  a  great  party. 

But  it  is  a  humanly  undesirable  office.  A  painter  tried  to 
kill  Jackson  at  the  Capitol ;  three  other  Presidents  were  killed. 
Not  that  death  by  violence  is  undesirable,  but  that  the  assassi- 
nations have  created  an  atmosphere  of  suspicion.  It  is  painful 
to  be  the  object  even  of  madmen's  hate. 

The  Presidency  shortens  life.1  It  may  virtually  wipe  out 
an  entire  family.  When  Abraham  Lincoln  left  Springfield  in 
1 86 1,  he  had  a  wife  and  three  surviving  boys.  One  boy  died 
in  the  White  House;  he  himself  was  killed;  a  second  boy  died 
of  the  shock  and  grief.  Only  one  son  remained,  and  he  to-day 
has  no  grandchildren.  The  whole  affair  proved  a  family 
tragedy. 

But  for  the  Presidency,  Garfield  and  Benjamin  Harrison 
and  McKinley  might  be  alive  to-day.  The  office  means  earthly 
fame  and  a  long,  long  memory ;  but  it  may  mean  condemnation, 
not  admiration. 

Every  man  who  knows  the  American  Presidency  knows 
that  the  inducements  to  it  are  possible  opportunities  of  public 
service  to  offset  certainties  of  many  disagreeable  kinds  and 
possibilities  of  violent  death  and  of  public  disgrace  perhaps 
through  fault  of  others  beyond  one's  control. 

Our  Presidency  is  the  most  difficult,  the  most  perilous,  the 
most  honorable,  the  most  laborious,  the  least  rewarded,  and 
yet  altogether  the  greatest  chieftaincy  in  the  world. 

*See  p.  171,  infra. 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  63 

CHAPTER  II 
The  Essential  Issues  of  Our  Politics 

Contemporaneous  public  opinion — a  meddlesome  government  cannot  be 
strong — the  pension  question — no  ecclesiastical  capital  here — union 
and  liberty — national  respectability — how  the  politician  wins — patriot- 
ism and  individual  liberty — the  hypocrisy  of  a  patriot — the  Whigs  and 
the  Tories  in  England — the  revolt  of  the  have-nots — the  younger  men 
— our  economic  system — capital-and-labor  alienated — our  social  order 
— certain  crimes — the  second  Federalist  President — the  first  democrat 
— the  dynasty — the  second  Adams — "Old  Hero" — restricted  govern- 
ment— disconcerted  speculative  business — Polk  the  expansionist — a  new 
rich  slaveowner — a  dynasty  of  failures — the  meaning  of  the  War 
between  the  States — the  Whig  turned  Republican — things  are  seldom 
what  they  are  called — the  net  gain — impeached  for  his  merits — Con- 
gress overrides  the  Supreme  Court — reconstruction  compared  with 
secession — Hayes  the  beneficent — Garfield  and  Arthur — government 
in  itself  is  not  good — a  link  in  the  tariff  chain — a  modest  imperialist — 
a  hunter — a  contented  man — a  new  social  cleavage — what  wealth  may 
properly  be  property? — past  issues  restated — the  new  issues  not 
merely  political. 

Contemporaneous  Public  Opinion. — In  a  formal  sense, 
with  many  qualifications,  the  President  represents  existing 
opinion  upon  a  few  main  issues.1  But  our  politics  have  usually 
failed  to  make  several  synchronous  clean  issues;  and  under 
cover  of  one  issue,  often  politicians  have  forced  through  vic- 
tories contrary  to  existing  opinion.  The  high  tariff  early  in 
the  Civil  War  was  forced  through  Congress  under  cover  or 
the  overwhelming  Union  sentiment  against  the  principles  and 
policies  of  seventy  years.  Most  acts  of  legislation  are  rule, 
not  representation ;  authority,  not  service  and  obedience  to  the 
public  will. 

A  Meddlesome  Government  Cannot  Be  Strong. — To 
undertake  many  things  is  evidence  of  weakness,  of  distrust, 
not  of  strength  and  of  confidence.  It  usually  causes  not  success 
but  failure.  A  strong  government  undertakes  few  things  but 
accomplishes  these.  That  our  National  Government  requires 
the  service  of  one  man  in  fifteen  of  our  population  is  a  proper 

*See  rm    in.   11.  subra. 


64  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

cause  not  of  felicitation  but  of  alarm.  That  we  pay  annually 
$156,000,000  in  pensions  to  nearly  1,000,000  persons,  one  in 
ninety  of  our  population, — there  being  on  the  average  one 
other  person  directly  benefited  by  each  pension, — is  a  moving 
cause  not  of  congratulation  but  of  dismay  because  the  general 
need  as  evidenced  by  this  patriotic  pauperism  is  so  great  And 
yet  we  are  about  to  increase  by  many  millions  this  annual  dis- 
tribution of  a  tax-gathered  surplus.  Why  are  we  so  poor  that 
fifty  years  after  the  War,  our  people  are  not  yet  upon  their 
own  feet? 

The  Pension  Question. — This  is  not  to  question  the  right 
of  those  who  saved  the  nation  at  the  risk  of  their  lives  to  a 
dollar-a-day  pension.  Still,  the  argument  for  every  mother 
who  in  travail  brings  forth  a  child  at  the  risk  of  her  life  for 
national  recognition  at  a  dollar-a-day  is  just  as  valid.  Child- 
bearing  is  instinctive.    So  also  is  fighting. 

Investigation  shows  that  one  political  cause  of  soldiers'  pen- 
sions is  the  intention  of  an  effective  minority  to  force  high 
revenue  duties  in  the  interest  of  American  manufacturing  capi- 
talists. Pensions  to  mothers  would  mulitply  this  demand  for 
a  great  national  revenue. 

The  situation  forces  a  question  as  to  the  reasonableness  of 
the  present  politico-economic  regime.  And  the  question  shows 
also  Lincoln,  Johnson,  Grant,  Hayes,  Garfield,  Arthur,  B.  Har- 
rison, McKinley,  Roosevelt,  and  Taft,  all  ranged  upon  one 
side ;  and  Cleveland  standing  alone  upon  the  other.  In  attack- 
ing the  protective  tariff,  Cleveland  was  making  also  a  flank 
movement  against  extravagant  soldiers'  pensions. 

No  Ecclesiastical  Capital  Here. — No  experienced  and 
discerning  man  who  knows  the  scope  of  present  governmental 
enterprises  and  who  knows  the  history  of  other  civilizations 
and  of  other  nations  can  look  with  complacency  upon  the  im- 
mense political  community  upon  the  banks  of  the  Potomac 
devoted  solely  to  government.  If  we  had  such  a  city  devoted 
solely  to  an  ecclesiastical  community,  similarly  dominant  in 
its  field,  we  would  all  agree  that  liberty  itself  was  at  stake, 
was  indeed  at  the  stake  and  being  consumed  by  fire.  A  people 
that  produces  annually  $30,000,000,000  of  wealth  and  spends 
$800,000,000  of  it  upon  its  central  government  alone,  not 
counting  its  State,  county  and  municipal  governments,  has 
cause  not  for  self-glorification  but  for  self-examination. 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  65 

And  the  worst  of  it  is  the  humbug  of  so  much  of  it, — the 
phrase  in  so  many  laws — "The  District  of  Columbia" — as 
though  the  District  actually  legislated  I1 

Union  and  Liberty. — The  two  essential  issues  of  our 
politics  have  been  national  government  and  the  freedom  of 
the  citizens.  Since  the  beginning,  "union  and  liberty," — to 
use  the  phrase  of  Daniel  Webster, — has  been  our  desire.  We 
have  finally  decided  that  national  government  and  independ- 
ence and  union  are  virtually  synonymous  for  the  practical  pur- 
poses of  a  large  and  prosperous  population  in  our  land.  By 
liberty,  we  mean  the  freedom  of  the  individual  in  respect  to 
many  matters, — the  freedom  to  acquire  property,  to  work  for 
wages  or  for  profits  as  opportunity  affords,  to  travel,  to  marry, 
to  vote  and  to  hold  office,  to  worship,  to  talk,  to  write,  to  pub- 
lish, to  assemble,  to  resist  the  interferences  and  trespasses  of 
others, — in  short,  to  live  and  to  act  much  as  one  pleases, — 
to  do  as  one  wills  within  the  limits  of  the  equal  rights  of 
others. 

We  have  decided  that  a  central  government, — a  strong  cen- 
tral government, — let  us  say  plainly, — is  essential  to  national 
independence,  and  that  this  government  shall  be  a  single  in- 
divisible union  of  all  States  from  seacoast  to  seacoast  and 
from  the  inland  freshwater  seas  to  the  salt  gulf.  We  are  even 
getting  ready  to  offer  to  Canada  eighteen  Senators  and  thirty 
Representatives  to  join  us.  We  have  located  sovereignty  not 
in  thirteen  Capitals  from  Boston  to  Augusta  in  forty-eight 
States  from  Sacramento  to  another  Augusta  but  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia.  Our  States  are  provinces;  and  the  Federal 
Circuit  Courts  override  their  Supreme  provincial  courts. 

Whereupon  millions,  mistaking  the  meaning  of  terms,  have 
imagined  that  a  central  government  in  order  to  be  strong  must 
do  many  things.  Yet  government  cannot  do  many  things 
without  thereby  transgressing  the  freedom  of  the  individual 
citizen.  Nor  is  any  ruler,  even  a  President,  wise  enough  to 
direct  many  enterprises. 

Beyond  doubt,  in  civilized  society,  men  cannot  be  free  save 
under  strong  government.  Civil  freedom  is  a  creature  of  law 
vitalized  by  force.  Every  person  in  our  history  who  has 
risen  to  prominence  and  to  power  has  stood  in  some  relation 
to  this  quest  for  liberty  under  law.  Every  President  has  had 
his  influence,  good  or  bad,  upon  the  development  of  our  insti- 

aSee  pp.  99  et  seq.,  infra. 


66  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

tutions  and  of  public  opinion  in  respect  to  strong  government 
and  to  the  freedom  of  individuals. 

National  Respectability. — Closely  connected  with  the 
main  issue  of  a  strong  central  government  to  maintain  national 
independence  and  the  rights  of  citizens  to  liberty  under  law  is 
the  minor  feature  of  national  respectability  in  the  family  of 
nations.  To  citizens  in  private  life  under  ordinary  conditions, 
this  feature  is  apparently  of  no  immediate  personal  concern. 
They  live  remote.  Their  lives  are  absorbed  in  individual 
interests. 

How  the  Politician  Wins. — Such  a  situation  has  invited 
betrayal  of  national  interests  and  is  the  mother  of  fraud. 
Many,  many  things  have  been  done,  many  have  been  neglected 
because  most  citizens  are  blind  to  facts,  or  misled  by  false 
cries  or  by  false  appearances,  or  are  lost  in  the  remoteness  of 
their  locations  or  in  the  difficulty  of  their  personal  affairs.  A 
thousand  things  have  been  done  upon  specious  excuse  or  upon 
no  excuse,  that,  upon  prior  consideration,  no  majority  of  the 
citizens,  certainly  no  majority  of  well-informed  citizens,  would 
have  endorsed.  The  politician  does  his  turn,  plays  his  trick, 
pockets  his  gain  and  makes  his  get-away  before  the  citizens 
learn  his  whereabouts  or  performances. 

To  offset  Louisiana  purchased,  according  to  most  citizens, 
wisely  though  by  stealth,  we  have  the  Philippines  that  not  one 
citizen  in  a  thousand  desires.  To  offset  the  substantial  gain 
of  upper  Mexico  and  California  by  treaty  and  purchase  after 
war,  we  have  the  blood-training  from  which  was  born  again 
the  blood-lust  of  the  Civil  War. 

The  second  of  the  main  issues  of  American  politics  has  been 
that  of  the  social  relations  of  the  inhabitants  with  one  another. 
This  issue  has  taken  protean  forms, — ecclesiastical,  economic, 
political,  ethical,  educational. 

Two  Great  Questions. — In  the  beginning,  it  was  requisite 
to  form  and  to  propagate  the  national  idea, — to  inculcate 
patriotism,  to  stir  pride  and  resentment  against  the  domination 
of  aliens  abroad.  Forming  the  national  idea  was  itself  a  slow 
matter.  In  this,  James  Otis  perhaps  was  foremost.  He  with 
others  saw  that  at  last  there  had  been  evolved  in  this  land  upon 
its  eastern  side  another  "peculiar  people,"  different  from  all 
others,  with  different  needs,  different  interests,  different  capaci- 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  67 

ties,  whom  no  other  people  could  benefit  by  giving  advice  to 
them  or  by  exercising  authority  over  them. 

Patriotism  and  Individual  Liberty. — It  was  the  work 
of  Revolutionary  leaders  to  stir  in  the  minds  of  the  many 
pride  in  this  soil,  resentment  against  orders  issued  and  taxes 
laid  by  persons  not  native  here.  Samuel  Adams,  Dabney  Carr, 
Patrick  Henry,  gave  their  early  lives  to  this  propaganda.  They 
taught  many  of  their  fellow-countrymen  to  hate  a  tax,  how- 
ever small,  that  others  not  native-born  had  imposed.  The 
British  restrictions  that  they  must  not  manufacture  or  engage 
in  the  sea-trade  were  indeed  oppressive.  They  invaded  that 
sphere  of  liberty  which  British  traditions  had  held  sacred,  and 
denied  rights  and  freedoms  that  were  necessary  to  life  and  to 
property.  Worst  of  all,  the  British  laws  threatened  to  grow 
worse  in  the  future.  Mankind  will  bravely  suffer  many  a 
present  wrong  in  the  morning  of  the  rising  sun  of  progress ; 
but  once  let  us  believe  that  the  future  is  dark  and  foreboding, 
and  resistance  arms  itself,  as  we  all  know. 

The  Hypocrisy  of  a  Patriot. — With  an  unfathomable 
hypocrisy,  justified  by  the  rules  of  war,  Benjamin  Franklin 
professed  abroad  as  agent  for  various  colonies  that  independ- 
ence was  not  desired  or  even  thought  of ;  all  that  the  Americans 
wished  was  to  be  let  entirely  alone, — of  course,  under  the 
Crown.  As  for  Parliament,  no  Americans  were  in  it  or  could 
be  in  it;  and  "taxation  without  representation  is  tyranny." 
The  colonists  would  voluntarily  contribute  money  and  men 
for  the  wars  of  the  empire;  but  try  to  coerce  them  and  see — 
rebellion. 

Edmund  Burke  understood,  and  in  glowing  periods  ac- 
quiesced. North  also  understood  and,  with  British  soldiers 
and  impressed  sailors  and  with  Hessian  war-slaves  and  Indian 
savages,  tried  to  crush  the  natural  destiny  of  this  people. 
France  seized  upon  the  situation  and,  with  arms  and  ships, 
handsomely  intervened  against  the  ancient  enemy,  split  be- 
tween her  Whigs  and  her  Tories. 

The  Whigs  in  England. — Whereupon  in  one  of  those 
pendulum  swings  characterizing  every  human  society,  the 
electors  of  England  put  North  and  the  Tories  out  and  Rock- 
ingham and  the  Whigs  in.  In  that  year,  Howe  really  won. 
Burgoyne  and  Cornwallis  were  done  for.  And  then  Rock- 
ingham went  out,  and  North  came  back ;  and  King  George  the 


68  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Third  reigned  over  a  diminished  empire  with  an  irreparably 
lessened  glory.  The  prestige  of  Great  Britain  fell.  Success- 
ful republican  revolution  in  America  hastened  revolution  in 
France;  and  Napoleon  came  in  to  organize  the  new  social 
order  while  terrifying  the  earth. 

Certain  Ambitions. — Beneath  and  within  the  war  of  re- 
sistance to  longer  oversea  control,  beneath  and  within  the  re- 
bellion that  came  to  be  a  war  of  independence,  there  were  two 
other  forces  at  work.  Of  these,  the  first  was  the  ambition  of 
certain  natives  to  be  the  first  Americans,  without  alien  gov- 
ernors and  bureaucrats  as  rivals.  They  intended  to  be  the 
unchallenged  lords, — the  owners  of  lands,  the  masters  of 
trade,  the  princes  of  government,  free  men  like  the  barons  of 
old,  like  the  living  nobles  of  England.  "I  will  raise  a  thousand 
men,  subsist  them  at  my  own  expense,  and  march  on  Boston," 
said  George  Washington.  It  was  not  a  boast  but  a  confession 
of  purpose  spoken  like  a  Saxon  earl.  This  was  exactly  the 
spirit  in  which  later  he  took  command  of  the  army  at  Cam- 
bridge in  the  summer  of  1775;  but  he  grew  wiser. 

The  Revolt  of  the  Have-Nots. — There  was  another 
social  force  far  more  significant.  Tens  of  thousands  desired  to 
get  rid  of  all  persons  and  families  of  wealth,  distinction,  cul- 
ture and  leisure.  It  was  the  spirit  of  loot,  of  equality  in 
barbarism.  Because  of  it,  tens  of  thousands  of  Loyalists  were 
robbed  and  exiled.  It  was  an  attack  upon  the  existing  social 
order.  Tom  Paine  came  from  England  and  put  its  philosophy 
into  print.  These  social  rebels  meant  to  have  a  land  in  which 
each  man  does  that  which  is  right  in  his  own  eyes  and  there 
is  "no  judge  in  Israel."  They  would  farm  where  they  had 
power  to  seize  the  lands,  make  what  they  chose,  whether  cloth 
or  rum  or  ships  or  tools,  trade  where  they  would,  marry  or 
not,  enslave  if  they  could, — and  be  free. 

They  made  the  war  of  independence  into  a  civil  war, — a 
more  terrible  war  than  that  of  1 861 -'65  because  it  was  in  the 
streets  of  all  towns  and  upon  every  hillside  and  in  every  valley. 
Dr.  Benedict  Arnold,  apothecary  turned  soldier,  cruel,  bril- 
liant, bold,  lewd,  treacherous,  was  the  perfect  poison-flower 
of  this  seed-time  and  harvest. 

The  Younger  Men. — But  these  men  of  blood,  of  deceit, 
of  pride,  were  not  to  control  the  new  nation.  Younger  men 
who  had  grown  up  within  the  struggle  and  yet  not  of  it,  and 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  69 

older  men  whom  fortune  had  kept  apart  from  the  surging 
hatreds  and  ambitions,  dominated  the  Federal  Convention  that 
made  the  Constitution.  Yet  they  set  as  their  head  toothless, 
silent,  solid  George  Washington,  "the  unwearied  Titan  of  the 
War,"  who  at  last  had  won  supremacy  over  nearly  all  his  ter- 
rible passions.  Such  sublime  self-control  does  not  come  with- 
out inner  conflicts  correspondingly  severe. 

And  when  they  began  their  work,  they  pledged  themselves 
not  to  talk  about  it  to  others  or  to  make  notes  thereon, — 
which  pledge  Madison  nobly  violated  for  the  edification  of 
later  generations.  Moreover,  when  their  work  was  all  done, — 
and  so  badly  done  that  few  even  thought  they  knew  what  the 
Constitution  meant, — only  thirty-eight  out  of  fifty-six  dele- 
gates ever  signed  it,  no  man  from  Rhode  Island  and  but 
one  from  New  York, — they  entered  into  a  further  conspiracy, 
— in  the  true  fashion  of  that  great  secret  society  to  which  most 
of  them  belonged, — to  set  their  hero  upon  the  pedestal  of  the 
Presidency  and  for  the  glory  of  the  new  fatherland  to  deny 
and  to  conceal  the  ugly  realities  of  his  life.  Thenceforth, 
nearly  all  Americans  accounted  it  sacrilege  to  burn  daylight 
in  the  sanctuary  of  the  Washington  myth.  It  has  been  done 
likewise  for  their  heroes  by  all  other  peoples. 

The  Contribution  of  Washington. — The  first  President 
indeed  cared  much  for  the  independence  and  respectability  of 
the  United  States  among  the  nations.  This  foremost  care  of 
his  explains  the  central  policy  of  his  administrations.  Of 
gratitude  to  France,  he  would  not  hear  a  word. 

A  great  private  property,  such  as  he  secured,  is  an  expres- 
sion of  character.  His  was  the  necessary  character  of  the 
owner  of  lands,  of  trade,  of  slaves,  and  of  money,  all  alike 
valueless  as  property  unless  government  sanctions  by  adequate 
force  any  and  all  violations  of  title. 

Our  Politico-Economic  System. — Since  1789,  our  eco- 
nomic system  has  passed  through  many  stages;  nor  is  it  now 
quite  the  same  system  as  it  was  then.  Still,  its  fundamental 
principles  are  these,  viz. : 

1.  Private  property  in  land  by  title  with  or  without  posses- 
sion and  use,  whence  the  "have's"  draw  rent  that  the  "have- 
not's"  or  the  lesser  "have's"  pay. 

But  since  1789,  governmental  taxation  in  State  and  in  mu- 
nicipality has  made  this  property  different  in  nature  from 


70  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

what  it  was,  while  the  filling  up  of  all  desirable  localities  with 
owners  has  made  rent  far  higher  than  then.  The  property  is 
less  absolute,  but  the  gain  vastly  greater. 

2.  Private  property  in  goods,  in  money  and  in  credit,  whence 
the  "have's"  draw  interest  that  the  lesser  "have's"  and  the 
"have-not's"  pay. 

The  rate  of  interest  is  but  a  fraction  of  what  it  was  in  1789 ; 
but  the  total  amount  vastly  greater. 

3.  Private  property  in  profits  from  the  handling  of  guods 
upon  lands  by  hiring   "labor." 

This  is  the  critical  point  in  this  economic  system. 

4.  Wages  earned  and  paid  not  in  proportion  to  the  product 
but  according  to  the  law  of  supply-and-demand. 

The  supply  has  come  to  be  more  or  less  limited  by  unions 
of  laborers;  and  the  demand  by  associations  of  capitalists  in 
corporations,  syndicates,  trusts  and  pools. 

5.  A  public  right  of  several  governments  to  get  revenues 
by  taxation  direct  and  indirect. 

This  right  was  admitted  gingerly  in  1789.  To-day,  it  con- 
sumes on  the  average  seven  dollars  in  every  hundred  that 
this  economic  system  produces  in  value  of  goods  and  of 
services. 

George  Washington  had  to  fight  with  Great  Britain  for  its 
possession  in  1 775-1 781  and  again  with  the  Pennsylvania 
backwoodsmen  in  1792;  and  Hamilton  had  to  scheme  and  to 
contrive  for  it  through  half  a  dozen  years.  What  they  did 
on  a  large  scale,  all  the  States  and  towns  and  counties  were 
also  doing. 

Added  to  the  system  from  Boston  to  Savannah  in  1775, 
there  was  private  property  in  negroes  and  limited  private 
property  in  "redemptioners"  and  other  bond-servants.  What 
happened  to  this  anachronistic  mediaeval  feudalism  is  the  very 
substance  of  our  history  until  1865. 

Capital  and  Labor  Alienated. — Considered  as  a  whole, 
the  existing  system  is  simple.  In  it,  unlike  feudalism,  with 
its  slavery,  serfdom,  villainage  and  vassalage,  the  wealthy  have 
no  stake  in  the  poor.  From  labor,  they  may  derive  profits  or 
sustain  losses.  But  slavery  solves,  in  a  sense,  the  capital-and- 
labor  problem  because  capital  owns  the  labor.  The  welfare  of 
labor  is,  theoretically,  the  welfare  of  capital. 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  71 

Our  Social  Order. — From  our  economic  system  rises  our 
social  regime.  Therein,  the  landlords,  the  money-lords,  the 
profit-takers,  the  tax-collectors  and  the  tax-spenders,  the  wage- 
earners  and  those  who  neither  pay  nor  get  wages,  rent,  interest 
and  profits,  take  on  names  different  from  these.  Moreover,  a 
new  class  appears, — the  professional,  which  has  for  its  busi- 
ness the  preservation  of  mutual  rights  and  the  social  peace. 
This  class  has  various  groups,  more  or  less  honored, — lawyers 
and  judges,  police  and  soldiers,  ministers  and  priests,  teachers 
and  professors,  nurses  and  physicians,  clerks  and  officials, 
writers  and  poets,  reporters  and  editors.  In  the  social  regime, 
the  economic  primacy  of  the  rich  is  somewhat  tempered  by  a 
biologic  primacy  of  the  really  well-born,  by  a  customary  sta- 
tion of  the  elite,  and  by  many  social  graces  and  decencies 
standardized  in  age-old  traditions.  The  poverty  and  the  subor- 
dination of  the  mere  hand-to-mouth  wage-earners  and  paupers 
are  correspondingly  relieved. 

The  Constitutional  Amendments. — It  is  in  respect  to 
this  matter  that  the  Constitutional  Amendments  have  signifi- 
cance. The  first  eleven  were  proclaimed  in  force  by  Wash- 
ington, Adams,  and  Jefferson  as  Presidents,  being  advocated 
by  such  men  as  Samuel  Adams,  Patrick  Henry,  and  Madison. 

Their  necessity  arose  from  the  fact  that  men  feared  that 
the  power  of  the  central  government  would  overcome  that  of 
the  States  and  be  used  for  the  oppression  of  individuals.  These 
men  foresaw  that  the  sovereign  States  could  not  long  main- 
tain the  rights  of  their  citizens  (who  were  also  "the  people 
of  the  United  States")  against  the  rising  nation  because  the 
States  were  certain  to  become  mere  provinces.  Exactly  this 
has  come  to  pass, — United  States  Circuit  and  Supreme  Courts 
are  now  haling  individuals  and  States  before  them  in  true 
sovereign  style.  If  the  plain  people  had  not  distrusted  the 
future,  these  "Bill  of  Rights  Amendments"  would  never  have 
been  demanded  overwhelmingly.  Even  so,  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment has  won ;  but  it  respects  these  amendments,  which  are, 
therefore,  amply  justified. 

Fortunately  in  1790- 1804,  we  still  had  the  traditions  and  the 
spirit  of  Saxon  freemen,  though  the  merchants  and  their  at- 
torneys who  drew  up  the  main  plan  of  government  machinery 
neglected  such  minor  details  as  "the  rights  of  man."  Their 
concern  was  business. 


72  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

The  Changes  by  Presidents. — Every  President  has  stood 
in  some  distinctive  personal  relation  to  this  economic  system 
and  to  this  social  regime.  The  actions  of  several  Presidents 
are  startlingly  important.  Perhaps,  the  worst  mistake  ever 
made  by  a  President  was  the  naming  of  Taney  as  Chief  Jus- 
tice by  Jackson ;  it  was  done  in  good  faith  and  with  good  will. 
But  it  resulted  in  an  effort  by  Taney  to  supplant  the  laissez 
faire  economic  system  itself  by  the  Southern  feudal  system, 
which  was,  as  the  event  proved,  a  badly  handicapped  rival. 

Certain  Crimes. — Polk  started  the  Mexican  War  to  get 
cheaper  land  for  the  extension  of  this  same  anachronistic  by- 
system  of  owner-and-slave.  He  also  hoped  to  do  good, — to 
his  section  and  to  his  class,  which  seemed  to  him  his  country 
and  all  the  (real)  people. 

Roosevelt  engineered  the  morally  indefensible  Panama 
affair,  intending  to  benefit  those  in  the  foreground  of  his  own 
mind, — the  Atlantic,  Gulf  and  Pacific  Coast  merchants  and  a 
wider  trade.  It  was  an  economic  class  affair  glossed  over  in 
euphemistic  terms  of  patriotism  and  later  confessed  as  a  shame- 
less sin  upon  those  modern  housetops,  the  front  columns  of 
our  newspapers. 

There  are  other  examples  closely  visible  to  such  as  under- 
stand that  the  present  economic  system  is  not  an  eternal  status 
and  the  present  social  regime  not  finality. 

Had  Cleveland,  and  not  McKinley,  been  President  in  1898, 
the  Spanish  War  would  not  have  ended  in  imperialism, — 
probably,  it  would  not  have  begun.  The  result  of  that  war 
has  been  for  us  to  learn  that  "the  Constitution  follows  the 
flag — sometimes."  It  follows  the  flag  where  the  interests  of 
the  dominant  social  class  designate,  for  the  court  obeys  the 
sovereign.  The  significant  thing  in  America  is  that  this  "sov- 
ereign" is  easily  recalled  by  the  democracy. 

To  promote  the  Pacific  trade  is  an  insufficient  purpose  for 
us  long  to  remain  in  Asia. 

What  Washington  Did  Respecting  the  Economic 
System. — George  Washington  as  general  had  foremost  in  his 
mind  the  interests  of  land  speculators  who  would  be  freer  to 
operate  out  from  under  Great  Britain ;  but  he  did  not  forget 
the  desirability  of  having  native  rather  than  British  officials  of 
government  or  of  developing  the  American  trading-class.  He 
was  not  directly  interested  in  extending  slavery  or  slave-plan- 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  73 

tations  or  in  benefiting  wage-earners,  rent-taking  landlords  or 
interest-getting  capitalists.  As  President,  he  had  foremost  in 
his  mind  securing  the  results.  Everything  else  was  incidental ; 
and  yet  though  incidental,  some  new  purposes  existed. 

In  a  rising  industrialism,  the  merchant  who  trades  in  goods 
comes  earlier  than  the  employing  manufacturer-capitalist.  As 
these  develop,  the  banker  develops.  Clearly,  the  main  domestic 
purpose  of  Washington  was  to  strengthen  the  tax-collecting 
and  the  tax-spending  official  class.  His  minor  purposes  were 
to  promote  the  interests  of  merchants  and  of  bankers,  nor  did 
he  entirely  forget  the  rising  manufacturers.  He  scarcely  saw 
the  wage-earner  or  the  freeman  who  neither  draws  nor  pays 
wages  but  lives  in  comparative  independence  and  isolation  upon 
a  farm  or  by  his  blacksmith  shop  or  other  trade.  Washington 
did  not  see  the  negro  slave. 

In  his  Presidency,  by  advice  of  Hamilton,  a  law  was  passed 
to  sell  lands  at  not  less  than  two  dollars  per  acre  in  plots  of 
not  less  than  nine  square  miles, — but  the  purchasers  were  to 
have  long  credits.  As  the  country  had  but  four  banks,  this 
gave  the  rich  virtual  monopolies  and  put  the  poor  at  their  ser- 
vice to  labor  and  to  rent  or  else  to  pay  the  speculator's  profit. 

The  Second  Federalist. — John  Adams  was  the  lawyer 
who  had  taken  a  nation  as  his  client.  He  went  to  wreck  upon 
the  rocks  of  the  "Sedition  Laws,"  aimed  at  foreigners  and  at 
others  who  were  criticising  especially  the  political  features  of 
the  new  social  order.  Nova  ordo  saeclorum  was  indeed  the 
motto  of  the  United  States.  The  people  were  still  colonial. — 
pro-Gallican,  pro-Anglican, — very  few  had  yet  risen  to  the 
nationalism  of  John  Adams.  Some  had  found  a  way-station 
in  State-sovereignty.  New  questions  were  up, — central  gov- 
ernment versus  the  States;  naturalization  with  the  right  to 
disavow  natal  allegiance;  personal  liberty;  the  relative  merits 
of  England  and  France ;  and,  unfortunately,  Adams  was  only 
the  fourth,  possibly  the  fifth,#  not  the  acknowledged  "first  citi- 
zen" of  the  land.  The  others  were  Washington,  Hamilton, 
Jefferson,  and  perhaps  Burr.  The  event  showed  that  Adams 
was  not  a  leader,  but  only  an  instrument,  at  times  unwilling 
and  seldom  self -understanding.    He  was  wiser  after  the  event. 

As  for  his  management  of  government,  his  policy  was,  with 
minor  variations,  that  of  Washington ;  but  his  personal  inter- 
ests were  distinctly  different.     He  was  that  native  official  of 


74  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

government  whom  the  patriots  intended  to  establish  in  their 
service.  Bred  to  the  law,  like  tens  of  thousands  of  later 
Americans,  he  lived  upon  taxes. 

The  First  Democrat. — Never  was  another  such  as 
Thomas  Jefferson:  violinist,  inventor,  pseudo-scientist,  near- 
scientist,  real  scientist,  gentleman-planter  and  breeder,  kind 
husband,  devoted  father,  diplomat,  evader  of  personal  respon- 
sibility, horse-rider,  politician,  educator,  author,  philosopher, 
religious  leader,  intriguer,  wine-bibber  to  the  muddling  of 
wits;  and  yet  seer,  prophet,  philanthropist,  diplomat  and 
statesman,  truly  polyphase,  truly  democratic.  lie  even  de- 
vised that  mathematically  convenient  township  system  of  to- 
pography upon  which  has  been  founded  the  political  organiza- 
tion of  many  a  Western  State.  By  one  vote  only,  his  plan 
to  exclude  slavery  from  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  was  de- 
feated in  the  Senate.  He  carried  it  in  the  Northwest  Ordi- 
nance for  the  Ohio  Territory  in  1787;  truly,  the  much 
objurgated  last  Congress  of  the  Confederation  was  more  lib- 
eral than  the  lauded  Federal  Convention.  He  stood  for  the 
free  pioneers  of  the  receding  Appalachian  frontiers, — of  the 
wood-rangers,  hunters  and  Indian  fighters  first,  of  the  cattle- 
raisers  next,  of  the  land-holding  farmers  last, — and  for  the 
wage-earners  of  the  towns;  and  he  stood  steadfastly  against 
merchants,  manufacturers  and  bankers,  government  officials, 
landlords  and  slavelords.  He  stood;  he  did  not  fight.  But 
for  him,  the  West  that  Jackson  represented  and  the  populace 
upon  whose  hearts  his  fortunes  depended  would  not  have  ex- 
isted in  strength  in  the  lifetime  of  "Old  Hero." 

Jefferson  was  somewhat  inclined  to  see  the  past  as  ideal. 
His  true  American  was  the  independent  farmer,  well-edu- 
cated, self-reliant,  interested  most  in  his  own  household, 
next  in  his  community,  next  in  his  State  and  least  in  the 
United  States;  in  short,  the  ancient  German  allodial  free- 
man. 

Jefferson  did  three  immortal  acts, — he  did  King  George  by 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  Napoleon  by  the  Louisiana 
Purchase,  and  Federalism.  Thereby,  he  short-circuited  mil- 
lions of  people  into  national  independence,  into  the  Mississippi 
valley, — richest  and  finest  and  widest  garden  of  the  Lord  upon 
all  His  earth, — and  into  democracy.  He  did  five  immortal  acts, 
— also,  he  separated  church  and  state  in  Virginia  whence  all 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  75 

America  drew  one  lesson,  and  he  founded  the  University  of 
Virginia,  the  brightest  star  in  the  Southern  sky. 

But  Thomas  Jefferson  died  insolvent.  He  had  widened  the 
base  of  the  American  economic  system,  had  freed  those  at  the 
bottom  of  the  social  pyramid,  and  had  enlightened  the  minds 
of  all  civilized  mankind.  Perhaps,  it  is  an  even  greater  con- 
tribution patiently  to  keep  a  nation  out  of  war,  as  Jefferson 
did,  than  it  is  eagerly  to  thrust  a  nation  into  war  as  certain 
other  Presidents  and  statesmen  have  done. 

Measure  the  man  fairly.  He  seems  quite  the  peer  of  our 
greatest, — even  of  Franklin, — as  a  contributor  to  national  and 
general  human  progress. 

The  Dynasty. — James  Madison  was  a  quieter  but  richer 
political  Jefferson.  He  saw  things  somewhat  differently  and 
in  truth  looked  out  upon  a  different  nation  and  upon  different 
world-politics.  The  planter  of  Virginia  was  a  little  nearer 
and  dearer  to  him ;  and  he  was  not  quite  so  firm  against  mer- 
chants, bankers  and  manufacturers.  James  Madison  cared 
but  little  for  the  slave,  for  the  wage-earner  and  for  the  free 
farmer.  War  was  not  quite  so  hateful  to  him  as  it  was  to 
Jefferson;  and  he  had  less  power  to  keep  down  the  war-rage 
in  Congress.  But  the  times  were  different.  Jefferson  did  not 
meet  Clay  in  the  political  arena. 

James  Monroe  was  temperamentally  more  like  Jefferson 
than  Madison  was.  He  also  died  insolvent.  Perhaps  in  respect 
to  the  economic  system  and  the  social  order,  Monroe  had  less 
class-interest  than  any  other  President.  If  he  was,  in  any 
sense,  partial,  he  was  partial  to  the  independent  farmer  or 
other  freeman.  Like  Washington  and  Adams,  he  stood  for 
American  nationality.  There  was  no  trace  of  colonialism  in 
him.  New  Orleans  and  Waterloo  had  washed  this  out  in 
blood.  Spain  was  almost  entirely  ousted  from  the  New 
World;  and  Monroe  would  set  the  United  States  as  the  pro- 
tector of  the  new  Republics  to  the  South,  founded  according 
to  her  example.  Like  Adams,  Monroe  was  substantially  an 
official  by  habit. 

Under  him,  the  citizens  prospered  as  never  before.  All 
classes  save  one  prospered, — the  wage-earners  lost  ground. 
In  one  of  his  annual  messages  Monroe  was  unwise  and  un- 
kind enough  to  congratulate  labor-employers  upon  the  fall  in 
the  price  of  labor. 


^6  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

The  Missouri  Compromise  was  the  little  cloud  in  the  sky 
to  tell  of  the  coming  storm.  Cotton  and  rice  and  tobacco  in 
the  South  with  chattel-slavery  of  the  blacks,  serving  the  lords 
of  land,  stood  over  against  iron  and  leather  and  wool  in  the 
North  with  the  wage  service  of  the  poor,  waiting  upon  the 
pleasure  and  profit  of  the  lords  of  money.  It  was  plantation- 
agriculture  versus  factory-manufacture,  farm-agriculture  and 
commerce.  And  no  man  read  the  signs  of  the  times.  Along 
the  line  of  the  edge  of  lasting  winter  snow  were  to  be  erected 
two  almost  entirely  different  social  structures. 

The  Second  Adams. — John  Quincy  Adams  had  something 
of  the  universal  genius  of  Jefferson, — diplomat,  author,  econo- 
mist, scientist,  poet,  orator,  accomplished  lawyer,  statesman, 
and  at  the  last  philanthropist.  He  tried  tremendously  hard 
all  his  life  to  become  good  and  great;  and  nearly,  perhaps 
actually,  succeeded.  But  he  was  never  amiable.  He  spent  his 
life  in  public;  he  was  scarcely  half-grown  when  he  went  post- 
rider  for  news  almost  daily  to  Boston.  He  was  a  centraliza- 
tionist  and  a  nation-expander.  He  belonged  to  the  professional 
class  of  the  lawyer  and  took  the  government  for  his  client,  not 
the  people's  government,  however,  but  the  government  of  the 
"superior  economic  classes."  Beyond  Monroe,  and  like  Wash- 
ington, he  was  the  President  for  speculative,  adventurous 
business  men.  Hence,  his  advocacy  of  tariff  for  protection. 
"The  Tariff  of  Abominations"  came  in  his  Presidency. 

Arrived  in  Congress  afterwards,  he  gave  voice  to  the  cries 
of  the  poor,  but  his  allegiance  was  to  the  manufacturers  of 
his  District.  The  petitions  in  Congress  made  even  an  ex- 
President  more  famous ;  and  in  this  democracy,  fame  is  power. 

"Old  Hero/' — The  essential  Andrew  Jackson  was  the  typi- 
cal freeman.  He  was  the  self-reliant,  forth-stepping,  untamed 
and  unfettered  man.  And  yet  he  became  himself  a  speculator 
and  an  office-holder,  a  general  and  a  judge, — because  he  fasci- 
nated millions.  He  was  or  seemed  the  apostle  of  turn-it-over, 
redistribute  the  honors,  the  privileges,  the  properties.  Behold ! 
All  things  are  made  new.  By  him  came  the  first  threat  of  the 
break-up.  The  predatory  rich  who  were  gaining  in  the  North 
from  banking  and  tariff  were  robbing  all  citizens  in  the  South 
and  many  others  in  the  North.  The  lords  of  chattel-slaves 
threatened  nullification  of  the  nation's  statutes  as  punishment 
of  the  Northern  lords  of  wage-servitors  and  government-privi- 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  77 

leged  manufacturing  capital;  and  Andrew  Jackson,  bolder, 
noisier  and  more  willful  than  any  lords,  was  referee  ad  in- 
terim. 

The  strength  of  the  Presidency  was  his;  and  he  made  life 
more  interesting  to  the  average  man.  In  1833,  the  public  lands 
under  new  statutes  sold  at  the  rate  of  $4,000,000  worth  a 
year;  in  1837,  at  $24,000,000.  The  people  were  so  busy  specu- 
lating that  they  had  no  time  to  raise  wheat,  which  they  im- 
ported from  Europe  at  $2  a  bushel. 

Jackson  was  a  famous  hunter ;  he  gathered  into  his  hunting- 
bag  those  great  men, — Pakenham,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Clay, 
Nicholas  Biddle,  and  Calhoun, — and  several  minor  personal 
enemies.    He  died  well-to-do. 

Restricted  Government. — With  Van  Buren,  straight 
business  men, — those  who  a  generation  before  were  the  radi- 
cals of  business  but  were  now  its  conservatives, — came  to  the 
saddle.  For  the  first  time,  we  had  "real  money,"  intrinsic 
money  of  redemption.  But  Van  Buren  made  government 
strong  by  restricting  its  energies  and  by  confining  them  to  a 
channel.  In  earlier  days,  he  had  been  all  for  the  common  man. 
He  was  not  so  much  an  habitual  office-holder  as  our  first  typi- 
cal politician-President.  He  was  a  distinctly  successful  lawyer 
and  made  a  fortune  thereby, — which  his  official  biographers 
scarcely  mention. 

Disconcerted  Speculative  Business. — William  Henry 
Harrison  was  the  industrial  unit  man,  the  farmer-soldier. 
Party-managers, — meaning  thereby  the  agents  of  big  business, 
— thought  they  could  use  him,  and  manufactured  hurrahs 
enough  to  float  him  into  the  Presidency,  being  greatly  helped 
by  the  delight  of  the  common  man  in  that  other  "old-hero/' 
Andrew  Jackson.  But  Harrison  did  not  travel  so  much  upon 
his  own  steam. 

Then  came  a  bolt  out  of  the  blue!  The  Whig  capitalists, 
who  might  have  found  Harrison  docile  and  teachable,  found 
Tyler  fractious.  He  was  the  little  slave-owning  planter  and 
politician  frequently  in  office.  In  the  industrial  phase,  he  was 
a  pale  reminder  of  Monroe.  The  upshot  of  his  work  was  some 
advance  of  slaveowners  into  Texas.  But  Tyler  was  also  the 
localist,  the  parochial,  the  decentralizationist.  And  when  the 
whole  record  is  studied,  his  public  life  becomes  respectable 
from  an  inner  consistency  of  principle  not  obvious  to  his  con- 


yS  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

temporaries.  He  raised  fourteen  children,  and  died  with  but 
little  property. 

Polk  the  Expansionist. — Polk  rushed  in.  Power- 
hungry,  land-hungry,  money-hungry,  even  heaven-hungry,  he 
was  our  first  devoutly  religious  President,  our  relentless  agent 
of  manifest  destiny.  He  hurried  and  harried  us  on  to  a  goal 
where  we  shall  be  found  too  big  to  hold  together, — for  all  our 
telegraph  and  printing-presses  and  national  laws  and  officials. 
And  with  his  hurrying,  he  killed  himself.  He  was  all  for  the 
slaveowner  and  for  the  land  speculator.  He  put  the  army 
to  work,  and  in  the  end  paid  Mexico  a  quarter  of  a  dollar, 
two  bits,  per  acre  for  some  million  square  miles  of  land.  The 
Comstock  lode  alone  paid  for  it  several  times  over. 

A  New  Rich  Slaveowner. — Taylor  and  Scott  were  the 
chief  tools  of  this  agent  of  destiny.  In  the  nick  of  time, 
Taylor  ran  for  the  Presidency  and  won ;  out  of  keeping  with 
the  times,  later,  Scott  ran  and  lost.  Taylor  was  devoutly  re- 
ligious. Polk  and  Taylor, — enemies  at  deaths  so  near  to- 
gether,— were  proponents  of  fate,  meaning  their  own  uncon- 
trollable wills,  backed  by  the  wills  of  millions;  and  prayer  was 
their  penance. 

In  his  economic  phase,  Taylor  was  the  money-getting,  prop- 
erty-accumulating government  man, — for  the  army  is  the 
heart  of  government, — who  planted  his  stakes  as  he  won  them 
in  lands,  in  slaves  and  in  cattle.  Risking  his  life  in  campaigns 
from  Lakes  to  Gulf,  he  made  perhaps  half-a-million  dollars, 
mysteriously.  The  lords  of  the  North  used  him;  they  were 
all  of  a  piece  with  himself. 

A  Dynasty  of  Failures. — Fillmore  was  a  lawyer,  agree- 
able to  respectable  men  of  property  and  of  business,  North 
and  South.  For  him,  the  poor,  the  plain  farmer,  the  wage- 
earner  did  not  exist  save  as  voters.  Except  near  election,  they 
were  "hands,"  the  "masses,"  the  unimportant.  Perhaps,  no 
other  President  had  less  principles;  his  were  self-preservation, 
and  such  property  and  offices  as  came  his  way  easily. 

Pierce,  the  lawyer,  had  enough  personal  graces  to  make  his 
measure  of  performance  seem  even  the  more  contemptible. 
He  played  both  ends,  South  and  North,  and  bent  double  in 
the  real  failures  of  apparent  successes. 

Buchanan  was  the  almost  constant  office-holder,  domestic 
and  diplomatic,  who,  nevertheless,  by  the  law  acquired  a  for- 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  79 

tune.  He  was  put  into  the  Presidency  to  do  nothing,  and  by 
graciously  doing  nothing,  let  whatever  hell  this  world  knows 
and  its  fiends  loose.  Buchanan  worked  destruction  unwill- 
ingly, almost  unwittingly.  He  was  too  old  and  perhaps  natu- 
rally too  dull  to  see  North  and  South  what  mischief  was  afoot. 

The  day  of  Northern  lawyers  with  the  South  as  their  sup- 
posed client  was  past. 

James  Buchanan  belonged  to  an  elder  age,  and  the  pitiless 
misfortune  that  befell  him  was  to  live  too  long  and  to  be 
raised  too  high. 

A  new  time  was  on  hand.  He  lived  in  the  past.  In  the 
time  of  Monroe,  these  predecessors  were  alive, — Adams,  Jef- 
ferson, and  Madison.  They  obscured  him  by  clouding  him 
out  with  their  ancient  glories. 

In  the  time  of  Polk,  these  predecessors  were  alive, — J.  Q. 
Adams,  Van  Buren,  and  Tyler.  Again,  the  President  suf- 
fered. 

In  the  time  of  Buchanan,  these  survived, — Van  Buren, 
Tyler,  Fillmore,  and  Pierce. 

And  Buchanan,  who  was  intellectually  their  superior,  con- 
sulted with  them,  whereby  all  the  blind  together  went  into  the 
ditch. 

The  Meaning  of  the  War  between  the  States. — The 
cities  of  the  seacoast  had  become  the  trade-agencies  of  both 
systems.  Politics  were  almost  as  commercial  as  to-day,  and 
perhaps  more  commercial  than  in  the  second  half  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century.  The  cities  carried  water  on  both  shoulders 
and  caught  trade  both  going  and  coming.  The  cotton-factors 
grew  rich;  the  jobbers  of  manufactured  goods  likewise;  and 
the  city  bankers.  The  greater  lords  of  capital  in  the  North 
tried  to  stay  out  of  the  combat  as  neutrals.  The  wage-servants 
of  the  North,  believing  themselves  to  be  free,  the  small  farm- 
ers who  were  plucked  without  knowing  it,  the  tradespeople 
who  shared  in  the  commercial  spoil,  rose  enthusiastically, 
going  themselves  and  sending  their  sons  into  the  fight,  and 
even  allowing  their  daughters  to  nurse  the  sick  and  wounded. 
They  meant  to  save  nationality  as  it  had  been;  what  they 
saved  was  nationality,  it  is  true,  but  it  was  a  nationality 
operated  in  a  joint  agreement  between  tariff  beneficiaries,  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  and  the  bankers.  The  consumers 
of  goods,  fined  by  mysterious  indirect  taxes,  paid  the  bills. 


80  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

In  the  South,  with  the  lords  of  lands  and  of  slaves,  rose 
all  free  laborers.  All  the  South,  the  proud  and  the  lowly,  went 
into  battle, — to  save  their  economic  system  upon  which  the 
social  structure  depended. 

The  Whig  Turned  Republican. — Lincoln  was  the 
lawyer-spokesman  of  the  speculative  business  men  of  the 
North,  not  of  the  conservatives  and  routinists.  He  was, 
economically,  the  typical  Whig  politician.  Clay  was  his  early 
worship.  For  his  client,  he  took  the  Constitution  broadly 
construed  as  he  understood  it.  His  followers  imagined  that 
things  are  what  they  are  called.  They  pictured  the  horrors  of 
chattel-slavery,  and  the  glories  of  wage-service,  neither  being 
at  least  universally  characteristic.  They  called  it  the  ''free 
North"  against  the  "slave  South."  Numbers  began  to  win, 
with  the  resources  of  bankers,  of  manufacturers,  of  railroaders, 
of  merchants,  all  out  for  profits,  at  their  service.  The  lords 
of  capital  began  to  buy  up  the  Federal  Government  with 
bonds.  They  raised  the  tariffs  beyond  the  dreams  of  former 
avarice  and  put  government  commissariats  and  private  citizens' 
households  under  commercial  bondage.  They  leagued  the 
Government  with  the  banks  through  the  bonds.  With  drafts 
and  bonuses  and  wonderful  promises  of  pensions  and  honors, 
they  flooded  the  poorer  youth  of  the  North  out  upon  Southern 
battle-fields. 

The  time  of  the  War  between  the  States, — under  the  Con- 
stitutions, the  old  and  the  imitation-new, — was  a  time  of 
riotous  growth  for  stay-at-homes  of  every  class, — bankers, 
manufacturers,  landowners,  farmers,  freemen,  wage-earners, 
professional  men.  Money,  of  various  kinds,  was  plentiful. 
Prices  soared;  and  profits  were  amazing.  While  some  men 
were  dying  on  battlefields,  other  men  were  running  a  railroad 
across  to  the  Pacific.  And  the  government  had  given  away 
the  finest  provinces  of  the  empire  as  bonuses  to  railroad- 
builders  and  "financiers."  Never  before  had  public  resources 
gone  so  readily  to  the  benefit  of  individuals. 

And  Lincoln,  seeking  his  one  goal,  union,  was  powerless  to 
prevent  this  sudden  development  into  plutocracy,  government 
by  and  for  wealth. 

Things  are  Seldom  What  They  are  Called. — The 
Southerners  also  imagined  that  things  are  what  they  are  called. 
They  pictured  the  men  and  boys  of  the  North  as  dull  laborers 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  81 

and  greedy  money-getters  and  their  own  people  as  universally 
war-heroes,  neither  being  universally  characteristic.  They 
dreamed  also  that  the  wage-servants  of  England  would  back 
the  lords  of  capital  and  for  the  sake  of  food  and  shelter  bow 
before  King  Cotton.  This  also  was  error.  The  laborers  of 
England  thought  of  the  black  slaves  as  equal  human  beings, 
which  was  still  another  error. 

At  last,  all  were  swept  into  the  maelstrom, — South  and 
North,  ''have's"  and  "have-not's,"  the  happy  and  the  hungry, 
country-men  and  city-dwellers,  learned  and  ignorant,  even  the 
servants,  all  save  Northern  capitalists  who  stayed  home  and 
gained  more  capital  out  of  the  fear  and  misery  of  the  rest. 
Suspension  of  habeas  corpus  in  the  North,  invading  armies  in 
the  South  put  an  end  to  liberty.  When  the  end  came,  the 
"hungry  have-more's"  and  the  "happy  have's"  of  the  South 
were  dead  or  desolate;  but  the  "hungry  have-more's"  of  the 
North  had  piled  up  riches.  The  cemeteries  were  full  of  the 
named  and  nameless  dead  of  a  criminal  war.  One-third  of 
our  national  wealth  was  gone;  all  the  rest  was  obligated  for 
$3,000,000,000  of  bonds  drawing  6  and  7  per  cent,  gold,  for 
which  paper  way  below  par  had  been  paid ;  and  obligated  also 
for  yet  more  in  pensions  to  Northern  soldiers. 

The  Net  Gain. — For  what  was  the  immense  treasure  paid  ? 
For  what  were  these  lives  laid  down?  To  maintain  the  old 
Union,  the  one  nation  for  its  own  sake  and  lest  other  cleavages 
befall  later;  and  to  replace  the  Southern  chattel-slavery  and 
its  responsibility  of  the  master  for  support  with  the  Northern 
wage-service  and  its  hire-and-fire  of  the  master  and  work-or- 
shirk  of  the  laborer. 

It  was  a  costly  transition  for  the  slaves, — of  whom  un- 
counted hundreds  of  thousands  perished  of  want  and  its  con- 
sequent diseases.  In  the  end,  not  only  did  the  old  South  dis- 
appear but  the  old  North  also.  It  was  a  common  ruin;  into 
the  vacuum  of  the  North  came  the  millions  of  Europe,  into 
that  of  the  South,  the  flotsam  and  jetsam  drift  of  the  North. 

Legally,  it  was  the  work  of  John  Marshall,  Chief  Justice, 
bequeathed  by  John  Adams,  and  of  Roger  Brooke  Taney,  Chief 
Justice,  bequeathed  by  Andrew  Jackson.  Marshall  had  ruled 
that  the  Supreme  Court  can  declare  laws  null  for  unconstitu- 
tionality. Accordingly,  Taney  made  the  Missouri  Compromise 
null.     Together,  they  kept  open  the  Pandora's  box  of  consti- 


82  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

tutional  revision  unchecked  by  any  other  authority.  Had  the 
original  Constitution, — that  of  Madison,  before  its  amend- 
ment by  Marshall, — contained  a  provision  calling  for  a  de- 
cennial or  quarter  centenary  convention  of  revisionists  prop- 
erly constituted  and  assembled,  or  had  it  created  a  Congress 
with  the  Constitution-making  power  of  Parliament,  there 
would  have  been  no  Interstate  War.  Humanity  has  at  last 
reached  the  stage  when  it  would  rather  argue  than  kill.  But  the 
amended  Constitution  created  a  feud  between  North  and 
South ;  and  they  fought  it  out. 

In  the  end,  the  colored  man  was  not  a  slave  attached  to  the 
person  of  his  owner  but  a  serf  attached  to  a  job, — like  every 
wage-employe  of  the  North.  Also,  in  the  end,  the  Republic 
was  less  of  a  federation  and  more  of  a  nation  than  before ;  and 
the  free  citizen  looked  less  to  the  Capital  of  his  State  and 
more  to  the  Capital  of  the  United  States. 

Slavery  Not  the  Cause  of  the  War. — Slavery  was  not 
the  cause  of  the  Interstate  War.  Brutal  treatment  of  slaves 
was  not  common  enough  for  that.  They  never  rose  in  order  to 
win  the  freedom  of  wage-service.  The  alleged  deep  wrong  of 
owning  a  person  but  one  or  two  or  three  generations  removed 
from  savagery  in  Africa  was  a  wrong  not  felt  by  the  person 
owned,  but  only  by  remote  sentimentalists.  We  had  slavery 
since  1619.  To  isolate  a  cause,  eliminate  the  common  factors 
present  when  in  the  same  situation  the  corresponding  effect 
failed  to  manifest  itself.  The  plausible  assertion  that  the 
wrongs  of  the  bondmen  piled  up  until  at  last  they  overtopped 
the  endurance  of  the  slaves  themselves,  of  their  masters,  and 
of  Northern  spectators  and  philanthropists  is  historically  con- 
trary to  fact,  for  the  slaves  multiplied ;  whereas  races  increas- 
ingly oppressed  decrease  in  numbers,  of  inevitable  course. 

Not  the  rising  resentment  of  slavery  as  ethically  wrong, — 
which  is  indubitable, — not  even  fanatic  abolitionism  was  the 
cause  of  the  Inter-State  War.  John  Brown  failed  ignomini- 
ously  in  his  raid ;  and  no  other  John  Browns  were  likely  to  ap- 
pear. The  North  was  altogether  anxious  to  leave  slavery 
alone. 

The  State's  rights  doctrine  did  not  cause  the  war.  It  con- 
tinues to  this  day,  and  yet  no  war  comes.  It  is  the  very  anti- 
thesis of  war,  seeking  to  avoid  collisions  of  sections  by  mak- 
ing the  burden  of  national  government  light. 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  83 

Nor  was  the  war  "a  necessary  evil,"  something  that  "must 
needs  be  for  the  final  good."  Men  used  to  think  that  measles, 
chickenpox,  and  that  nerve-disease  which  from  its  symptoms 
is  styled  "whooping-cough,"  were  good  for  children,  and 
necessary  because  they  were  so  general.  But  now  we  know 
better.  All  wars  are  wicked,  just  as  all  diseases  are  evils. 
Said  Benjamin  Franklin,  "There  never  was  a  good  war  or  an 
unjust  peace." 

Certain  Conditions  and  Forces. — A  cause  is  the  sum 
total  of  the  conditions  and  forces  whence  a  result  issues.  The 
blood-lust  only  sleeps  in  the  heart  of  man.  Yancey  and 
Toombs,  the  fire-eaters;  senile  and  loquacious  Taney, — sene- 
scent, shuffling  and  misunderstanding  Buchanan;  a  Constitu- 
tion rigid  on  paper,  but  bending  in  fact  at  the  will  of  the  few 
Supreme  Court  Justices,  and  a  strange  Northern  faith  in  the 
perfection  of  the  wage-service,  capitalistic  system  over  against 
a  convinced  Southern  belief  in  the  necessity  of  the  chattel- 
slave,  landlord  system:  these  were  the  forces  and  the  condi- 
tions that  were  the  cause  of  the  Inter-State  War. 

It  was  a  futile  war  that  settled  only  the  trivial  bondage 
feature  of  the  vital  race-conflict.  They  have  rights  only  who 
dare  and  can  maintain  them.  The  negro  cannot  be  the  equal 
of  the  white.  Of  course,  we  are  a  nation  of  several  castes, — 
natives  of  many  generations,  mostly  at  leisure  or  its  equivalent, 
white  foreigners  mostly  at  labor ;  both  voting ;  and  the  colored 
who  labor  but  do  not  vote.  To  deny  this  is  as  foolish  as  it  is 
hypocritical. 

Impeached  for  His  Merits. — Half-tailor,  half-official,  all- 
defiant,  Johnson  spoke  for  the  poor.  He  was  all  for  the  rights 
of  localities  and  of  individuals.  None  understood  him.  The 
Presidency  is  for  lawyers,  being  usually  attorneys  for  interests. 
Some  day,  historians  will  show  and  the  people  will  know  that 
Andrew  Johnson,  personally  full  of  faults,  made  the  Presi- 
dency itself  as  an  office  powerful.  His  vetoes  display  the  free 
man  of  the  people  standing  upon  the  rights  of  his  office.  It 
is  respectable  to  say  that  "if  Lincoln  had  lived,  the  South 
would  have  had  its  rights.  Far,  far  more  likely  is  it  that  if 
Lincoln  had  lived,  he  also  would  have  been  impeached  for 
doing  his  duty  as  God  gave  him  to  see  it. 

Congress  Overrides  the  Supreme  Court. — It  is  not  yet 
"standard  history"  to  tell  that  in  the  term  of  Johnson,  the 


84  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

plunderers  in  Congress  passed  a  law  forbidding  the  Supreme 
Court,  upon  pain  of  fine  and  imprisonment,  to  declare  their 
laws  unconstitutional;  not  until  1875  did  the  court  dare  to 
call  this  law  unconstitutional.  And  yet  if  any  law  is  uncon- 
stitutional, this  "Force  Bill"  against  the  South  was  such,  being 
also  essentially  wicked,  corrupt  and  base.  White  indeed  does 
Johnson  seem  side  by  side  with  Thaddeus  Stevens,  the  iron- 
manufacturer,  overseer  of  Congress. 

The  Social  Situation  at  the  Capital. — The  War  had 
unsettled  all  social  relations.  It  had  created  great  breaches  in 
the  walls  of  the  old  society  North  as  well  as  South,  into  which 
as  into  vacuums  the  waters  of  the  general  rushed.  The  rich 
were  impoverished,  the  strong  and  noble  were  dead,  the  learned 
were  out  of  date  and  scorned.  It  was  a  time  of  new  measures 
and  of  new  men.  And  more  than  any  other  city  of  the  land, 
not  excepting  the  ruined  cities  of  the  South,  Washington  was 
changed.  Except  in  minor  clerkships,  only  new  faces  were  to 
be  seen.  Here  and  there  out  of  the  ocean  of  the  new,  an  ante 
helium  mountain  top  like  Teneriffe  arose. 

The  newspaper  correspondence  of  the  period  is  amazing, — 
it  is  even  more  interesting  than  that  of  the  time  of  Andrew 
Jackson  and  the  arrival  of  the  new  West.  The  nouveaux 
riches  had  replaced  the  Southern  slave  barons  and  the  North- 
ern attorneys  and  capitalists.  Certain  departments,  such  as 
the  Interior,  were  already  sinks  of  pollution.  There  was  a 
change  of  manners ;  a  change  of  ethics ;  a  change  of  values ;  a 
change  in  the  sense  even  of  decency.  There  is  a  new  flaunting 
of  wealth,  of  power,  of  what  money  and  power  will  attract. 
Writing  of  a  scene  at  the  doors  of  the  Capitol  at  the  impeach- 
ment of  the  President,  a  brilliant  woman  correspondent  wrote 
to  a  Northern  newspaper,  "Now  came  the  wives  of  the  wealthy 
members,  not  the  leading  ones,  for  great  men  seldom  take  time 
to  get  rich.  More  carriages,  and  the  demimondes  flutter  out, 
faultless  in  costume,  fair  as  ruby  wine,  and  much  more  dan- 
gerous. The  carriages  bring  the  cream,  and  the  street  cars  the 
skim  milk."1  They  fill  the  ladies'  galleries  whenever  orators 
speak. 

It  was  not  so  before  the  War.  It  has  been  so  ever  since. 
It  grew  worse  under  Grant,  quieted  under  Hayes,  rose  under 
Arthur,  concealed  itself  under  Cleveland,  was  rampant  under 
McKinley.     It  is  the  very  essence  of  a  government  by  special 

Olivia  Letters,  Emily  E.  Briggs. 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  85 

interests,  for  the  special  interests,  and  of  us  all  except  the 
special  interests.  To  flaunt  their  wives  or  their  women  is  the 
evidence  of  "easy  money"  and  of  the  confident,  unrestricted, 
unchallenged  power  of  male  humanity. 

After  the  War,  Grant  followed.  Stripped  of  his  fame  and 
of  the  gratitude  of  the  compulsory  Unionists,  he  appears  a 
soldier-yeoman  with  one  feature  of  genius,  ability  to  handle 
masses  of  men.  Raised  to  a  pinnacle  whence  one  may  view  the 
world,  he  saw  in  it  opportunities  for  companionship  with  the 
rich  and  for  helping  his  friends  at  the  expense  of  society 
organized  as  government.  For  him  as  for  Jackson,  a  people's 
favor  exercised  a  dispensing  power. 

Reconstruction  Compared  with  Secession. — Recon- 
struction, by  the  same  arms  that  had  forced  secession  to  defeat, 
was  far  more  of  a  moving  cause  for  war  than  anything  that 
the  South  had  done  or  suffered  hitherto.  But  the  South  was 
helpless.  Reconstruction  followed  defeat  and  ruin.  Repu- 
diation followed  reconstruction  and  horror.  Readjusting  fol- 
lowed repudiation  and  shame.  And  the  old  South  with  her 
glory  is  buried  deep  in  the  ashes  of  pitiless  crimes,  wrongs  and 
disasters. 

Hayes  the  Beneficent. — Then  Hayes  arrived,  taking  con- 
stitutionally, legally  and  by  common  consent  what  was  not 
his  in  ethics.  He  was  a  beneficent  soul,  comfortable  from 
rents  and  interests,  and  not  eager.  Though  not  a  decentraliza- 
tionist,  he  put  an  end  to  force.  He  did  some  hunting,  but  with 
snares,  not  with  guns.  He  was  religious  and  pious,  virtuous 
and  contented,  but  he  was  not  self-gratulatory.  God  was  good 
to  him,  and  he  was  grateful,  not  grasping  for  more ;  and  yet 
because  of  the  economic  system,  the  more  and  more  kept  com- 
ing, for  he  was  a  steward,  not  a  spender,  of  riches.  More 
bishop  than  statesman,  he  is  unique  in  our  record. 

Garfield  and  Arthur. — All  for  national  glory,  ready  to 
bargain  for  aggrandizement,  Garfield  counts  mainly  as  evi- 
dence of  what  manner  of  man  the  people  of  the  year  1880  de- 
lighted to  honor.  He  was  the  yeoman  turned  scholar,  then 
general,  then  legislator,  always  poor  and  healthy  and  self-con- 
fident, a  lawyer  public  servant;  and  like  some  contentious 
lawyers,  he  set  all  the  country  by  the  ears. 

Arthur  was  a  gay  and  happy  poor  man  usually  in  office, 
nearly  devoid  of  principles,  using  manners,  graces  and  favors 


86  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

in  their  stead.  He  cared  almost  nothing  about  to-morrows. 
His  was  a  pleasant  figure  at  not  too  close  a  view. 

Government  is  Not  Good  in  Itself. — As  from  another 
world  came  Grover  Cleveland,  manifesting  that  to  be  respect- 
able government  must  be  economical  and  honest.  He  worked 
like  a  man  in  a  dream.  Servant  of  the  new  commercial  classes, 
he  brought  in  a  new  age,  but  not  to  stay.  Strong  government 
never  dissipates  its  energies.  Riotous  memories  of  the  past 
were  shut  into  a  compartment  of  his  mind,  and  its  door  was 
never  opened. 

A  central  government  pursuing  many  enterprises  is  in  the 
way  of  destruction,  and  its  people  are  on  the  way  to  "bread 
and  a  circus."  Jefferson,  Madison,  Van  Buren,  and  Lincoln 
had  glimpses  of  this  truth,  for  which  Cleveland,  too  dull  to 
apply  the  principle  rigidly,  was  nevertheless  brave  enough  to 
go  to  battle  and  to  defeat  calmly;  and  then  to  go  again  to 
battle  and  to  victory. 

A  Link  in  the  Tariff  Chain. — Another  and  a  greater 
lawyer  but  lesser  public  servant  defeated  and  then  was  de- 
feated by  Grover  Cleveland.  This  was  Benjamin  Harrison, 
worker  for  tariff-protected  manufacturers  and  bent  upon 
national  expansion. 

A  Modest  Imperialist. — Then  came  William  McKinley, 
a  happy-less-than-nothing,  a  lawyer-politician,  habitual  office- 
holder, speculating  iron  manufacturer  the  while,  existing  al- 
most solely  for  the  development  of  the  tariff.  Thanks  to  what 
happened  under  this  amiable  helot  of  millionaires,  we  now 
police  a  quarter  of  the  world.  Oh,  for  a  day  of  someone  else, 
— the  day  we  took  the  Philippines !  Would  that  it  had  been  a 
day  of  a  man  of  gracious  common  sense  like  Madison  or  Lin- 
coln, or  of  angry  resistance  like  Van  Buren  or  Cleveland.  For 
it  makes  a  deal  of  difference  to  one's  children's  children  who  is 
our  President.    Not  even  Polk  could  have  done  worse. 

A  Hunter. — Roosevelt  was  a  plunger.  A  big  game-hunter 
in  forest  and  in  politics,  he  took  his  prey  everywhere.  Land- 
lord, money-lord,  writer,  by  profession,  and  always  an  office- 
seeker  when  not  in  office  of  peace  or  war,  he  admired  most  the 
permanent  classes. 

The  pictures  in  the  gallery  of  the  mind  of  Roosevelt  were 
seldom  hung  and  were  usually  not  even  framed ;  the  corridors 
went  unswept  and  the  windows  unwashed ;  but  it  was  an  im- 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  87 

mense  gallery  full  of  a  variety  of  pictures;  and  at  the  doors, 
to  all  a  welcome. 

A  Contented  Man. — Socially,  the  most  pleasant  of  men 
to  know  are  the  unworried  poor,  whom  Roosevelt  scorned  and 
occasionally  condemned.  And  yet  being  ever  contradictory, 
he  made  one  such  President, — William  Howard  Taft,  very 
useful  to  the  powers  behind  government  according  to  the  ever- 
increasing  demands  of  bankers,  of  transporters  of  goods,  of 
merchants,  of  manufacturers  and  of  capitalists.  And  yet  the 
fate  of  Fillmore,  of  Pierce,  and  of  Buchanan  his  prototypes 
may  be  his. 

A  New  Social  Cleavage. — To-day,  a  new  social  cleavage 
threatens.  Whether  it  will  break,  as  did  the  Revolution  of 
1775,  in  every  city  and  town  and  village  and  hamlet  and  in 
the  open  country,  or  as  secession  did  in  1861  between  sections, 
no  man  knows.  The  economic  system  that  became  universal 
after  Appomattox  is  working  out  to  its  logical  end.  By  our 
legislation,  and  by  our  court  decisions,  we  guarantee  to  pro- 
tected manufacturers  "reasonable  profits";  to  capitalists  em- 
ploying their  wealth  in  business,  we  guarantee  interest  upon 
their  money, — except  every  dozen  years  when  a  natural  panic 
readjusts  artificial  values, — and  "reasonable  restraints  of  com- 
petition" ;  to  our  laborers,  by  police  and  militia,  we  guarantee 
the  "free  rights  of  labor";  and  to  landlords  their  rents  unless 
the  tenants  are  in  poverty.  Employers  in  midwinter  can  and 
do  discharge  thousands  of  laborers  penniless  upon  the  streets 
without  notice.  Employers  can  and  do  lock  the  doors  of  their 
factories  so  that  their  laborers  perish  in  holocausts.  Em- 
ployers can  and  do  about  as  they  please.  For  every  wrong 
to  one  negro,  in  slavery,  wrongs  to  a  hundred  whites  in  wage- 
service  may  be  set  forth.  The  future  is  capitalized,  the  public 
good  will,  statute  law,  natural  monopoly;  and  stocks  are 
watered  accordingly. 

And  from  top  to  bottom,  wage-earner,  manufacturer, 
freighter,  trader,  banker  charges  all  that  the  traffic  will  bear  in 
one  consistent  and  yet  not  universal  covetousness.  The  work- 
ers organize  in  unions  and  make  war, — with  conspiracy  and 
with  dynamite, — against  the  lords  of  land,  of  capital  and  of 
privilege.  The  vaunted  free-labor  system  is  supplied  with 
laborers  by  immigration  from  Europe, — one-seventh  of  our 
people  are  foreign-born,  one-sixth  more  are  the  children  of 


88  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

the  foreign-born,1  and  the  reproduction  of  the  ante  helium 
stock  has  long  since  ceased  to  equal  its  death-rate, — and  we 
wonder  why  our  free  institutions  do  not  work  well.  A  really 
great  people  multiplies  by  its  own  reproduction. 

On  field,  in  mine,  in  factory,  in  store  and  office,  we  ask, — 
"What  next?"  Our  cities  multiply;  their  populations  grow; 
but  does  the  average  level  of  intelligence  and  of  morality  rise? 
We  seem  at  last  awakening  to  the  fact  that  heredity  counts 
as  well  as  education.  But  then  Priscilla  herself  was  a  Mul- 
lins  from  Ireland. 

What  Wealth  May  Properly  Be  Property. — Of  course, 
it  is  a  question  of  poverty  in  the  midst  of  plenty.  Savagery 
and  barbarism  do  not  tolerate  it.  Civilization  always  produces 
it.  Nearly  all  Americans  are  wage-servants  and  rent-tenants, 
hungry  and  happy  "have-not's"  waiting  upon  the  "have's"  to 
let  them  take  food  and  shelter  enough  to  keep  them  alive  for 
more  wage-earning  and  rent-paying.  And  all  Americans  have 
come  clearly  to  see  that  the  mode  of  government  operation 
exists  primarily  not  for  property  as  such, — property  is  the 
reservoir  of  wealth,  the  residuum  of  lives,  the  guarantee  of 
the  future,  and  absolutely  necessary,  which  makes  impertinent 
the  question  whether  or  not  it  is  desirable, — but  for  certain 
kinds  of  property,  accumulated  by  government-privilege,  mu- 
nicipal. State  or  national. 

Some  Past  Issues  Restated. — Originally,  the  supporters 
of  high  protective  tariffs  asserted  that  when  .loaded  with 
profits,  the  capitalists  would  pay  the  wage-earning,  hand-to- 
mouth,-give-us-day-by-day-our-daily-bread  "have-not's"  gen- 
erous wages.  But  appetite  grew  by  what  it  fed  upon ;  and  the 
paid  tariff  attorneys  in  Congress  made  profits  grow  by  statute 
while  wages  remained  under  the  iron  law  of  demand-and- 
supply. 

We  do  not  know  what  "sound  currency"  means;  we  never 
have  had  it.  Inflation  is  to  the  interest  of  speculators  and  of 
all  other  debtors;  comes  with  silver  flooding  from  the  mines 
or  with  gold  likewise  as  well  as  from  fiat  paper  money  flooding 
out  of  government  printing  shops. 

Credit  freely  given  is  inflation.  So  is  spendthriftism,  which 
keeps  money  going  about  fast. 

But  asking  for  specie  instead  of  a  bank  check  or  a  paper 
dollar  is  a  bear  operation,  just  as  issuing  a  paper  dollar  or  a 

1Census  of  1910;  summary  published  December,  191 1. 


ESSENTIAL  ISSUES  89 

silver  dollar  at  16  to  1  when  the  market  value  is  31  to  1  is  a 
bull  operation;  and  in  this  fashion,  men  merrily  make  war 
upon  one  another,  and  throw  aside  the  dead. 

Internal  improvements  upon  government  taxes  mean  graft 
— for  the  localities  collected  from  all  of  us,  and  for  the  con- 
tractors and  laborers  who  otherwise  would  be  less  competed 
for  in  the  industrial  markets.  The  next  generation  may  try 
to  pay  the  bills  to  the  workless  and  worthless  sons  and  daugh- 
ters of  to-day's  bondholders. 

The  expansion  of  slavery  meant  offsetting  the  artificial  ex- 
pansion of  wage-service  in  the  North  and  increasing  the  supply 
of  raw  materials  and  also  the  markets  for  the  manufactured 
goods  of  the  "have's"  and  "have-not's"  alike  of  the  North. 

Territorial  expansion  into  Louisiana  and  Oregon  and  Alaska 
was  to  help  the  "have-not's" ;  into  Upper  Mexico,  the  Philip- 
pines and  Porto  Rico,  to  help  the  "have's"  primarily. 

And  this  history  exploded  the  myth  that  "you  cannot  help 
one  man  without  helping  every  other,"  for  the  artificially  en- 
riched capitalist  became  a  competitor  of  the  poor  man  for 
agricultural  and  mining  and  lumber  lands  and  bid  up  prices 
beyond  his  reach.  A  big  navy  and  government  glory  and  a 
vast  pension  list,  the  spread  of  exports  to  three  billions  of 
value  a  year,  and  newspapers  full  of  political  news,  and  legis- 
latures weltering  in  bills,  bills,  bills  (mostly  private,  however), 
have  not  concealed  from  the  "have's"  who  are  content  with 
economic  gain  and  from  the  intelligent  "have-nots"  the  real 
inner  truth  of  this  process.  The  birth  rates  of  the  various 
classes  and  nationalities  tell  the  story.  New  England  no 
longer  has  youth  and  children  of  the  old  stock ;  and  her  legis- 
lators average  past  fifty  years  in  age. 

The  New  Issues  Not  Merely  Political. — The  race  ques- 
tions and  the  Mormon  question  go  below  economics  and  con- 
cern flesh-and-blood,  the  moral  ideas,  the  intellectual  aspira- 
tions, and  the  quality  of  our  population.  They  concern  our 
fellowship  in  the  nations  of  the  world;  they  concern  our  reli- 
gion, our  education,  and  morals  and  manners.  Both  negro 
and  Morman  are  to-day  manipulated  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Republican  party,  which  is  the  defender  of  property-as-it-is. 
What  may  be  righteously  the  subject  of  property?  What  is 
liberty  in  a  complex  and  multitudinous  society?  Does  modern 
property  force  the  growth  of  cities?     Does  the  secret  ballot 


90  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

teach  cowardice  and  lying ?  What  new  classes  are  coming?  Is 
caste  already  here? 

With  the  commands,  "Thou  shalt  not  covet"  and  "Thou 
shalt  not  kill,"  ringing  in  our  ears, — being  natural  laws,  they 
ring  whether  they  are  known  to  come  from  Sinai  or  not, — 
present  political  alignments  are  becoming  obsolete.  Politics 
never  do  manage  vital  issues;  but  politics  may  become  so 
trivial  as  to  become  worse  than  base, — they  become  absurd. 

To  have  political  divisions  respecting  ethical  issues  brings 
a  nation  into  the  contempt  of  the  discerning. 

The  two  black-and-white  race  questions  are  not  settled.  We 
do  not  yet  know  what  to  do  with  Afro-Americans  or  with  the 
Hispano-Filipinos.  Inequality  and  friendliness  in  the  rela- 
tion of  owner  and  bondman  did  not  settle  the  relations  of 
negro  and  Caucasian.  Inequality  and  alienation  in  the  rela- 
tion of  employer  and  wage-servant  have  not  settled  them. 

The  Filipino  situation  is  likewise  unsettled. 

The  Mormon  question  with  its  content  of  polygamy  and 
ecclesiastical  domination  is  just  as  serious.  To-day,  political 
Democracy  as  a  party  stands  for  "a  white  man's  land,"  not 
knowing  exactly  the  purport  of  the  phrase.  But  Republicanism 
protects  the  Mormon  hierarchy,  and  polls  its  votes  in  the  Leg- 
islatures of  six  States  and  in  the  Congress  of  all  the  States. 

All  the  while,  the  mythical  average  man  is  asking  the  ques- 
tion,— "What  does  this  party  (or  that  party)  think  of  prop- 
erty itself  and  of  my  liberties?"  He  fails  to  see  that  parties 
do  not  think ;  they  are  instruments  only,  when  old,  the  instru- 
ments of  power  and  privilege ;  when  new,  the  instruments  of 
thought. 

To-day,  the  State,  which  is  the  visible  body  of  government, 
is  universal  and  dominant.  There  are  no  outlaws  from  Key 
West  to  Cape  Nome ;  but  the  Church,  which  is  the  visible  body 
of  religion,  is  by  no  means  universal  or  powerful.  There  are 
millions  of  infidels  in  the  land.  Our  morals  and  ethics  are 
in  confusion  from  conflicting  race-standards  and  no  standards 
at  all.  Race-equality  fanatics,  Mormon  propagandists,  the 
apostles  of  revived  Oriental  cults  find  open  forums  here. 

As  abolitionism  split  the  old  Whig  and  Democratic  parties, 
ending  the  former,  so  progressivism  may  split  the  present 
Republican  and  Democratic  parties,  ending  the  former.    Aboli- 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  91 

tionism  opposed  slavery,  progressivism  opposes  outworn  laws, 
including  the  tariff. 

Our  Doom  is  to  Change  and  to  Grow. — We  have  lived 
through  several  social  revolutions  and  many  other  social 
changes;  and  more  portend.  Our  Presidents  of  the  future 
must  be  more  than  politicians  and  go  deeper  than  any  other 
Presidents  hitherto  have  gone  into  the  struggles  at  the  heart  of 
humanity. 

The  American  ship  of  State  rides  "chartless  upon  the  storm- 
engendering  sea  of  liberty/'  Upon  every  quadrennium  of 
Presidential  election,  with  some  Washington  or  Jackson,  Lin- 
coln or'Roosevelt,  the  new  storm  may  break  over  us.  As  we 
skirt  the  coasts  of  change,  not  often  or  for  long  do  we  find 
quiet  harbor  under  a  Monroe,  a  Fillmore  or  a  Benjamin  Har- 
rison. Four  times,  we  have  added  great  areas  to  our  domain, 
— in  the  days  of  Jefferson,  of  Polk,  of  Johnson,  and  of  Mc- 
Kinley.  Are  we  yet  to  add  other  areas  ?  If  so,  are  we  to  wake 
up  some  morning  with  a  section  of  China  or  of  Mexico  or  of 
Canada  added  by  the  trustees  of  political  power  directed  by 
the  lords  of  wealth?  We  are  doomed  to  go  on  and  on;  but 
as  a  single  nation,  only  until  when  ? 


CHAPTER  III 
The  Principles  and  History  of  Our  Political  Parties 

Fundamental  court  and  country  parties — capital  and  labor — Republicanism 
and  Democracy — high  tariffs — individualism — ancient  and  colonial 
politics — part  played  by  Madison  in  Constitutional  Convention — 
Federalism — Democracy — strict  construction  of  Constitution — two 
lists  of  Presidents,  before  and  after  Jackson — the  party  convention — 
manhood  suffrage  —  social  revolution — National  Republicanism — 
slavery  and  Douglas — Copperheadism — negro-rights  amendments — 
free  coinage  of  silver — Americanizing  the  foreigner — Anti-Masonry 
— Whiggism — Clay  and  Webster— Compromise  of  1850 — Liberty — 
Birney — Free  Soil — J.  P.  Hale — Know  Nothingism — spread  of 
Roman  Catholicism — Seward — free  public  education — wages,  prices 
and   standard  of  living — Republicanism — first   principles   achieved — 


92  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

definition  of  party — Squatter  Sovereignty — lyceums — Ostend  Mani- 
festo— Dred  Scott  decision — Lincoln — legal  tender — national  banks — 
city  and  farm — reconstruction — insurgency — Liberal  Republicans — 
factionalism — reciprocity — insurgency — Greenbackism — Peter  Cooper 
— Prohibitionism — a  two-party  nation — ethical  influences — Populism — 
Bryan — Socialism — state  and  cooperative — individual  freedom  through 
politics — the  problem  society  and  individual. 


Playing  the  Roulette  Wheel. — In  the  fourth  decade  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  we  set  up  the  Convention  system  for  the 
nomination  of  Presidential  candidates.  It  corresponds  closely 
with  the  roulette  wheel.  One  who  expects  to  get  men  of  a 
high  order  out  of  hurrah  conventions  could  expect  always  to 
win  a  ioo-to-i  play. 

The  Fundamental  Court  and  Country  Parties. — In 
the  second  decade  of  this  twentieth  century,  we  have  two  great 
parties,  the  Democratic  and  the  Republican,  and  several  small 
parties,  among  them  the  Prohibitionist  and  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic or  "Socialist,"  as  it  has  been  named  under  court  order 
in  several  States.  Under  all  political  parties  runs  the  line  of 
social  cleavage,  formulated  as  "capital"  and  "labor,"  meaning 
"capitalists"  and  "trade  union  laborers."  With  the  capitalists 
are  affiliated  the  "middle  class,"  composed  mostly  of  trades- 
people and  small  farmers,  the  professional  men,  the  clerks,  and 
the  non-union  laborers,  including  farm-hands. 

Capital  and  Labor. — To  the  capitalists  and  their  allies, 
the  Republicans  offer,  first,  "prosperity"  through  protection 
of  American  manufacturers,  thereby  securing  profits  to  them, 
though  profits  are  not  guaranteed  to  any  other  class  of  Ameri- 
cans, and,  second,  national  honor  through  strong  central  gov- 
ernment. To  the  laborers  and  their  allies,  the  Republicans 
offer  "prosperity  through  constant  work  at  high  wages."  For 
thirty  years  and  more,  this  program  has  constituted  the  hold 
of  the  Republican  party  upon  the  National  Government. 

To  the  capitalists  and  laborers  alike,  the  Democrats  appeal 
as  consumers,  with  so  much  income  with  which  to  buy  so 
much  merchandise,  asserting  that  lower  tariffs  and  less  costly 
government  mean  lower  prices  and  "more  goods  for  your 
money."  The  Democrats  have  the  advantage  of  a  solid  South 
shut  to  Republicanism  by  the  crimes  of  reconstruction.  The 
party  struggles  have  been  in  the  North  and  in  the  West.    The 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  93 

Democratic  party  has  been  right  upon  the  race-question,  in 
comparison  with  which,  properly,  the  South  thinks  all  other 
questions  trivial.1 

The  Democratic  party  has  existed  since  the  beginning  of 
American  political  history.  Samuel  Adams,  Patrick  Henry, 
and  George  Mason  were  all  democrats.2  Thomas  Jefferson 
formulated  Democracy  and  gave  it  party  existence.  Jackson 
made  his  important  contribution  by  giving  the  offices  to  the 
people, — "fishers  and  choppers  and  ploughmen  shall  constitute 
the  State,"  as  Emerson  said.  Calhoun  made  his  contribution 
of  political  metaphysics.  Cleveland  redeemed  Democracy  by 
showing  that  a  government  that  rejects  tasks  not  strictly  gov- 
ernmental, a  non-meddlesome  government,  may,  nevertheless, 
be  all  the  stronger  by  reason  of  concentration  upon  its  proper 
tasks.3 

Republicanism  and  Democracy. — Though  since  1861  the 
Republican  party  with  contemptuous  pride  has  viewed  the 
Democratic  as  "in  the  opposition,"  American  history  abund- 
antly warrants  the  statement  that  the  Republican  theory  is 
transient  while  the  Democratic  is  permanent.  A  protective 
tariff,  unless  prohibitive,  is  always  and  necessarily  unstable. 
Moreover,  strong  central  government  is  always  and  neces- 
sarily so  restrictive  of  individual  initiative  and  ingenuity  as  to 
invite  resentment  while  at  the  same  time  constricting  growth 
of  population  by  reproduction,  the  main  security  of  nations 
and  the  first  criterion  of  their  happiness.  As  a  class-party, 
Republicanism  constantly  is  hard  put  to  it  to  find  and  to  pub- 
lish new  and  extraneous  issues  lest  its  falsity  to  the  truth  of 
universal  history  be  obvious.  Some  of  these  extra  and  non- 
cognate  issues  have,  however,  been  admirable. 

Though  Anti-Federalism  was  logically  Democratic,  Federal- 
ism itself  was  not  Republicanism  but  a  far  broader  philosophy. 
Federalism  was  neo-constitutionalism,  in  a  sense,  nationalism. 
Chief  Justice  Marshall  and  his  associates  of  the  Supreme 
Court  by  setting  themselves  up  as  a  non-reviewable  constitu- 
tional convention  in  continual  session  made  Federalism  legally 
Americanism.  Federalism  was  absorbed  and  dissipated  in  its 
own  success.  Thereafter,  it  had  no  reason  for  existence,  and 
accordingly  disappeared.   For  a  time  under  Madison,  Monroe, 

^ee  p.  90,  supra.       *See  p.  68,  supra.         "See  pp.  6$,  65,  86,  supra, 


94  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

and  J.  Q.  Adams,  all  Americans  were  Democrats,  trying  to 
find  the  rights  of  the  States  and  of  the  individuals  beneath  the 
foundations  of  a  Federalistic  Nation.  South  Carolina  "nulli- 
fication" and  Confederate  "secession"  were  earthquakes. 
When  Jackson  broke  "Biddle's  Bank,"  he  tore  out  one  of  the 
great  halls  of  the  Federalistic  National  structure.  What  Wash- 
ington, Hamilton,  and  John  Adams  tried  to  do  with  the  one 
National  Bank,  Lincoln  and  Chase  and  John  Sherman  did  far 
better  with  their  chain  of  National  Banks, — banking  with 
democratic  dispersion.  And  what  both  Jackson  the  Democrat 
and  John  Sherman  the  Republican  did  in  demanding  and  get- 
ting specie  payment,  "intrinsic  money  of  redemption,"  was  the 
work  of  democratic  individualism.  Only  excessive  "national- 
ism" attempts  fiat  money,  legal  tender,  greenbacks,  irredeem- 
able paper  currency, — all  of  which  came  in  the  Interstate  War 
for  the  extraordinary  purpose  of  "saving  the  Union."  The  indi- 
vidual with  gold  dollars  in  his  pocket,  with  a  deed  to  his  house 
and  garden-close  duly  registered  in  a  Government  office,  and 
with  lias  job,  is  the  true  democrat.  In  seeking  to  secure  to  him 
the  job  of  making  his  employer  rich  and  theoretically  generous, 
Republicanism  is  seeking  to  produce  the  true  democrat;  but 
in  so  doing,  it  creates  the  two  classes,  one  of  government-privi- 
leged masters  and  the  other  of  wage-earning  servants.  By  its 
legal  tenders  and  national  bank  notes  and  its  government  bonds 
for  debts,  Republicanism  makes  money  plenty  and  stimulates 
speculative  business.1  Democracy  does  not  seek  to  produce  the 
true  democrat,  believing  that  in  a  free  society  with  a  minimum 
of  government  assistance  and  meddling,  the  true  democrat 
grows  of  himself.  The  views  of  Republicanism  and  of  Democ- 
racy in  respect  to  government  and  to  human  nature  are  mu- 
tually exclusive.  Democracy  considers  government  a  conces- 
sion to  the  weakness  and  errancy  of  human  nature  and  a  con- 
venient method  of  advertising  social  customs  and  of  publish- 
ing in  words  the  natural  laws  established  in  facts. 

Individualism. — Democracy  lets  the  individual  work  out 
his  own  destiny,  but  Republicanism  coddles  him.  Trade-re- 
strictions and  non-importation  laws  are  all  forms  of  the  social 
taboo  characteristic  of  primitive  societies.  In  civilized  nations, 
they  are  atavistic  and  fortunately  intermittent  in  appearance 

^ec  p.  104,  infra. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  95 

and  transient  in  term.  Free  trade,  like  free  speech  within  the 
gates  of  one's  own  lands  and  like  equal  rights  beyond  their 
bounds,  is  the  sign  manual  of  true  civilization. 

Ancient  and  Colonial  Politics. — Human  societies  have 
taken  various  forms, — tyrannies,  tribes,  communities,  mon- 
archies, republics,  what  not?  Governments  change,  national 
lines  disappear,  languages,  religions,  institutions  vanish;  but 
men  grow  like  grass.  The  individual  is  a  unit, — for  all  one 
knows,  he  is  from  everlasting  to  everlasting.  The  real  man 
has  been  the  same  whether  Sargon  or  slave,  Caesar,  Charle- 
magne, Shakespeake,  yeoman  or  lord.  Once  out  of  childhood, 
the  real  man  has  always  been  virtually  self-sufficient  with  a 
surplus  to  spare, — he  carries  more  than  his  own  weight.  He 
asks  nothing  tangible  from  government;  he  asks  by  it  justice, 
and  shares  in  its  transactions  equally  with  others  on  the  level 
floor  of  a  common  humanity.  When  the  self-sufficient  man 
with  the  surplus  turns  his  superabundant  strength  to  tres- 
passing upon  others,  he  must  be  curbed.  In  the  democratic 
conception,  government  is  concerned  with  preventing  such 
trespass  and  in  punishing  it  when  accomplished,  and  is  con- 
cerned with  little  else. 

The  roots  of  Federalism  and  of  Democracy  lay  in  the 
colonial  soil.  The  colonies  were  variously  governed  at  the 
top,  but  most  of  them  had  the  same  mode  of  local  govern- 
ment,— the  assembling  of  the  citizens  for  discussion  and  vot- 
ing. New  England  called  this  "town-meeting";  and  wher- 
ever it  may,  persists  yet  in  this  indubitable  democracy. 

Conceived  in  the  broadest  terms,  the  local  communities  in 
nearly  all  the  colonies  had  democracy  in  the  sense  of  majority 
rule  after  public  discussion.  Similarly  conceived  in  the  broad- 
est terms,  the  government  of  the  colony  was  superimposed 
from  without  as  by  an  absentee  but  absolute  sovereign.  The 
local  government  was  usually  weak  and  often  vacillating, — 
not  government  by  force  but  control  by  speech  and  influence. 
The  central  government, — from  the  Capital  of  the  Colony 
backed  by  the  oversea  Crown, — was  the  government  by  force. 

In  the  War  of  Independence  itself,  the  partisans  of  each 
theory  of  government  were  deeply  concerned.  Patrick  Henry 
was  the  true  parish-meeting  democrat,  George  Washington 
the  aristocrat  real  or  would-be,  proposing  to  put  oversea  and 
alien  aristocrats  aside  that  native  gentlemen  might  rule. 


96  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Part  Played  by  Madison  in  the  Federal  Convention. 
—In  the  Constitutional  Convention,  the  partisans  of  each 
theory  again  took  part.  Between  the  two  factions,  James 
Madison  played  with  matchless  finesse.  Hence  arose  the 
amazing  complications  of  the  Constitutional  checks  and  bal- 
ances. In  the  end,  the  partisans  of  the  theory  of  force-govern- 
ment had  a  by  no  means  complete  victory.  In  other  terms, 
the  capitalists  who  save,  administer  and  direct  wealth  had 
rather  the  better  of  the  four  months'  argument  with  those 
theorists  who,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  were  playing  the 
hand  of  the  laborers  and  wealth-producers.  The  men  who 
would  not  sign  the  Constitution  bore  eloquent  testimony ;  they 
were  ultra-democrats.1 

The  members  of  the  Convention  scarcely  foresaw  that 
parties  would  arise  to  choose  Senators  and  Congressmen  and 
even  the  President.  They  certainly  looked  upon  the  Electoral 
College  as  a  device  absolutely  safe  from  party  manipulation, 
as  the  documents  prove.2 

Federalism. 

The  Federalists  fought  through  to  success  the  struggles  for 
the  ratification  of  the  Constitution  in  twelve  of  the  thirteen 
States, — Rhode  Island  long  held  out.  Yet  according  to  its 
own  text,  the  Constitution  was  not  to  be  fully  in  force  until 
unanimously  ratified.3  Still,  the  Federalists  went  boldly  for- 
ward. Three  of  their  number  wrote  "The  Federalist"  to  inter- 
pret the  Constitution.  So  absolute  was  their  hold  upon  the 
State  Legislatures,  which  in  1788  chose  all  the  Electors,  that 
they  elected  George  Washington  unanimously  as  President. 
It  was  their  good  fortune  to  have  in  him  the  one  most  admired 
man  in  the  nation,  a  circumstance  that  suppressed  many  an 
otherwise  Anti-Federalist  vote.  They  organized  the  govern- 
ment. Washington  himself  said  that  it  would  be  folly  to 
appoint  to  office  an  opponent  of  the  Constitution  as  the  Feder- 
alists understood  it. 

In  1 801,  the  Federalists  lost  control  of  the  government  by 
a  small  majority,  and  then  went  wild.  In  1808  and  again  in 
1 81 4,  at  the  Hartford  Convention,  surviving  Federalism  lost 

1See  pp.  69,  276  et  seq.  "Federal  Constitution,  Article  VII. 

"Madison's  Journal,  July  25. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  97 

its  original  doctrine  and  talked  State's  rights.  In  the  middle 
years  of  its  life  Federalism  tried  to  make  a  South  Carolinan 
President,  a  political  error,  for  Federalism  was  a  theory  for 
bankers  and  merchants,  creditors,  army  and  navy  officers,  large 
employers  of  hired  labor,  not  for  agricultural  regions,  and 
could  not  thrive  in  the  South  under  its  economic  and  social 
systems.  When  he  consented  to  a  Potomac  site  for  the 
Capital,1  Hamilton  helped  to  kill  Federalism.  But  the  suicide 
of  the  party  was  not  completed  without  the  Alien  and  Sedi- 
tions Acts,  the  New  England  factionalism  and  sectionalism, 
and  finally  the  setting  up  of  the  social  cult  in  Massachu- 
setts to  the  effect  that  "all  gentlemen  are  Federalists."  There 
and  thereof  and  then,  Federalism  died.2 

Democracy 

While  Federalism  was  pursuing  its  suicidal  course  and  van- 
ishing into  a  memory  of  the  past,  a  dead  hope  proclaiming  a 
nation's  ingratitude  while  itself  had  become  a  sickly  treason, 
Anti-Federalism  was  on  its  march  to  greatness. 

The  two  leaders  of  Federalism  had  been  Hamilton,  brilliant 
and  bad,  and  Adams,  energetic  and  good,  but  neither  of  them 
winning  and  tactful.  Anti-Federalism  had  one  major  leader 
and  one  minor,  both  winning  and  tactful,  Thomas  Jefferson, 
brilliant  and  at  heart  good,  and  Aaron  Burr,  brilliant  and  bad. 

Strict  Construction  of  the  Constitution. — The  Anti- 
Federalists  took  the  view  that  the  powers  assigned  to  the 
National  Government  should  be  strictly  construed  while  those 
reserved  to  the  States  should  be  loosely  and  liberally  con- 
strued. The  principle  has  been  recognized  for  ages  in  the 
English  common  law.  Criminal  statutes  are  strictly  construed, 
civil  statutes  are  liberally  construed.  As  the  days  of  the 
Revolutionary  War  and  of  the  period  of  unrest  before  1787 
receded  into  the  background,  the  home-love  for  the  State 
brought  to  Anti-Federalism  many  a  convert.  But  for  the 
flare-up  when  Adams  made  Washington  general  of  an  army 
against  France,3  the  victory  of  Anti-Federalism  over  Federal- 
ism in  1 80 1  would  have  been  overwhelming.  Continued  shrewd 

*See  pp.  261-262,  infra.  2See  p.  309,  infra.  "See  p.  249,  infra. 


98  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

and  bold  politics  of  this  kind,  and  John  Adams  might  have 
won  his  second  term. 

Part  of  the  strength  of  Thomas  Jefferson  as  leader  came 
from  the  fact  that  he  had  favored  the  ratification  of  the  Con- 
stitution but  had  been  away  from  the  scene  of  conflict.1  The 
term  Anti-Federalism  lost  meaning  after  the  defeat  of  Fed- 
eralism, and  the  far  better,  the  positive,  term  Republican- 
Democratic  came  in, — indicating  a  commonwealth  ruled  by 
the  people  and  for  their  welfare.  Hitherto,  the  prevailing 
notion  of  organized  society  was  that  "the  people"  existed  for 
the  welfare  of  the  privileged.  In  the  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion, the  ablest  men,  such  as  Madison,  Gouverneur  Morris, 
Wilson,  and  Franklin,  debated  anxiously  whether  or  not  even 
the  judges  should  not  be  given  short  terms,  like  the  President 
and  the  members  of  Congress,  and  be  made  ineligible  for  re- 
appointment lest  they  should  form  the  nation  that  the  people 
exist  for  judges  to  judge.  What  constitutes  a  proper  govern- 
ment in  respect  to  the  relations  of  the  rulers  and  of  the  ruled 
was  indeed  the  most  frequent  theme  in  that  Convention — 
"Republicanism"  was  the  answer  of  Thomas  Jefferson  to  a 
decade  of  general  public  discussion.  The  spirit  of  this  "Re- 
publicanism" forced  the  addition  of  the  "bill  of  rights"  amend- 
ments2 to  the  Constitution.  In  1801,  the  party  won  control 
of  two  branches  of  the  Government,  the  executive  and  legis- 
lative. In  so  doing,  it  escaped  giving  the  Presidency  to  Aaron 
Burr  only  because  Hamilton  hated  his  party  associate  more 
than  his  political  opponent.  Federalism,  however,  still  con- 
trolled the  courts,  and  in  fact  always  has  controlled  the  courts 
since  the  time  of  John  Jay,  the  first  Chief  Justice.  Judges, 
like  all  other  persons,  naturally  seek  aggrandizement  of  power. 
The  first  inaugural  of  Jefferson  contains  the  "Republican" 
creed ;  and  is  one  of  the  most  famous  of  all  Presidential  papers. 

Court  and  Country  Parties. — Says  John  Adams, — "a 
court  and  a  country  party  had  always  contended."  Jefferson 
represented  the  country  party.  The  terms  were  "court  party," 
"aristocrats,"  "monarchists,"  "Anglicans,"  as  over  against 
"country  party,"  "democrats,"  "republicans,"  "Gallicans." 

1See  p.  260,  infra. 

"See  p.  135,  infra,  and  Constitution,  Amendments  I-X. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  99 

By  political  power,  wealth  is  seized  and  becomes  property. 
To  political  power,  all  capital  gravitates.  By  18 12,  the  capi- 
talistic, commercial  and  manufacturing  classes  were  forced  to 
go  over  to  the  dominant  Republicanism.  Save  in  spots,  here 
and  there,  of  ancestral  Federalism,  the  whole  nation  became 
Republican.  Moreover,  rulers  always  seek  to  widen  and  to 
strengthen  their  authority.  The  official  Republicans  began  to 
talk  liberal  construction  of  the  Constitution.  These  two  classes, 
the  capitalists  and  the  office-holders,  naturally  came  together 
and  organized  a  faction,  called  the  National  Republicans.  Its 
titular  head  was  J.  Q.  Adams.  The  others,  really  the  descend- 
ants of  the  old  "country  party,"  by  1824  had  a  real  head, 
Andrew  Jackson. 

Two  Lists  of  Presidents,  Before  and  After  Jackson. — 
These  Democratic  Republicans  soon  came  to  be  known  as 
Democrats.  "The  people,"  that  is,  the  country  people,  ruled. 
The  city  and  town  population  was  still  but  a  small  percentage. 
In  this  epoch  came  the  transfer  of  the  election  of  the  members 
of  the  Electoral  College  by  the  Legislatures  to  the  popular 
vote.  Thereafter,  until  1876,  Congress  made  no  decisions  as 
to  the  Presidency. 

Andrew  Jackson  marks  the  crisis  of  this  change.  In  conse- 
quence, we  have  two  lists  of  Presidents, — those  who  were  the 
free  choice  of  the  Electors  or  of  the  Congressmen,  and  those 
who  were  the  popular  choices  as  between  the  nominees  of  party 
conventions.  Politically,  this  revolution  was  of  major  im- 
portance.    It  gave  us  this  contrast: 

George  Washington  Martin  Van  Buren 

John  Adams  William  Henry  Harrison 

Thomas  Jefferson  James  Knox  Polk 

James  Madison  Zachary  Taylor 

James  Monroe  Franklin  Pierce 

John  Quincy  Adams  James  Buchanan 

Andrew  Jackson  Abraham  Lincoln,  etc. 

It  is  not  likely  to  be  denied  that  in  quality  the  Electoral 
College-Congress  list  is  at  least  not  inferior  to  the  Party  Con- 
vention list.  Certainly,  the  Electoral  College  never  would  have 
freely  chosen  more  than  one — James  Buchanan — of  the  first 
seven  members  of  the  Party  Convention  list.    This  speculation 


ioo  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

as  to  the  issue  of  an  alternative  course  has  no  other  value  than 
to  suggest  the  limits  of  democracy  in  respect  to  the  recall.  If 
the  President  had  been  within  power  of  a  prompt  recall,  in  all 
likelihood  neither  of  the  Adamses  nor  Madison  nor  Van  Buren 
nor  Buchanan  nor  Lincoln  nor  Cleveland  nor  Taft  would  have 
been  allowed  to  finish  out  one  term ;  and  certainly  not  Tyler, 
or  Johnson,  who  were  never  elected  Presidents. 

The  Party  Convention. — We  owe  the  party  convention 
with  its  500  or  1000  delegates  to  the  same  spirit  of  democracy 
that  put  Andrew  Jackson  into  the  cabin  of  the  Captain  and 
scraped  so  many  "Federalist  barnacles"  of!  the  old  Ship  of 
State.  The  first  convention  was  the  Anti-Masonic  in  1830; 
the  next  the  National  Republican  in  1831;  and  the  third 
of  importance,  which  was  the  first  of  the  Democrats,  in  1832. 
By  this  device,  the  "Electors"  were  converted  into  long-wired 
puppets  pulled  by  party  leaders  and  pulled  at  again  by  public 
opinion. 

Soon  afterwards,  sectionalism  began  to  appear.  Most  of 
the  National  Republicans  were  in  the  North,  most  of  the 
Democrats  were  in  the  South.  Both  became  "minority" 
parties,  for,  owing  to  the  development  of  schismatic  factions, 
neither  had  a  safe  majority  of  the  popular  vote. 

Manhood  Suffrage. — In  this  epoch,  startling  changes 
were  made  by  many  States,  in  the  right  of  suffrage.  In  the 
earlier  days,  but  one  man  in  a  dozen  had  the  "liberty  to  vote," 
the  franchise.  Property  and  other  qualifications  were  rapidly 
reduced  or  omitted  by  State  Constitutional  Revision  Conven- 
tions, ratified  by  the  people.  Government,  hitherto  set  as  an 
overturned  political  truncated  pyramid  upon  its  head,  was 
turned  upside  upon  its  broad  base. 

Democracy  now  plunged  downhill,  in  but  two  or  three 
mighty  jumps,  to  the  lowest  ditch  of  universal  manhood  suf- 
frage. The  marvel  is  that  government  survived,  for  one  who 
cannot  think  is  not  fit  to  vote  for  himself  and  the  others, — in 
this  epoch,  for  women  and  children.  In  truth,  millions  cannot 
yet  think,  cannot  read  human  nature,  cannot  comprehend 
measures,  cannot  estimate  values. 

With  universal  manhood  suffrage  came  the  demand  for  uni- 
versal education, — for  boys  that  they  might  vote  intelligently, 
for  girls  that  they  might  be  fit  companions  for  and  mothers 
of  voters.     This  was  very  good — as  an  ideal, — but  it  was 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  101 

incapable  of  realization,  for  two  reasons,  either  of  which  is 
valid  and  sufficient:  first,  the  subnormal  and  the  abnormal, 
who  are  numerous,  cannot  be  educated  adequately ;  and,  second, 
the  lords  of  wealth  have  never  yet  been  willing  to  pay  the 
bills  really  demanded  by  a  sincerely  operated  universal  educa- 
tion. In  consequence,  though  government  survived  manhood 
suffrage  (in  a  few  States,  limited  by  some  requirements),  it 
changed  in  its  quality,  manifesting  this  change  in  village,  town 
and  city,  in  country  and  State  and  nation.  The  total  result 
was  revolution. 

Social  Revolution. — The  new  voting  population  was  di- 
vided into  parties  and  factions,  with  leaders  and  bosses  neces- 
sitated by  the  ignorance  of  the  rank-and-file.  In  i860,  by 
adopting  nationalism,  the  old  Democracy  perished  by  self- 
slaughter.1  Being  the  country  party  of  the  South,  it  inevitably 
reflected  the  nationalizing  pro-slavery  sentiments  of  the 
planters,  sentiments  as  false  to  true  democracy  as  secession  in 
the  days  of  the  Hartford  Convention  was  false  to  Federalism. 

National  Republicanism. — The  National  Republican 
party  had  taken  to  itself  the  name  of  Whigs,  a  name  high  in 
favor  in  colonial  and  Revolutionary  days.  It  was  no  longer 
"Republican,"  for  it  had  endorsed  the  National  Bank  ideas 
of  Federalism  and  had  developed  the  tariff  for  protection  ideas 
and  the  internal  improvement  ideas  that  properly  fit  a  "court 
party."  It  also  approved  of  paper  currency,  of  free-and-easy 
large-scale  monopolistic  sales  of  public  lands,2  and  after  the 
breakdown  of  "Biddle's  Bank,"  of  "wildcat  State  banks."  It 
became  the  special  organ  of  speculative  business. 

In  part,  Democracy  was  true  to  its  faith.  Under  Van  Buren 
and  Polk,  it  separated  banking  from  government;3  it  opposed 
internal  improvements,  based  the  currency  upon  value,  and 
paid  off  the  public  debt.  But  in  part  it  was  false.  This  was 
not  only  in  respect  to  slavery  but  also  in  respect  to  the  distri- 
bution of  the  surplus1  to  the  States  and  to  the  patronage  of  a 
hundred  or  more  special  banks  by  grants  of  public  deposits  for 
private  profit. 

Until  1856,  Democracy  strove  with  Whiggism  and  later  with 
Republicanism  for  the  control  of  government,  and  partly  by 

*See  pp.  423-424,  infra.  'See  pp.  359,  infra;  73,  supra. 

"See  pp.  361  and  386,  infra. 


102  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

"luck"  and  mainly  by  superior  generalship  was  on  the  whole 
successful,  as  this  conspectus  shows: 

Van  Buren  Democrat          4  years 

Harrison  and  1  month             Whig 

Tyler2  neither                3  yrs.  1 1  mo. 

Polk  Democrat          4  years 

Taylor  and  4  years                Whig 

Fillmore  Whig 

Pierce  Democrat          4  years 

Buchanan  Democrat           4  years 


Democrat         20  years  4  yrs.  1  mo. 

Slavery  and  Douglas. — Then  the  inner  social  forces  burst. 
The  political  occasions  were,  first,  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill3 ; 
second,  the  Dred  Scott  decision4;  and,  third,  secession.6 
Clearly,  two  parties  and,  obscurely,  a  third  were  formed  out 
of  the  Democratic  party  of  Jefferson,  Jackson,  and  Pierce. 
Jefferson  Davis  headed  one ;  this  asserted  that  the  Constitution 
recognizes,  and  the  National  Government  must  protect,  slavery 
in  all  the  Territories.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  headed  a  second ; 
this  asserted  that  the  inhabitants  of  a  Territory  might  defeat 
slaveholding  within  its  borders  by  "unfriendly  legislation"  and 
hostile  public  opinion.  A  third  arose  in  i860,  asking  for  the 
Union  under  the  Constitution.  The  Republicans  asserted  that 
the  first  meant  ultimately  nation-wide  slavery  in  all  States  and 
Territories;  called  the  second  "squatter  sovereignty;"  and 
ridiculed  the  third  as  the  trick  of  the  ostrich  hiding  its  head  in 
the  sand  and  thinking  itself  safe. 

The  target  of  the  fighting  in  i860  was  not  Breckenridge  or 
Lincoln  or  Bell  but  Douglas,  who  made  one  of  the  finest  can- 
vasses in  our  political  history.  The  Breckenridge  party  (whose 
real  leader  was  Jefferson  Davis)  meant  to  bring  Douglas  to 
defeat  and  to  help  Lincoln  win  in  order  to  proceed  to  seces- 
sion— under  color  of  necessity.  They  believed  that  Lincoln's 
government  would  not  even  fight;  if  he  did  fight,  they  gave 

*See  p.  34s,  infra.  "See  pp.  410,  415,  supra. 

"See  pp.  372-373,  infra.  4See  p.  417  et  seq.,  infra. 

"See  p.  424  infra. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  103 

him  thirty  days  to  endure  before  catastrophe.  They  believed 
that  New  York  State,  as  Governor  Seymour  said,1  would  join 
the  South,  and  that  the  business  men  of  the  cities  would  never 
finance  a  real  war  against  the  secession  States. 

Copperheadism. — During  the  War,  the  Douglas  Democrats 
were  nearly  all  Union  men.  In  fact,  Lincoln  tried  to  get  rid 
of  the  Republican  name,  and  said  that  he  was  "a  Union  man" 
only.  Most  of  the  Constitutional  Union2  men  of  the  North 
became  Unionists.  But  the  Breckenridge  voters,  some  Douglas 
men  and  some  Bell  men  of  the  North  turned  Copperhead 
Democrats.  For  twenty  years  thereafter,  wise  Democrats  in 
the  North, — such  was  the  social  odium  attaching  to  Copper- 
headism after  Appomattox  and  the  murder  of  Lincoln, — 
called  themselves  "Union"  or  "War-Democrats." 

The  crimes  of  reconstruction,  the  corruption  of  Grant's  ad- 
ministration, and  the  coming  of  millions  of  new  voters  from 
across  the  ocean  by  1876  gave  Democracy  a  new  life.  Bul- 
warked by  a  nearly  restored  "solid  South,"  Tilden  had  more 
votes  than  Hayes ;  he  was  in  fact  elected,  but  he  was  not  con- 
stitutionally elected.  The  paper  documents  bound  the  living 
men  of  that  eventful  year. 

The  Free  Coinage  of  Silver. — The  history  of  the  Democ- 
racy since  1878  has  been  exciting.  For  twenty  years,  it  evaded 
the  silver  question  as  did  Republicanism.  It  has  stood  against 
the  negro-rights  amendments  to  the  Constitution  and  by  its 
State  branches  has  effectively  "nullified"  them  by  methods 
subtle  enough  to  please  even  Calhoun8  and  Jefferson.4  It  has 
favored  economy  of  administration,  civil  service  reform  and  a 
lower  tariff.  But  in  1896  the  West  gained  control  and  set  the 
party  against  its  sound-money  traditions  by  pledging  itself  to 
the  free  coinage  of  silver.5  Then  gold-inflation  came  upon 
us, — such  as  had  happened  but  twice  before  in  world-history, — 
100  B.  C.  and  1500  A.  D.  New  gold, — rising  to  $400,000,000, 
$425,000,000,  $450,000,000  per  annum, — so  deluged  the 
country  with  currency  that  silver  inflation  and  Greenbackism 
became  trifles  in  the  face  of  prices  that  in  only  ten  years  rose 
52%  for  the  necessaries  of  life,  unsettling  all  values,  easing 
the  debtor  classes,  impoverishing  wage-earners,  and  confusing 

*See  pp.  462,  502,  infra.  "See  pp.  423,  424,  infra. 

8See  p.  337  et  seq.,  infra.  *See  p.  284,  infra. 

BSee  pp.  S52-56o,  infra. 


104  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

trade.  For  a  year,  there  was  a  flurry  of  "Gold  Democrats" ; 
but  the  cry  of  "anti-imperialism"  brought  the  new  faction  back 
into  the  party  fold.  This  cry  is  true  democracy,  which  asserts 
that  "all  just  governments  derive  their  powers  from  the  con- 
sent of  the  governed,"  as  Jefferson  phrased  it.  At  the  present 
time,  most  of  the  "radicals"  and  "new  issues"  men,  most  of 
those  who  appeal  to  the  "masses"  for  support  are  Democrats. 
Since  1874,  the  Democratic  party  has  had  control  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  (1)   from  1874  to  1880,   (2)   from  1882 

to  1888,  (3)  from  1890  to  1894,  and  (4)  from  191 1  to . 

Since  i860,  it  has  never  controlled  the  Senate.  It  has  elected 
one  President  twice, — Cleveland  in  1884  and  in  1892.1  It 
statistically  elected  Tilden  in  1876. 

The  Democratic  party  secured  for  us  Louisiana,  Florida, 
Texas,  California,  and  Oregon. 

Americanizing  the  Foreigner. — To  the  Democratic  party, 
we  owe  the  Americanization  of  the  foreigner.  The  capitalistic 
class,  though  eager  to  work  him,  has  been  perfectly  content 
to  leave  him  in  ignorance.  And  to  Democratic  Presidents,  we 
owe  the  efficient  use  of  the  veto, — Jackson,2  Tyler,3  Johnson,* 
and  Cleveland.5  The  movement  to  elect  Senators  by  popular 
vote,  the  income  tax,  reciprocity,  and  the  Presidential  primary 
are  all  essentially  Democratic  doctrines. 

It  was  in  1840  that  the  Democratic  party  introduced  the 
innovation  of  a  party  platform.  "Interrogating"  a  Presidential 
candidate  by  a  letter  to  which  he  would  reply  publicly  was  a 
Democratic  device.  Obviously,  the  contributions  of  the 
Democracy  to  American  history  are  far  more  numerous  than 
those  of  any  other  party;  unfortunately,  the  crime  of  the 
Mexican  War,  the  measureless  folly  of  armed  secession  and 
the  excusable  error  of  free  silver  must  all  be  set  to  its  debit 
account.6 

Anti-Masonry 

Both  Democracy  and  Whiggism  from  1830  to  1850  were 
really  minority  parties  because  of  certain  ephemeral  parties. 
Of  these,  the  first  to  appear  was  the  Anti-Masonic.    Upon  the 

*See  p.  532  et  seq.,  infra. 

"See   pp.  335,  345,  •*/**  4See  p.  488. 

•See  p.  376.  'See  p.  537. 

•For  the  crimes  of  Republicanism,  see  pp.  115-117,  infra. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  105 

disappearance  of  Morgan,1  opposition  to  Masonry  was  under- 
taken in  crusade-fashion  by  certain  churches.  The  J.  Q. 
Adams  leaders  in  New  York  seized  upon  the  movement  to 
help  their  man.  Jackson  was  high  in  Masonry.  By  1824, 
Adams  and  Anti-Masonry  Whiggism  in  New  York  had  spread 
into  New  England,  and  was  strong  in  Pennsylvania.  The 
leaders  advocated  internal  improvements  and  high  tariff.  They 
tried  to  get  Clay  to  renounce  Masonry  and  to  head  their 
party. 

In  1 83 1  they  nominated  William  Wirt  of  Maryland,  scholar 
and  orator,  for  President  and  Amos  Ellmaker  of  Pennsylvania 
for  Vice-President,  hoping  thereby  to  gain  those  States,  but 
in  1832  they  won  only  the  seven  electoral  votes  of  Vermont. 
By  1836,  the  party  was  really  dead,  though  as  late  as  No- 
vember, 1838,  it  held  a  convention  and  named  William  Henry 
Harrison  for  President.  "Anti-Masonry"  meant  nothing  but 
factionalism.  Wirt  was  himself  a  Mason,  and  defended 
Masonry  in  the  Convention  of  1831.  But  the  party  embar- 
rassed the  Whigs  by  emphasizing  their  dogmas.  Its  early 
religious  tone  was  a  new  phase  of  American  politics.2 

Whiggism 

After  Napoleon  broke  down,  Europe  rested.  There  was 
thenceforth  no  need  in  America  to  advocate  a  strong  central 
government  to  protect  its  independence.  Federalism  had  fed 
upon  this  fear  of  a  people.  Democracy  then  won  complete 
control.  But  after  integration,  there  always  follows  disinte- 
gration, after  solidarity  factionalism,  after  homogeneity, 
heterogeneity.  The  universal  "Republicanism"  of  1820  could 
not  last;  the  "era  of  good  feeling"  burst  in  the  quarrels  of 
Jackson,  Crawford,  Calhoun,  Clay,  and  J.  Q.  Adams.  About 
1828,  the  partisans  of  Clay  and  Adams  began  to  call  them- 
selves "National  Republicans,"  and  in  1834  they  took  the 
name  "Whigs."  They  were  a  propagandistic  association, — 
to  make  America  great  and  rich  and  to  teach  to  the  world 
Americanism.  Incidentally,  they  would  resist  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  executive  upon  the  legislative, — that  is,  of  Jack- 
son as  President  upon  the  Whig  Senate.8 

aSee  p.  342,  infra.         'See  pp.  120,  121,  infra.        'See   p.  345,  infra. 


106  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Clay  and  Webster. — The  fame  of  Whiggism  has  endured 
because  of  the  surpassing  personalities  of  two  Whig  leaders, 
Clay  and  Webster.  (They  were  personal  friends  borrowing 
at  banks  upon  joint  notes  and  splitting  the  proceeds.  One 
such  note  is  still  unpaid — $500. )  Clay  made  his  appeal  to  the 
business  community  in  the  forms  of  high  tariff  and  of  internal 
improvement;  Webster  added  constitutional  interpretation. 
The  Whigs  championed  the  Bank,  fought  for  the  "rights"  of 
Congress,  attacked  and  practiced  the  spoils  system,  and  tried 
to  quiet  too  noisy  pro-slavery.  When  nullification  roared  in 
North  Carolina,  the  Whigs  went  immediately  to  Jackson's 
support;  that  majestic  soldier  Winfield  Scott  who  led  the 
little  army  to  Charleston  was  a  Whig.  They  made  the  way 
of  the  nullifiers  easy  by  suggesting  the  compromise  tariff  of 
1832.1  Most  of  them  favored  the  gag-rule  against  J.  Q. 
Adams  in  Congress.2 

They  were  not  faithful  to  their  real  leaders,  Clay  and 
Webster,  but  in  1836  and  in  1840  nominated  old  W.  H.  Har- 
rison for  President  in  order  to  win.  They  won,  and  he  died. 
In  their  folly,  they  had  sought  votes  by  nominating  John  Tyler 
of  Virginia  as  Vice-President.  He  was  simply  a  Virginia 
Democrat  who  happened  to  hate  Jackson.  The  golden  apple 
of  victory  turned  to  dross  in  their  hands.  In  1844,  Clay  him- 
self by  vacillation,  due  to  a  hunger  to  win,  caused  his  own 
defeat.  The  Whigs  opposed  the  war  with  Mexico  but  voted 
supplies.  James  Russell  Lowell,  the  poet,  called  this  "dough- 
face" style :  his  "Biglow  Papers"  were  the  protest  of  Puritan- 
ism against  policy. 

In  1848,  they  elected  Taylor,  a  slaveholder,  President.  It 
was  one  of  the  few  good  things  they  ever  did. 

Compromise  of  1850. — In  1850,  they  put  through  the  "Com- 
promise Measures,"  which  smashed  their  party.  Most  North- 
ern Whigs  would  not  stand  for  the  Fugitive  Slave  law.  The 
party  had  sold  out  to  the  South.  Whether  their  victory  in 
postponing  the  Interstate  War  ten  years  was  or  was  not  worth 
while, — that  is,  whether  or  not  Webster's  "Seventh  of  March 
Speech"  was  patriotism, — is  a  discussion  over  which  scholars 
and  historians  will  sharpen  their  wits  for  decades  and  perhaps 

^ee    p.  337,  infra.  "See  pp.  318,  319,  infra. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  107 

for  centuries.  Had  Taylor  lived,  the  Compromise  would  have 
fallen  through.1 

In  1852,  the  Whigs  fell  upon  that  mighty  warrior  Winfield 
Scott  and  tried  to  elect  him  President;  but  the  people  did  not 
desire  him  or  his  platform  or  his  party.  They  chose  outright 
Democracy  and  sincere  proslavery.  In  a  sense,  Webster  had 
perfectly  convinced  them  that  peace  required  surrender  of 
abolition  notions  and  sentiments  as  the  price  of  economic  pros- 
perity. The  people  had  children  to  rear  and  taxes  to  pay, — 
and  were  not  far-sighted.  Unlike  Sam  Adams,  they  did  not 
prefer  a  wilderness  with  liberty  to  a  multitude  with  servitude.2 
'The  settlement  [of  1850]  in  principle  and  in  substance  of 
the  dangerous  and  exciting  questions,"  to  use  Webster's  plank 
in  the  party  platform  of  1852,  lasted  until  1854  when  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill3  repealed  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
The  permanent  "settlement"  was  but  a  delusion,  a  day-dream. 

Clay,  spendthrift  of  speech,  of  money,  of  morals,  was  dead; 
Webster,  sombre  yet  glorious,  paid  advocate  of  the  business 
classes,  was  dead ;  and  Calhoun,  mystic,  seer  and  prophet,  was 
dead.     American  politics  woke  to  a  new  world. 

Webster  had  shouted  in  Fanueil  Hall,  Boston,  "If  the  Whig 
party  dies,  where  will  I  be  ?"  But  the  event  came  to  pass  that 
the  world  asked,  "Since  Webster  is  dead,  where  is  the  Whig 
party?"  Dying,  it  had  bequeathed  the  doctrine  to  the  new 
Republicanism, — "Liberty  and  Union,  one  and  inseparable, 
now  and  forever."  Webster  had  in  truth  made  possible  the 
triumph  of  the  old  Constitution  in  melting  in  that  fervent  heat 
and  then  cooling  and  casting  "the  indestructible  union  of  in- 
destructible States," — a  proud  vaunt  for  changeable  men. 

Incidentally,  shifty  Whiggism  had  taught  one  Whig  the 
game  of  politics ;  and  he  had  character  enough  to  play  it  with- 
out sacrificing  too  many  principles, — he  would  work  seeming 
miracles.  This  Whig  was  Abraham  Lincoln,  originally  a  Clay 
man,  out  of  which  he  grew  to  be  his  own  man,  bigger  than 
capitalism  or  labor  either,  having  the  whole  nature  cf  hu- 
manity, not  excepting  its  weaknesses. 

Liberty 
James  G.  Birney. — The  first  political  party  to  oppose  slav- 
*See  pp.  399,  402,  infra.      'See  p.  132,  infra.      'See  pp.  419,  420,  infra. 


108  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

ery  was  the  Liberty  party,  which  found  room  to  sprout  in  the 
openings  between  the  Jackson  and  the  Clay  Republicanism  in 
the  early  30's  of  the  nineteenth  century.  James  G.  Birney,  a 
neighbor  of  Henry  Clay,  began  to  argue  that  the  abolitionists 
should  go  into  politics.  In  1839,  a  convention  was  held  in 
New  York  State  and  in  1840  another,  which  launched  the 
Liberty  Party  and  nominated  Birney  for  President.  They 
desired  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and 
a  constitutional  amendment  removing  slavery  from  the  protec- 
tion of  the  National  Government.  But  the  eyes  of  men  were 
blinded,  and  only  7000  voters  could  see. 

The  certain  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  threatened  Mexi- 
can War  opened  more  eyes.  In  1844,  63,000  votes  were  cast, 
with  fatal  effect  upon  Henry  Clay's  candidacy.1  High  tide 
came  but  three  years  later.  The  party  became  involved  in 
scandals  about  the  ballot,  election  frauds  and  local  deals.  When 
in  1848  the  Democrats  nominated  Lewis  Cass,  and  the  Whigs, 
Taylor,  the  Liberty  men  of  whom  John  P.  Hale  was  the  vigor- 
ous leader,  joined  all  the  other  anti-slavery  factions  in  the 
Free  Soil  movement. 

Free  Soil 

The  Free  Soilers  began  with  a  more  definite  program  than 
the  Liberty  men;  they  proposed  to  keep  slavery  out  of  the 
Territories.  They  came  together  from  three  sources, — the 
Liberty  party,  the  anti-slavery  (anti- Webster)  Whigs,  and 
the  Democratic  Barnburners  of  New  York  State.2  In  1848, 
they  nominated  Martin  Van  Buren.  Though  they  cast  but 
292,000  votes,  they  elected  two  Senators  and  fourteen  Repre- 
sentatives. In  1852,  they  nominated  John  P.  Hale,  and  in 
their  platform  called  slavery  "a  sin  against  God  and  a  crime 
against  man";  but  the  Barnburners  and  Van  Buren  had  de- 
serted. They  had  but  156,000  votes;  and  in  1556  went  over 
en  bloc  to  the  Republican  party. 

John  P.  Hale. — Hale  was  the  first  abolition  member  of 
Congress.  In  running  fights  at  home,  he  managed  to  keep  a 
constituency  behind  him  for  House  or  Senate  for  some  twenty 
years.  A  delightful  speaker,  with  a  voice  of  great  carrying 
power,  and  an  agreeable  companion,  he  was  the  necessary 

*See  pp.  106,  supra,  and  383,  infra.  'See  p.  366,  infra. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  109 

man  to  break  the  ice  and  yet  not  himself  fall  in  and  drown. 
J.  Q.  Adams  with  his  war  for  the  right  of  petition  and  J.  P. 
Hale  with  his  abolitionism  were  the  bridge  over  which  the 
future  travelled  from  the  complacent  Missouri  Compromise  to 
the  ardent  days  of  the  new  Republicanism. 

Know  Nothingism 

The  Spread  of  Roman  Catholicism. — The  political 
scene,  however,  was  troubled  with  still  another  party  in  the 
50's  and  6o's.  The  Know  Nothing  or  American  party  was 
an  attempt  to  organize  a  national  party  out  of  various  local 
city  and  town  nativist  parties.  It  was  "America  for  the 
Americans :  keep  the  Irish  and  the  Germans  out."  With  the 
new  flooding  immigration,  Roman  Catholicism  came  in,  with 
its  priesthood,  confessional  and  ritual.  This  frightened  many 
sincere  persons  who  imagined  that  the  Church  had  a  definite 
political  mission.  The  foreigners  said  many  harsh  but  more 
foolish  things  about  American  institutions.  In  1830-40,  there 
were  anti-Irish,  anti-Catholic  riots  in  some  cities.  Louisiana 
saw  in  1841  the  first  State  organization  of  the  party.  In 
1844,  the  nativists  carried  the  city  elections  in  New  York  and 
in  1845  in  Boston.  In  1852,  both  Pierce  and  Scott  had  to  say 
publicly  that  they  were  not  anti-Catholic  in  sentiment. 

By  this  time,  two  secret  orders  had  sprung  up, — the  "Order 
of  United  Americans"  and  the  "Order  of  the  Star-Spangled 
Banner," — and  their  members  put  new  life  into  the  movement 
for  national  organization.  When  asked  what  they  were  doing, 
they  replied,  "Don't  know" ;  hence  their  name.  They  attacked 
naturalization  frauds  and  ballot-box  stuffing.  They  had  a 
program  to  exclude  the  aliens  from  the  ballot,  and  their  de- 
scendants also,  unless  they  had  been  at  the  public  schools  a 
certain  number  of  years.  They  opposed  secretly  all  Catholic 
candidates  of  whatever  party  and  became  an  immense  power 
thereby.  But  they  straddled  the  slavery  question.  In  1854, 
"Know  Nothingism"  ran  like  wildfire  through  the  South, 
which  had  but  few  foreigners.  In  truth,  however,  could  all 
foreigners  have  been  kept  out  from  1854  to  i860,  the  Union 
cause  would  have  been  lost  in  1861-65  for  want  of  soldiers! 

William  H.  Seward. — At  this  epoch,  the  Democratic 
leader,  Douglas,  and  the  Republican  leader,  Seward,  both  de- 


no  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

nounced  Know  Nothingism  for  evading  publicity  and  the 
slavery  issue.  In  1856,  the  Know  Nothings  countered  upon  both 
Democrats  and  Republicans  by  naming  former  President  Fill- 
more for  the  Presidency,  but  in  vain.  They  had  no  strength 
save  in  the  Border  States,  where  they  carried  Maryland.  In 
i860,  most  of  the  Know  Nothings  turned  "Do  Nothings," — 
became  members  of  the  Constitutional  Union  party.  The 
Know  Nothing  hatred  of  Seward  was  potent  in  preventing  his 
nomination  by  the  Republicans.  In  that  year,  they  lost  control 
of  their  stronghold,  Baltimore,  where  their  rule  had  been 
corrupt  and  oppressive. 

Free  Public  Education. — Know  Nothingism  left  one 
good  result, — it  put  an  end  to  the  movement  to  give  public 
moneys  of  government  to  denominational  schools  whether 
Catholic,  Episcopal  or  Lutheran.  Its  spirit  survives  in  the 
argument  that  since  we  protect  the  American  manufacturer  and 
his  merchandise  by  shutting  out  foreign  goods  at  the  customs 
house,  so  also  we  should  protect  the  American  mechanic  and 
his  family  by  shutting  out  the  foreign-born  workman.  To 
this  argument,  there  is  no  sufficient  answer  save  to  challenge 
the  validity  of  the  premise.  Certain  secret  societies  still  cherish 
Know  Nothing  hopes. 

A  Triangle  of  Fates. — Shut  in  between  the  price-range, 
the  wage-scale,  and  the  standard  of  living,  a  bulwarked  tri- 
angle of  fates,  the  American  laborer  dreams  of  wages  raised 
by  excluding  rivals  for  work.  The  dream  is,  of  course,  closely 
allied  with  the  actual  plans  and  methods  of  the  trades  unionists. 

Republicanism 

Its  First  Principles  Achieved. — Three  parties  have 
borne  the  name  "Republican."  Jefferson  founded  the  first, 
which  became  the  Democratic  party  and  still  endures  with 
much  of  its  early  vigor.  The  second  was  the  National  Re- 
publican, which  soon  became  known  as  the  Whig  party,  and 
died  from  swallowing  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act. 

The  present  Republican  party  dates  from  1854.  It  was 
founded  to  meet  a  temporary  issue, — to  prevent  the  extension 
of  slavery  into  the  territories.  Its  founders  conceived  "party" 
in  a  different  spirit  from  prevalent  political  partisanship. 
According  to  Seward,  Greeley,  Hale,  and  Weed,  party  was 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  in 

a  temporary  affair.  They  really  hoped  that  the  Republican 
party  would  soon  be  so  successful  as  no  longer  to  be  necessary. 
By  1862,  Lincoln  thought  that  the  Republican  party  had  served 
its  turn.1  Yet  the  party,  however,  has  outlived  its  first  pur- 
poses, which  it  accomplished,  and  some  even  of  its  later  pur- 
poses; but  by  adopting  new  principles  and  policies,  while  re- 
taining its  organization  and  machinery,  has  managed  to*  last 
already  through  two  entire  generations  and  bids  fair  now  to 
enter  a  third  generation  with  a  strength  equal  to  that  of  its 
older  rival,  the  Democratic. 

Had  the  Democratic  party  remained  true  to  its  real  prin- 
ciple,— decentralization  and  localization  of  government,2 — if  in 
the  Dred  Scott  decision  it  had  not  invoked  the  power  of  the  cen- 
tral government3  and  thereby  legislated  through  the  judiciary  in 
violation  of  the  Constitution,4  there  never  would  have  been  any 
Republican  party.  But  it  is  the  history  of  all  parties  that  sooner 
or  later  they  violate  their  fundamental  principles.  The  usual 
cause  is  victory.  A  less  frequent  cause  is  hope  of  victory. 
Parties,  of  course,  are  as  human  as  are  the  men  who  manage 
them.  Success  sometimes  deprives  the  party  of  its  true  reason 
for  existence.  Sometimes,  success  develops  an  arrogant  indif- 
ference to  essential  principle.  Sometimes,  under  defeat,  a 
party  hopes,  or  persuades  itself  that  it  hopes,  to  use  victory, 
however  secured,  for  the  final  triumph  of  its  principle. 

Squatter  Sovereignty.  —  The  Kansas-Nebraska  Act 
showed  that  the  era  of  mutual  concessions  between  the  free- 
labor  North  and  the  slave-labor  South  was  ended.  "Squatter 
Sovereignty,"  fathered  by  Cass  and  reared  by  Douglas,  denied 
to  Congress  the  right  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories. 
The  North  began  to  protest.  The  protests  were  loudest  and 
most  frequent  in  the  West.  Early  in  1854,  there  was  held  at 
Ripon,  Wisconsin,  a  mass-meeting  that  resolved  that  if  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill  became  law,  "They  would  throw  old 
party  associations  to  the  winds  and  organize  a  new  party  on 
the  sole  issue  of  the  non-extension  of  slavery."  There  is  no 
record  as  to  the  relative  numbers  of  Whigs,  Democrats  and 
Free  Soilers  at  this  mass-meeting;  but  tradition  reports  thai 
a  majority  were  Whigs  who  perhaps  saw  that  their  party  had 

1See  pp.  103,  infra;  457,  458,  supra. 

2See  p.  97,  supra.  "See  pp.  410,  416,  417,  infra. 

*See  Article  I,  Section  I.     Also  pp.  234,  302,  infra 


ii2  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

never  represented  living  issues.  Such  Democrats  as  came 
must  have  done  so  from  disagreement  with  the  policies  tem- 
porarily in  control  of  the  party  organization.  The  Free  Soilers 
saw  in  the  new  movement  an  opportunity  to  accomplish  their 
purposes  by  abandoning  their  organization ;  they  were  few  in 
numbers  but  influential. 

When  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  became  law,  these  dissat- 
isfied citizens,  greatly  increased  in  numbers,  held  a  convention, 
July  6,  1854,  at  Jackson,  Michigan,  when  they  formally  or- 
ganized the  Republican  party.  In  the  same  months,  in  other 
sections  of  the  West,  similar  conventions  were  held,  and  the 
Republican  party  was  widely  established.  These  Republicans 
held  two  main  doctrines, — slavery  must  not  be  allowed  to 
widen  its  area,  and  government  needs  to  be  strong.  The 
second  doctrine  was  not  the  old  Federalism,  for  this  new  Re- 
publicanism accepted  fully  the  democratic  method,  including 
universal  manhood  suffrage  and  majority  rule  in  party  con- 
ventions. In  1854,  it  was  far  more  democratic  than  Democ- 
racy itself.  This  Republicanism  was  in  spirit  and  in  method 
Jacksonism;  but  it  was  also  to  pursue  the  notions  of  Hamilton, 
of  Clay,  and  of  Webster  in  respect  to  specific  propositions.  It 
was  like  a  new  plant  whose  forerunners  could  be  identified, — 
a  hybrid  and  yet  essentially  individual  in  its  characteristics. 

Lyceums. — The  leaders  were  John  P.  Hale,  William  H. 
Seward,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Charles  Sumner,  Horace  Greeley, 
Henry  Ward  Beecher,  and  Abraham  Lincoln.  It  employed 
pulpit,  platform,  press  and  the  lyceum  for  public  agitation. 
Republicanism  was  a  moral  and  an  intellectual  movement, 
using  political  means.  Whiggism  had  been  economic,  like 
Federalism  before  it. 

The  Ostend  Manifesto. — Events  conspired  for  the  rapid 
spread  of  Republicanism.  In  1856,  Charles  Sumner,  a  dis- 
agreeable and  in  some  respects  corrupt  politician,  though  an 
orator,  was  brutally  assaulted  and  almost  killed  by  Preston 
Brooks,  a  South  Carolina  Representative,  who  attacked  him 
defenceless  in  his  seat  in  the  Senate  Chamber  and  beat  him 
with  a  heavy  cane  so  that  for  years  he  was  an  invalid.  The 
Ostend  Manifesto1  disclosed  the  purpose  of  the  Southern  slave- 
holders to  take  Cuba  for  a  slave-labor  domain,  which  would 
have  saved  her  from  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  and  ourselves 
from  imperialism.    The  long  quarrel  between  Douglas  and  the 

^ee  p.  415,  infra. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  113 

Presidents  over  squatter  sovereignty  helped.  The  Fugitive 
Slave  Act  helped.    The  Dred  Scott  decision  helped. 

It  is  a  question  whether  the  raid  of  John  Brown  at  Harper's 
Ferry  promoted  or  delayed  the  progress  of  Republicanism.  It 
was  a  lurid  beacon  light  in  the  black  night.  It  warned  all, 
but  it  frightened  some  and  angered  others.  It  frightened 
those  who  are  always  for  peace, — who  did  not  believe  in  the 
coming  "irrepressible  conflict."  It  angered  those  who  be- 
lieved that  legislation  would  solve  the  problem  before  the  con- 
flict became  one  of  arms  and  of  bloodshed. 

In  1856,  when  the  party  named  John  C.  Fremont  for  the 
Presidency,  it  adopted  a  platform  containing  a  plank  of  per- 
fect explicitness, — it  was  "both  the  right  and  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories  those  twin  relics  of 
barbarism,  polygamy  and  slavery/'  The  association  of  those 
two  evils,  Mormonism,  founded  in  ignorance,  superstition  and 
lust,  and  slavery,  founded  in  greed,  pride  and  oppression,  was 
ominous. 

The  platform,  however,  did  not  end  with  moral  issues.  It 
asked  for  a  Pacific  railroad  subsidy  in  order  to  connect  Cali- 
fornia and  Oregon  with  the  East,  and  for  improvement  of 
rivers  and  harbors  at  national  cost. 

In  i860,  the  platform  included  a  call  for  a  national  home- 
stead act  for  the  distribution  of  the  public  lands  to  actual  set- 
tlers, and  for  a  protective  tariff.  It  assailed  the  Dred  Scott 
decision  and  thereby  rejected  the  dogma  that  the  courts  are 
sacrosanct,  a  dogma  of  cardinal  importance  in  the  creed  of 
vested  rights. 

The  Republicans  did  not  defeat  the  Democrats  in  i860; 
but  the  Democracy  broke  into  parts,  and  the  Republicans  de- 
feated each  part. 

Federal  Coercion  of  States. — When,  after  the  election 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  Buchanan  asserted  that  the 
National  Government  had  no  right  to  coerce  a  State,  the  Re- 
publican party,  in  order  to  save  for  itself  a  nation  to  govern, 
was  forced  to  drop  the  issue  of  the  slavery-in-the-Territories 
and  also  the  issue  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act  and  to  assert  that 
the  paramount  consideration  was  saving  the  Union, — the  faith 
of  Daniel  Webster.  From  henceforth,  it  was  to  be  more 
Federalist  than  old  Republican,  more  Whig  than  Democrat, 
and  to  be  distinctly  Free  Soil.     Lincoln  tried  to  solidify  the 


H4  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

North  against  the  South, — it  was  to  him  a  painful  situation. 
But  with  one  section  of  States,  he  must  defeat  the  other  in 
order  to  restore  the  nation.  He  was  never  blind  to  the  fact 
that  an  actual  national  government  was  established  and  in 
working  order  against  his  national  government.  The  seces- 
sionists were  more  than  rebels ;  they  were  patriots  and  nation- 
builders. 

Abraham  Lincoln. — "My  paramount  object,"  said  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  in  his  letter  to  Horace  Greeley,  "is  to  save  the 
Union  and  not  either  to  save  or  destroy  slavery."1  But  in 
order  to  save  the  Union,  he  found  it  expedient  to  destroy 
slavery  wherever  the  Union  armies  prevailed.  In  its  third 
national  convention  early  in  June,  1864,  the  party  said  in  the 
platform :  "As  slavery  was  the  cause  and  now  constitutes  the 
strength  of  this  rebellion,  justice  and  national  safety  demand 
its  utter  extirpation  from  the  soil  of  the  republic."  The  exi- 
gencies of  war  had  taught  Northern  politicians  and  people 
alike  that  the  abolitionists  were  right. 

Legal  Tender  Money. — To  support  the  war,  the  Repub- 
lican Congress  adopted  many  measures.  Among  these  was 
the  Legal  Tender  Act,  based  upon  the  principle  of  fiat  money. 
In  sixty  years,  since  then,  we  have  not  yet  undone  the  mischief 
of  that  act,  which  inflated  the  currency,  raised  prices,  and 
overstimulated  business.  Another  was  the  establishment  of 
National  Banks,  in  all  over  2000  in  number,  almost  totally 
doing  away  with  State  banks. 

The  requirements  for  National  Bank  charters  have  fostered 
the  growth  of  cities  by  centering  money  deposits  in  them, — 
a  most  unfortunate  thing  for  a  people. 

Banks  Founded  on  Debts,  Not  Assets. — Unfortunately, 
the  system  requires  a  national  debt,  and  after  we  had  reduced 
the  debt  from  $3,000,000,000  to  $1,000,000,000,  the  bankers 
became  a  bulwark  against  the  progress  to  complete  extinction 
of  the  indebtedness.  To  them,  the  debt  became  an  asset.  The 
sophistical  argument  of  old  Europe  has  reappeared  that  a 
national  debt  creates  a  class  of  creditors  interested  in  the  per- 
manence of  government  and,  therefore,  tends  to  the  peace  and 
security  of  the  existing  social  order.  These  creditors,  being 
pensioned  as  it  were  with  the  interest  upon  their  bonds  and 
often  being  relieved  from  daily  toil,  give  their  leisure  lives  to 
the  promotion  of  patriotism,  art,  philanthropy,  the  general 

*See  p.  456,  infra. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  115 

welfare.  On  this  theory,  we  are  now  paying  out  some  $40,- 
000,000  annually  to  maintain  a  class  who  perforce  must  sup- 
port the  government.  The  $156,000,000  that  we  pay  to  war 
and  peace  veterans  of  the  army  and  navy  may  likewise  be  re- 
garded as  a  bribe  to  patriotism.  From  another  point  of  view, 
these  annual  expenditures  may  be  regarded  as  discharging 
simple  business  obligations. 

Draining  Money  from  the  South. — The  whole  land  pays 
pensions ;  but  the  South  receives  back  not  one-tenth  as  much  of 
the  pension-money  as  it  pays  in.  (Congressional  Record, 
March  30,  191 2.)  The  whole  land  pays  interest  on  the  national 
debt,  which  is  owned  almost  exclusively  in  the  North.  Nearly 
all  the  alleged  "benefits"  of  the  tariff  go  into  Northern  pockets. 
South  and  West  pay  the  great  dividends  of  our  railroads  into 
Eastern  banks. 

City  and  Farm. — The  political  defence  of  the  excessive 
Republican  tariffs  is  that  they  have  enabled  manufacturers  to 
employ  labor  and  thereby  have  broadened  the  market  for 
labor.  This  contention  is  true;  and  of  necessity  broadening 
the  market  tends  to  raise  the  price  of  labor,  that  is,  wages.  But 
the  manufacturers  cannot  defeat  the  biologic  law  of  cities 
which  their  workshops  build.  By  this  law,  city  populations 
fail  to  reproduce  themselves.  Through  all  history,  the  third 
and  fourth  generations  tell  the  story.  The  average  eight  adults 
who  live  in  cities  do  not  have  eight  great-grandchildren.  Many 
do  not  marry;  and  the  city-born  who  do  marry  do  not  have 
large  families.  Therefore,  the  highly  protected  manufacturers 
have  been  compelled  to  draw  upon  the  American  rural  dis- 
tricts and  upon  the  European  country-folk  and  villagers  for 
laborers.  Our  great  industrial  and  commercial  cities  have  de- 
pleted our  farms  and  raised  the  prices  of  farm  products ;  and 
at  the  same  time,  their  populations  are  mostly  foreign-born  or 
children  of  the  foreign-born. 

Still  another  measure  was  the  Homestead  Act,  wholly  useful. 
Another  was  the  act  providing  for  a  Pacific  Railroad.  The 
last  to  be  noted  is  the  law  for  suspending  the  Habeas  Corpus 
Act,  thereby  curtailing  personal  liberty  and  strengthening  the 
central  Government.  The  railroad  laws  led  to  scandals,  and 
the  curtailment  of  personal  liberty, — to  abuse  the  government, — 
led  to  ferocious  partisan  outbreaks;  but  history  has  justified 
both  of  them. 


n6  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

Reconstruction. — By  the  act  of  July  4,  1864,  Congress 
maliciously  and  unconstitutionally  took  out  of  the  hands  of 
the  executive  and  lodged  in  the  legislative  the  business  of  recon- 
structing the  South.  Both  Lincoln  and  Johnson,  his  successor, 
intended  to  allow  the  former  Secessionist  leaders  to  return  to 
Congress  and  to  the  control  of  their  own  States.  These  leaders 
set  about  establishing  police  regulations  that  came  near  to 
putting  the  freedmen  back  into  bondage.  This  gave  to  the 
Republican  radicals  their  argument  for  control.  Charles 
Sumner,  at  length  restored  to  a  measure  of  health,1  and  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  both  attorneys  for  Northern  capitalism,  cared 
more  for  the  Southern  negroes  than  for  the  Southern  whites, 
— the  one  was  strong  in  the  Senate,  the  other  dominated  the 
House.  President  Johnson  vetoed  the  Fourteenth  Amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  which  guaranteed  civil  rights  to  the 
freedmen;  but  the  Republican  'party,  now  led  by  the  "Black 
Republicans,"  passed  it  over  his  veto,  and  the  Legislatures 
ratified  it.  In  1868,  by  impeachment,  they  tried  to  reduce  the 
Presidency  to  the  rank  of  Congressional  chief  clerkship. 

Republican  reconstruction  of  the  South  by  Congress  set  the 
freedmen  over  their  former  masters,  developed  corrupt,  waste- 
ful, oppressive  and  inefficient  governments,  caused  the  white 
reaction  of  the  Ku  Klux  Klan  and  alienation  of  the  whites 
and  of  the  colored.  It  failed,  because  the  whites  got  control 
of  their  States  and  now  hold  it.  In  short,  Lincoln  was  right. 
The  South  by  indirection  and  by  violence  had  accomplished 
what  he  foresaw  was  inevitable  and  necessary  and,  therefore, 
expedient.  And  Republicanism  had  become  known  below 
Mason  and  Dixon's  line  as  the  party  of  the  Northern  "carpet- 
bagger" and  "bluebelly"  and  of  the  Southern  colored  freed- 
man  and  his  companion,  the  white  Southern  "scalawag." 
Thereby,  the  reunion  in  sentiment  of  the  North  and  of  the 
South  was  delayed  until  the  days  of  the  Spanish  War. 

Liberal  Republicans.— Moreover,  the  party  and  the  gov- 
ernment in  the  days  of  Johnson  and  of  Grant  fell  into  the 
hands  of  corruptionists  and  of  spoilsmen,  both  dishonest  and 
incompetent.  There  followed  the  split  of  the  Liberal  Repub- 
licans, led  by  Horace  Greeley,  whom  the  Democratic  party  en- 
dorsed for  the  Presidency. 

In  1876,  in  1884,  and  in  1892,  the  Republicans  were- de- 
feated  in   their  nominations   for  the   Presidency;   and   the 

xSee  p.  112,  supra. 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  117 

reasons  were  many.  Among  these  were  the  rise  of  Green- 
backism,1  disgust  over  the  criminal  fiasco  of  reconstruction, 
dissatisfaction  with  the  outcome  of  high  protection  in  that 
while  it  seemed  to  make  the  manufacturers  rich,  prices  rose 
and  wages  though  rising  did  not  rise  correspondingly,  but  only 
one-third  or  one-quarter  as  much,  and  the  development  not 
only  of  several  minor  parties  but  also  of  a  large  number  of 
independents,  often  styled  "Mugwumps." 

Factionalism. — The  two  great  parties  were  not  clearly  set 
in  opposition.  Both  professed  to  favor  civil  service  reform. 
Both  hedged  upon  the  silver  question.  They  refused  to  take 
issue  on  these  matters  and  on  the  foreign  policy  of  the  nation. 
There  was  much  talk  of  election  frauds  North  and  South,  and 
the  evidence  seemed  to  support  the  charges.  Internally,  the 
Republican  party  was  split  with  Stalwarts  on  one  side  and 
Halfbreeds  upon  the  other.  The  split  originated  in  New  York 
State,  but  was  felt  everywhere. 

A  Difficult  Role. — In  1892,  the  Republicans  became  the 
conservatives,  the  Democrats  the  radicals,  thus  reversing  the 
positions  taken  in  1856.  Republicanism  became  the  gold 
standard  party  as  well  as  the  high  protective  tariff  party.  In 
1898,  it  found  itself  forced  into  the  position  of  supporting  ter- 
ritorial expansion  and  imperialism.  And  it  became  the  advo- 
cate of  the  conservation  of  the  natural  resources  of  coal,  of 
timber,  and  of  the  metals.  At  the  same  time,  it  included 
many  reformers,  seeking  to  cleanse  business  and  government 
of  corruption.  Thenceforth,  it  was  to  play  a  most  difficult 
role, — advocating  international  greatness,  economic  develop- 
ment, and  the  moral  improvement  of  politics  and  of  business. 
In  1897,  the  highly  protective  Dingley  tariff  was  enacted, — 
in  1909,  the  still  higher  Payne- Aldrich  tariff.  In  191 1,  it  found 
itself  illogically  advocating  reciprocity  with  the  vast  Dominion 
of  Canada,  which  was  defeated  there. 

Insurgency. — Beyond  any  other  historical  party,  the  Re- 
publicans have  been  efficient  in  government.  But  in  politics 
their  technical  position  has  become  extremely  difficult,  as  evi- 
denced by  the  rise  of  a  group  known  as  "Insurgents"  or  "Pro- 
gressives." Their  first  leader,  Senator  J.  P.  Dolliver  of  Iowa, 
died  suddenly  in  1910,  an  event  of  major  political  importance 
in  that  it  set  back  a  movement  that  might  have  resulted  in  the 
rise  of  a  new  party  with  prospects  of  immediate  success.  Their 

*See  p.   118  et  seq. 


u8  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

next  leader,  Senator  Robert  M.  LaFollette  of  Wisconsin,  was 
less  likely  to  split  Republicanism ;  but  in  191 2,  he  was  displaced 
by  their  present  leader,  Colonel  Theodore  Roosevelt,  President 
from  1 90 1  to  1909,  who  brought  the  party  into  two  divisions 
of  almost  equal  size  and  prestige. 

Greenbackism 

Peter  Cooper. — Fiat  money  came  in  with  the  needs  of  the 
nation  in  1862.  It  was  a  paper  currency  printed  upon  one 
side  in  green,  and  consisted  simply  of  a  promise  to  pay.  In 
other  words,  greenbacks  are  forced  loans  from  the  people  to 
the  Government.  When  on  January  1,  1879,  under  John 
Sherman,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  specie  payment  was  re- 
sumed, there  were  outstanding  $346,681,000  in  these  "green- 
back" notes.  This  amount  has  never  been  reduced.  In  truth, 
it  constitutes  an  addition  to  the  National  Debt,  an  addition, 
however,  that  does  not  pay  interest.  It  serves,  however,  per- 
fectly to  raise  all  American  prices  about  25  per  cent,  higher 
than  prices  in  Europe  where  fiat  money  is  considered 
criminal. 

In  1876,  a  party  appeared  that  advocated  more  fiat  money. 
The  gold  and  silver  certificates  require  deposits  of  gold  and 
silver.  They  constitute  "intrinsic  currency  of  ultimate  re- 
demption"; but  they  are  costly.  Paper  fiat  money  requires 
only  rags,  type,  printing  press  and  ink.  The  Greenbackers 
asserted  that  the  immense  prosperity  of  the  North  was  due 
to  the  inflation  of  the  currency.  They  failed  to  see  that  the 
Confederacy,  also  issuing  fiat  money,  did  not  have  similar 
prosperity,  and  mistook  "after"  for  "because  of." 

In  that  first  year,  no  less  a  man  that  Peter  Cooper  of  New 
York,  inventor,  financier  and  philanthropist,  ran  for  President 
as  the  Greenback  candidate,  receiving  82,000  votes,  mostly, 
however,  from  persons  who  thought  that  he  was  morally 
better  than  Hayes  or  Tilden.  In  1878,  the  party  cast  1,000,000 
votes  and  elected  14  Congressmen.  In  1880,  it  cast,  for  a 
fusion  ticket  of  the  Greenbackers  and  labor  reformers,  309,000 
votes,  and  elected  8  Congressmen.  The  Presidential  candi- 
date was  J.  B.  Weaver  of  Iowa.  In  1884,  the  candidate  was 
General  Benjamin  F.  Butler  of  Massachusetts, — lawyer,  army 
leader,  cotton  manufacturer,  politician,  gravely  suspected  of 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  119 

cotton  frauds  at  New  Orleans,1  and  commonly  considered  a 
demagogue.     He  received  175,000  votes. 

And  then  Greenbackism  died.  Its  voters  became  mostly 
Free  Silver  Democrats  or  Socialists.  But  in  American  busi- 
ness men,  enough  of  the  spirit  of  Greenbackism  lives  after 
death  to  keep  the  Government  from  retiring  the  fiat  legal 
tender  money  of  the  War  period.  The  real  essence  of  the 
movement  consists  in  a  desire  to  promote  business  ventures 
and  to  ease  the  life  of  the  poor :  it  aims  to  make  people  rich  by 
a  government  device. 

Prohibitionism 

To  Make  Men  Good  by  Law. — Far  more  significant  and 
extensive  than  any  other  of  the  present  minor  parties  now  is 
the  Prohibition  Party,  which  has  taken  a  moral  principle  into 
politics. 

The  Prohibitonists  aim  to  make  men  good  by  law,  and  to 
destroy  poverty  by  doing  away  with  the  consumption  of  alco- 
holic liquors.  They  are  the  politicians  of  the  American  tem- 
perance movement.  In  the  nation,  they  have  not  yet  proven 
of  importance ;  but  in  the  States,  they  have,  in  many  instances, 
won  State-wide  prohibition  of  liquor-making  and  of  liquor- 
selling,  and  in  yet  more  instances,  secured  county  and  city- 
option.  They  have  forced  the  old  parties  to  abolish  the  army- 
canteen  and  the  public  schools  to  give  instruction  as  to  the 
evil  effects  of  alcohol  and  of  tobacco.  Socially,  they  have 
made  drunkenness  a  crime  and  hard  drinking  "bad  form." 

A  Two- Party  Nation. — But  though  the  Prohibition  Party 
has  adopted  many  planks  in  their  platforms,  they  have  not 
yet  forced  either  of  the  great  parties  to  issues.  We  have  been 
characteristically  a  two-party  nation,  not  a  nation  of  three 
parties  or  of  many  factions.  And  it  does  not  appear  probable 
that  the  immediate  future  will  see  a  change.  The  American 
people  seem  to  consider  temperance  and  prohibition  among 
those  ethical  and  educational  movements  which  do  not  prop- 
erly belong  to  national  politics.  Moreover,  the  large  cities  are 
pro-saloon  and  anti-temperance,  while  the  towns  and  rural 
districts  of  the  North  are  usually  indifferent,  while  those  of 
the  South  are  pro-temperance  and  anti-saloon.  Two  powerful 
influences  leading  the  South  to  Prohibition  are  a  justifiable 
fear  of  the  effects  of  cheap  and  easily  accessible  intoxicants 

*See  pp.  503,  504,  infra. 


120  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 

upon  negroes,  and  the  absence  of  Republicans.  Democracy 
and  Prohibition  in  the  South  are  not  in  conflict;  but  Prohi- 
bition is  an  interesting  minor  diversion  from  the  complete 
dominance  there  of  Democracy.  In  191 1,  Socialism  became 
another  diversion. 

Ethical  Influences. — Prohibitionism  elects  no  Congress- 
men, and  has  no  reasonable  hope  of  the  Presidency;  but  at 
all  times,  it  exerts  potent  influence  upon  State  and  local  elec- 
tions. So  general  is  the  support  of  prohibition  by  the  clergy 
and  by  the  churches  of  all  denominations  that  pressing  it  to  a 
political  issue  as  a  national  scale  seems  un-American  in  that 
it  unites  government  and  religion,  Church  and  State. 

The  Prohibitionists  have  now  had  greater  or  less  State-wide 
success  in  nine  States, — Maine,  North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Ten- 
nessee, Alabama,  Mississippi,  Kansas,  Oklohama,  and  North 
Dakota.  Other  States  that  tried  prohibition  only  to  give  it  up 
are  Illinois,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Iowa,  Nebraska,  and  South 
Dakota.  It  cannot  be  said,  however,  that  it  was  very  seri- 
ously tried  in  these  six  States.  Nor  can  it  be  proven  that  State 
prohibition  has  markedly  decreased  poverty. 

Populism 

William  Jennings  Bryan. — The  Greenback  party  rose 
solely  upon  a  financial  principle;  the  Prohibitionist  upon  an 
ethical.  Similarly,  the  Populist  party  arose  upon  a  single 
principle, — direct  utilization  of  government  to  promote  the 
general  wealth  and  thereby  the  wealth  of  individuals,  espe- 
cially farmers.  It  was  a  sectional  movement,  beginning  with 
the  Grangers  of  the  Middle  West  and  spreading  into  the 
South.  Populism  was  a  great  wave  that  placed  one  Senator 
from  Kansas  in  Washington,  and  then  subsided  rapidly.  In 
1896,  Populism  endorsed  the  Democrat  W.  J.  Bryan  for  the 
Presidency. 

In  the  hope  of  catching  as  many  voters  as  possible,  the 
Populist  party  platforms  soon  had  many  planks ;  but  this  mul- 
tifariousness of  propositions  drove  away  more  voters  than 
it  won.  Old  parties  may  resort  to  such  a  device;  but  the 
strength  of  a  new  party  consists  in  simplicity  of  issues. 

Populism  at  its  height  was  State  Socialism,  and  as  such  pre- 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  121 

pared  the  way  in  American  politics  for  the  first  and  only  party 
in  this  country  with  international  affiliations. 

Socialism 

Social  Democratic  Party. — There  have  been,  in  Ameri- 
can history,  several  parties  of  Socialistic  tendency, — the  Social 
Democratic,  the  Social  Labor,  and  the  Populist, — all  prepar- 
ing the  way  for  the  Socialist  party,  which  in  191  o  by  electing 
a  Congressman  (from  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin)  fairly  entered 
the  national  field. 

Socialism  aims  at  economic  revolution  and  social  recon- 
struction, employing  political  methods  for  these  ends.  It 
nominates  candidates  for  National,  State  and  municipal  office. 
Some  forty  cities  have  elected  Socialists  mayors.  But  at 
present,  Socialism  is  a  party  of  propaganda  rather  than  of 
achievement  of  national  importance.  It  styles  the  existing 
social  regime  "capitalism  and  wage-slavery"  and  advocates 
class-consciousness  on  the  part  of  all  toilers  for  hire.  It  sup- 
ports and  is  partly  supported  by  trades  unionism.  The  main 
Socialistic  principle  is,  "Workingmen  of  the  world,  unite." 

Socialism  has  two  styles, — State  socialism  and  collective 
socialism.  The  former  is  advocated  for  all  public  utilities  and 
natural  monopolies,  the  latter  for  everything  else.  It  demands 
for  each  family  a  home  with  land.  In  a  sense,  Socialism  is 
democratic;  it  aims  to  produce  free  men  with  equal  political 
rights.  In  another  sense,  it  is  highly  nationalistic  beyond  even 
Republicanism.  It  is,  however,  essentially  municipal  and  local 
in  its  present  activities.  Owing  to  the  appeal  of  Socialism, 
under  various  names  and  guises,  to  men  and  women  of  reli- 
gious and  esthetic  natures,  to  its  advocacy  of  woman  suffrage, 
and  to  its  zealous  humanitarianism,  it  receives  a  degree  and  a 
measure  of  attention  notably  above  and  beyond  its  practical 
accomplishment. 

Supersocialism  known  as  "Syndicalism"  aims  to  unite  all 
workers,  and  with  its  principle  "No  arbitration"  to  expropriate 
all  wealth  from  private  ownership  into  the  communistic  pos- 
session of  the  present  wage-earners. 


122  HISTORY  OF  PRESIDENCY 


Individual  Freedom  Through  Politics 

Individual  Freedom. — We  may  perhaps  successively  rank 
these  and  allied  movements  as  they  exist  to-day  in  the  terms 
of  individual  freedom  thus: 

Philosophical  Anarchy,  with  the  largest  freedom. 

Constitutional  Democracy. 

Collective  Socialism. 

Progressive  Democracy. 

Insurgent  Republicanism. 

Social  Democracy. 

Standpat  Republicanism. 

Prohibitionism. 

Populism. 

State  Socialism. 

Communism,  with  the  least  freedom. 

The  problem  involved  is :  "How  far  in  order  to  promote 
the  welfare  of  a  nation  or  of  a  community  may  we  interfere 
with  individual  freedom?"  How  much  true  liberty  is  due  to 
law?  How  far  do  existing  laws  work  for  special  privilege 
and  class  rule  ?  The  court  party  is  now  for  enlarged  govern- 
ment powers,  the  country  party  for  less  law  and  better  law 
and  for  more  freedom  of  the  individual. 

Only  in  the  light  of  this  principle  has  the  progressive  move- 
ment any  historical  and  permanent  importance. 

Constitutional  Freedom 

Part  and  parcel  of  individual  freedom  is  constitutional 
order,  which  is  probably  as  near  to  justice  as  mankind  will  at 
least  for  a  considerable  time  attain.  Here,  and  not  in  mere 
political  expediency,  lies  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  to 
recall  legislators,  executives  and  judges,  and  as  to  whether  or 
not  to  make  them  ineligible  to  reelection.  In  which  connec- 
tion, it  is  well  to  note  that  a  man  sometimes  is  indispensable. 
If  Lincoln  could  not  have  been  reelected,  either  the  Interstate 
War  would  have  resulted  differently  or  in  violation  of  the 


HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  123 

Constitution  the  North  would  have  found  a  way  to  make  him 
dictator. 

For  in  human  society  an  individual  may  become  the  embodi- 
ment of  the  social  will,  the  instrument  of  its  adjustment  of 
institutions  to  changing  forces  and  needs. 


PART  TWO 
PRESIDENTIAL   POWERS 


'He  is  to  be  President  of  all  the  People,  not  of  the  States." — James 
Madison,  Records  of  the  Federal  Convention,  August  26,  1787. 


CHAPTER  I 
Origin  of  the  Presidential  Character 

Some  Forerunners  of  the  Presidents:  (i)  Samuel  Adams, 
(2)  Patrick  Henry,  (3)  John  Hancock,  (4)  Benjamin 
Franklin. 

Samuel  Adams 

The  interregnum  between  King  and  President — master  of  Boston  town- 
meeting — other  prominent  figures — early  life — family  vicissitudes — 
fortunate  first  marriage — Stamp  Act — Governor  Thomas  Hutchinson 
— the  Boston  Tea  Party — in  Philadelphia,  1774 — General  Gage  hunts 
Sam  Adams  at  Lexington — second  wife  confesses  poverty — personal 
peculiarities — services  of  Adams  compared  with  those  of  others — 
Massachusetts  State  Constitution — a  democrat  and  localist — loses  his 
son — the  Bill  of  Rights  Amendments — State  Governor  in  1794 — a 
King-maker — Patrick  Henry  compared  with  James  Otis — early  life — 
reads  law — the  Parsons'  Cause — "Treason  !" — "Give  me  liberty  or  give 
me  death !"  Governor  of  Virginia — opposes  Federal  Constitution — ill 
health — declines  Chief  Justiceship — compared  with  others — an  Ameri- 
can— John  Hancock — early  life — wealth — smuggling — the  sloop  "Lib- 
erty"— affairs  with  Sam  and  John  Adams — an  able  business  man  and  a 
good  politician — President  of  Congress  in  1776— compared  with  later 
rich  men — Governor  of  Massachusetts — State's  Rights — an  aristocrat 
and  a  patriot — Benjamin  Franklin — humble  origin — early  life — printer 
— goes  from  Boston  to  Philadelphia — very  active — colonial  postmaster 
in  1753 — visits  London — scientific  discoveries — pamphleteer — colonial 
agent  in  England — diplomat  in  Canada — member  of  Congress  and 
President  Pennsylvania  State  Constitutional  Convention — a  genius 
with  many  faults — goes  to  Paris — a  prodigious  worker — peace  commis- 
sioner— member  Federal  Constitutional  Convention — ablest  of  all 
Americans  to  date — his  singular  and  attractive  yet  effective  personal 
appearance — a  State's  Rights  democrat,  yet  favored  a  strong,  limited, 
central  government. 

The  Origin  of  the  Public  Idea  of  the  President. — To 
four  men  we  owe  the  Presidential  character.  The  ideal  Presi- 
dent is  a  competent  international  diplomat,  he  is  a  masterful 
politician,  he  is  a  fascinating  orator,  and  he  is  an  industrious 

127 


I28  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

and  respectable  public  functionary.  Four  men  fixed  the  type. 
A  President  is  in  character  when  he  reminds  us  of  Benjamin 
Franklin  as  an  energetic  yet  tactful,  honest  and  unselfish  direc- 
tor of  international  affairs,  of  Samuel  Adams  as  a  frank  and 
successful  manipulator  of  us  his  fellow  democrats,  admiring 
and  obedient,  of  Patrick  Henry  as  an  eloquent  and  patriotic 
orator,  telling  us  dramatically,  brilliantly,  gloriously  our  needs, 
and  of  John  Hancock,  the  suave,  laborious,  skillful  yet  not 
anxious  presiding  executive  of  our  destiny.  Were  such  a 
President  to  add  in  wartime,  the  bravery  and  fortitude  of 
George  Washington  and  his  foresight,  he  would  be  more  than 
ideal ;  he  would  be  perfect,  which  no  man  ever  is,  or  ever  will 
be.  The  Presidents  who  fail,  fail  in  some  one  or  more  of 
these  several  good  qualities  of  their  forerunners. 

The  Interregnum  Between  King  and  President. — 
Between  the  days  when  the  British  colonies  in  North  America 
were  loyal  at  heart  to  their  hereditary  Sovereign  Lord,  King 
George  the  Third,  and  the  days  when  the  new  nation  of  the 
United  States  elected  for  themselves  as  President  of  the  People 
one  George  Washington,  there  was  an  interregnum  of  a 
score  or  more  of  years.  Then  there  was  neither  king  nor 
judge  in  our  Israel ;  and  much  of  the  time,  most  of  our  ances- 
tors were  severally  doing  each  what  was  right  in  his  own 
eyes.  But  in  that  interregnum  between  King  and  President 
several  strong  figures  stood  out,  usually  compelling  obedience 
and  even  admiration  from  the  aggressive  and  finally  effective 
minority  that  set  up  this  representative  Republic, — conspicu- 
ously among  them  stood  Samuel  Adams,  Patrick  Henry, 
George  Washington,  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  John  Hancock. 
By  their  policies,  their  characters  and  their  conduct,  they 
shaped  the  future  Presidency. 

Master  of  Boston  Town-Meeting. — In  1774,  the  first 
Continental  Congress  met  in  Philadelphia,  the  harvest  of  the 
sowing  of  Samuel  Adams,  "the  Father  of  the  Revolution." 
He  had  begun  the  Revolution  with  his  ringing  protests  against 
the  Stamp  Act  and  pursued  it  with  Committees  of  Corres- 
pondence ;  and  now  the  Colonies,  like  independent  tribes,  were 
seeking  that  unity  of  mind  whence  independence  and  national- 
ity in  a  common  cause  were  to  emerge. 

In  the  year  1774,  the  most  prominent  politician  in  America 
was  Sam  Adams,  master  of  Boston  town-meeting,  boldest  of 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  129 

all  the  rebels-in-making  upon  the  western  shores  of  the 
Atlantic. 

Various  Prominent  Figures. — Colonial  union  for  resist- 
ance did  not  stir  in  men's  minds  until  1773  when  the  Inter- 
colonial or  Continental  Committees  of  Correspondence,  whose 
prototype  was  the  Massachusetts  colony-system  of  intertown 
Committees  of  Correspondence,  had  become  sufficiently  or- 
ganized under  Dabney  Carr,  Patrick  Henry  his  brother-in- 
law,  and  others  of  Virginia  to  press  for  a  congress  at  Phila- 
delphia, the  largest  city  of  America.  From  1773  to  1789  is 
a  period  of  sixteen  years.  During  the  first  four  of  those 
years,  Sam  Adams,  Patrick  Henry,  and  John  Hancock  were 
the  great  political  figures  at  home.  The  diplomatic  triumphs 
of  Benjamin  Franklin  in  France  made  him  the  great  figure 
after  the  French  treaty  in  February,  1782. 

Other  great  men  than  Sam  Adams,  Patrick  Henry,  John 
Hancock,  and  Ben  Franklin,  there  were :  among  them,  Robert 
Morris,  Gouverneur  Morris,  James  Otis,  George  Mason,  Rich- 
ard Henry  Lee,  to  mention  a  few.  Against  every  other  man 
than  Adams,  Henry,  Hancock,  and  Franklin,  something 
serious  militated  to  their  political  disadvantage.  Some  came 
from  colonies  overrun  with  British  soldiers,  others  from 
colonies  that  were  hotbeds  of  Loyalism  and  Toryism,  so  that 
they  had  no  opportunity  to  develop  general  views ;  some  were 
too  old  for  the  fray,  some  still  too  young;  destined  later  for 
high  fame,  one  became,  according  to  the  medical  knowledge 
of  that  day,  insane,  the  brilliant  Otis;  some  were  killed  in 
battle  or  otherwise  disabled ;  others  were  too  poor  and  friend- 
less, in  an  age  when  no  salaries  were  paid  to  public  officers,  to 
bear  a  hand  long  in  politics ;  and  some  wavered. 

These  four  men  were  the  forerunners  of  the  Presidents. 
They  had  wealth  enough,  health  enough,  friends  enough, 
strength  enough  to  endure. 

Early  Life. — Sturdy  Samuel  Adams,  type  of  New  Eng- 
land hardihood,  was  born  in  Boston,  September  2jy  1722. 

On  a  memorable  spring  day,  1773,  in  Fanueil  Hall,  he 
rose  and  said :  "This  meeting  can  do  no  more  to  save  the 
country," — whereupon  certain  "Indian  braves"  adjourned  to 
the  wharf,  and  to  save  the  business  of  smuggling  tea,  stole  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  worth  of  almost  tax-free  tea  and 
poured  it  into  Boston  harbor.     Yet  Parliament  was  charging 


130  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

us  but  one-tenth  as  much  tax  as  the  English  were  paying.  The 
smugglers  wished  America  charged  the  full  tax, — in  order  to 
make  their  profit,  and  by  law-breaking  to  break  the  English 
monopoly.     Mixed  purposes  of  good  and  evil  operate  history. 

To  Sam  Adams,  fifty  years  of  age,  the  generosity  of  King 
George  was  poorly  disguised  malice. 

Family  Vicissitudes. — Though  a  Harvard  master  of  arts, 
winning  the  degree  at  the  age  of  twenty  years — a  fact  that  in- 
dicates to  the  discerning  that  college  degrees  were  easier  come 
at  in  1743  than  now — he  did  not  proceed  into  a  profession  but 
after  reading  a  little  law  became  a  merchant's  clerk,  then  a 
merchant  on  his  own  account  and,  last  in  business  lines,  a 
maltster.  He  came  of  a  family  already  famous  and  living  in 
a  fine  mansion ;  but  those  were  troublous  times,  and  the  family 
knew  many  vicissitudes.  Perhaps,  the  deaths  of  nine  of  the 
twelve  children  in  his  father's  family  should  be  considered 
significant  of  the  storm-and-stress  of  those  days  of  English 
war  with  France. 

Fortunate  First  Marriage. — Samuel  Adams  married 
well.  His  bride  was  a  daughter  of  the  minister  of  New  South 
Church.  This  was  in  an  age  when  the  ministers  were  the  first 
men  in  Boston.  The  marriage  took  place  in  1749;  and  it  is 
significant  of  the  young  man  in  Boston  politics  that  older  men 
began  to  advise  him  to  talk  less  about  government  and  to 
write  fewer  letters  to  the  newspapers  and  to  attend  to  his  none 
too  prosperous  malt-house.  It  appears  that  the  elder  Adams, 
dying,  had  left  to  this  son  not  only  a  legacy  of  a  few  thousand 
dollars  but  another  legacy, — a  feud  with  no  less  a  personage 
than  Thomas  Hutchinson,  destined  to  be  the  first  man  on  the 
King's  side.  Ten  years  after  his  father's  death,  the  enemies 
of  the  Adams  family  tried  to  saddle  a  prodigious  and  legally 
problematical  debt  upon  his  son  Samuel, — in  order  presumably 
to  quiet  his  political  activities.     It  is  a  trick  played  yet. 

By  1753,  young  Adams  was  on  the  Boston  School  Com- 
mittee ;  from  this  he  rose, — as  they  say, — step  by  step  until  he 
became  representative  in  the  Assembly  of  the  colony  and  tax- 
collector, — holding  the  latter  office  from  1 756  to  1 764.  Massa- 
chusetts was  in  a  constant  row  between  the  royal  governors 
and  their  satellites  and  the  free  men  of  the  town-meeting. 
Lying:  and  scandal  were  in  the  air.  Corruption  was  the  custom 
01  tne  timet 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  131 

The  Stamp  Act  brought  the  crisis. 

The  Stamp  Act. — Adams  was  already  gray  and  for  all  his 
sturdy  frame,  looked  old.  His  wife  was  dead,  two  children 
surviving.  His  business  was  gone;  and  but  little  property 
remained.     Yet  his  career  had  not  begun! 

Sam  Adams  was  to  become  the  tribune  of  the  people.  That 
flame  of  fire,  Colonel  James  Otis,  might  pass,  but  Adams  was 
to  burn  and  glow  for  many  and  many  a  year  to  come.  In 
1764,  seven  years  after  his  first  wife  passed  away,  Adams 
married  again.  It  was  a  childless  union,  but  his  second  wife 
survived  him. 

From  1765,  Sam  Adams  held  till  his  death  some  office  that 
kept  him  in  the  Old  State  House  of  Massachusetts.  The  only 
considerable  break  was  the  period  of  his  service  in  the  Conti- 
nental Congress.  In  the  Assembly  in  1766,  he  was  joined  by 
that  rich  young  blood,  John  Hancock,  then  but  twenty-nine 
years  old.  Massachusetts  forced  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act. 
The  British  Parliament  could  not  yet  answer  the  Adams  argu- 
ment,— We  are  too  far  away  to  be  represented;  and  since 
there  must  be  no  taxation  without  representation,  we  must  not 
be  taxed  save  by  ourselves. 

Governor  Thomas  Hutchinson.  —  In  1768,  Thomas 
Hutchinson,  a  brilliant  lawyer,  for  years  Chief  Justice  and 
now  Lieutenant-Governor,  became  Acting  Governor ;  and  two 
years  later  Governor,  at  the  age  then  of  fifty-nine.  His  chief 
opponent  was  Sam  Adams,  clerk  of  the  Assembly,  whose  sole 
means  of  support  was  the  petty  stipend  of  what  he  made  a 
great  office  by  his  diligence  and  talent. 

Bustling  about  the  streets  of  Boston,  with  his  wife  and 
children  virtually  in  poverty,  Adams  becomes  in  a  sense  an 
American  Socrates,  the  wholly  public  man.  He  loved  conver- 
sation in  the  streets. 

Such  was  the  man  who,  as  officially  appointed  spokesman 
of  Boston  town-meeting  after  the  "Boston  Massacre,"  visited 
Hutchinson  the  Royal  Governor  and  like  a  prophet  of  old 
ordered  him  to  withdraw  the  regiments.  "Fail  not  at  your 
peril, "  he  cried,  his  head  and  hands  shaking  with  the  nervous 
tremor  that  characterized  him  for  the  last  forty  years  of  his 
life,  "to  comply  with  this  requisition.  If  the  just  expectations 
of  the  people  are  disappointed,  you  must  be  answerable  to  God 
and  your  country  for  the  fatal  consequences  that  must  ensue." 


1 32  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

After  the  Boston  Tea  Party. — After  the  Tea  Party, 
Sam  Adams  must  be  got  ready  to  go  to  Philadelphia :  his 
friends  and  neighbors  present  him  with  a  suit  of  clothes,  a 
new  wig  and  hat  and  six  pairs  of  silk  hose,  six  pairs  of  shoes, 
and  a  few  gold  coins.  The  man  has  no  time  to  be  looking  out 
for  himself.  He  must  be  about  his  country's  business !  And 
just  enough  friends  and  neighbors  are  at  hand  to  get  him 
ready  for  this  business.  So  assisted,  in  company  with  certain 
others  of  larger  means,  Adams  must  travel  to  Philadelphia, 
in  a  coach  and  four,  with  two  white  servants  on  horseback 
armed  and  four  negro  slaves  in  attendance,  for  Boston  still 
has  slaves. 

In  Philadelphia  in  1774. — In  that  Congress  of  fifty-three 
members,  the  Tories  said  that  Sam  Adams  was  the  ablest 
manager  of  men.  One  of  the  conciliationists  wrote  of  him: 
"He  eats  little,  drinks  little,  sleeps  little,  thinks  much,  and  is 
most  decisive  and  indefatigable  in  the  pursuit  of  his  objects. 
Whatever  these  patriots  wished  to  have  done.  .  .  .  Mr. 
Adams  advised  and  directed."  It  is  the  valuable  testimony  of 
an  enemy.  Adams  declared  that  he  was  for  the  struggle  for 
liberty  though  nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine  in  a  thousand 
perished.  "One  freeman  must  possess  more  virtue  and  enjoy 
more  happiness  than  a  thousand  slaves ;  and  let  him  propagate 
his  like,  and  transmit  to  them  what  he  hath  so  nobly  pre- 
served." 

The  Hunt  for  Sam  Adams. — Small  wonder  that  next 
spring  Military  Governor  Gage  sent  through  Lexington  and 
Concord  looking  for  those  two  arch-rebels  to  whom  alone 
because  of  their  "flagitious  offences"  amnesty  could  not  be 
granted, — Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock,  whom  Paul  Re- 
vere saved  by  his  world-famous  midnight  ride. 

The  second  Continental  Congress  met  in  June  of  the  same 
year  and  upon  the  nomination  of  John  Adams,  seconded  by 
Samuel  Adams,  chose  Washington  to  command  the  Continen- 
tal Army,  thereby  allying  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  indis- 
solubly.  At  this  period,  an  American  in  London  wrote  home : 
"I  find  many  who  consider  your  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  the  first 
politician  in  the  world."  He  had  escaped  "the  condign  pun- 
ishment" intended  for  him  by  Gage  and  Hutchinson,  he  had 
seen  the  hero  of  Massachusetts.  General  Joseph  Warren,  fall 
at  Bunker  Hill,  and  with  intense  seriousness  he  promptly 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  133 

pushed  forward  the  business  of  getting  independence,  which 
a  majority  of  the  people  did  not  desire. 

Having  taken  one  of  the  richest  Virginians  for  general-in- 
chief,  the  Adamses  now  took  the  richest  New  Englander  for 
President  of  Congress.  It  was  a  shrewd  move.  It  made  Eng- 
land understand  that  the  wealth  of  America  was  enlisted  in  the 
cause  of  liberty. 

His  Wife  Confesses  Poverty. — How  poor  he  was  In 
February,  1776,  his  wife  wrote  him:  "I  should  be  glad  (my 
Dear),  if  you  should  n't  come  down  soon,  you  would  Write 
me  Word  Who  to  apply  to  for  some  Monney,  for  I  am  low  in 
Cash  and  Everything  is  very  dear. 

"May  I  subscribe  myself  yours, 

"Eliz'h  Adams." 

It  was  a  forensic  fight  to  get  the  Declaration  through.  Even 
Hancock  was  against  him.  The  Quakers  opposed  him.  Wash- 
ington was  lukewarm,  as  was  Franklin.  But  Thomas  Paine 
just  over  from  England  with  "The  Crisis"  and  "Common 
Sense"  helped  to  stir  up  the  common  people;  and  the  eloquent 
Richard  Henry  Lee  of  Virginia  saved  the  day.  At  last,  upon 
a  pestilently  hot  afternoon, — mosquitoes  and  horse-flies  biting 
the  legs  of  the  members, — the  Declaration  went  through  hur- 
riedly but  unanimously.  From  various  sources,  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson put  it  together;  and  by  various  means,  Samuel  Adams 
put  it  through  Congress. 

Personal  Peculiarities. — After  all,  Congress  was  a  small 
affair,  compared  with  town  meeting!  Often,  two  thousand 
voters  were  in  attendance  at  Old  South  Church,  where  it  now 
met  instead  of  in  the  smaller  Fanueil  Hall.  No  beginner  was 
this  man  of  fifty-three  years !  In  a  day  and  land  of  class  and 
caste,  he  could  mix  with  one  and  all  as  friend  and  equal.  In 
a  quavering  voice,  he  declared  audacious  things.  His  grip 
on  facts  was  singularly  logical.  Greatly  as  he  differed  in 
many  ways  from  Abraham  Lincoln,  he  was,  in  his  methods, 
devices  and  manners,  quite  like  him, — deferential,  dexterous, 
persevering.  Samuel  Adams  was  the  caucus  organizer  of  his 
times.  Jefferson  called  him  "the  fountain  of  our  important 
measures."  In  an  interview  in  England,  Hutchinson  told 
King  George  that  Sam  Adams  was  "a  man  of  the  most  in- 
flexible natural  temper"  and  "the  Cromwell  of  New  England." 


134  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

His  Services  Compared  with  Others. — Historically. 
Samuel  Adams  antedates  Washington ;  without  him,  the  Revo- 
lutionary General  would  have  had  no  united  social  and  politi- 
cal mind  to  shape  into  a  nation.  Adams  comes  before  Wash- 
ington, and  Washington  before  Franklin.  The  sequence  of 
the  crises  is  this :  Adams  shaped  the  colonies  to  the  point  of 
the  Declaration.  Washington  held  the  army  together  until 
Franklin  brought  the  French  to  help  us  smash  the  British  at 
Yorktown.  Each  of  the  trio  was  essential.  It  is  a  drama  of 
three  acts, — The  Declaration — Valley  Forge — Yorktown.  If 
independence  by  the  sword  was  necessary,  then  every  Ameri- 
can owes  gratitude  to  these  three  men, — the  politician,  the 
soldier,  and  the  diplomat.  No  other  one  man  was  essential. 
Others  might  have  written  even  the  Declaration.  Not  one 
other  could  possibly  have  put  it  through  unanimously  or  at 
all ;  not  one  other  could  have  held  the  Continental  Army  to- 
gether ;  not  one  other  could  have  persuaded  France  to  help  us. 

The  Massachusetts  State  Constitution. — July  4,  1776, 
marked  a  crisis  of  American  history.  It  was  also  the  climax 
of  the  career  of  Samuel  Adams  but  by  no  means  its  ending. 
He  helped  to  frame  the  State  Constitution  of  Massachusetts. 
Hitherto,  we  have  so  seriously  overestimated  the  importance 
of  the  Federal  Constitution  as  to  have  neglected  the  far  more 
important  State  Constitutions,  which  touch  us  at  twenty 
points  to  one  for  the  Federal.  The  difference  may  be  fifty 
compared  with  the  relative  importance  of  clothing  and  of  food, 
we  need  both.  The  Federal  Constitution  is  clothing;  the 
State  is  food  and  drink. 

Samuel  Adams  also  helped  to  frame  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation for  the  new  nation.  He  was  always  a  localist,  the 
town  meeting  democrat,  no  centralizationist. 

A  Democrat  and  a  Socialist. — In  Massachusetts,  he  did 
yeoman  service  not  only  in  the  Assembly  but  also  in  town- 
meeting.  The  higher  civilization  that  he  kept  steadily  in  view 
was  a  society  of  free  men  and  political  equals,  each  doing  as 
much  for  himself  as  possible  and  relying  upon  government  as 
little  as  possible.  In  1781,  he  became  a  member  of  the  State 
Senate  and  was  at  once  elected  its  President.  He  presided 
over  the  magnificent  ceremonies  that  witnessed  the  departure 
of  the  French  army  and  fleet  from  Boston  in  1782.  Later, 
he  opposed  the  proposition  to  let  the  Tory  refugees  return  to 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  135 

Boston  from  Halifax  and  elsewhere,  and  won,  which  was  un- 
fortunate. He  exerted  the  powers  of  the  State  Government 
vigorously  in  the  troubled  days  of  Shays's  Rebellion,  which 
also  may  have  been  unfortunate. 

The  Old  Patriot  Saves  His  Son. — In  1788,  domestic 
affliction  nearly  crushed  the  old  statesman.  His  son,  who 
had  been  a  surgeon  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  died  as 
the  result  of  hardships  encountered  then.  With  this  grief 
upon  him,  Samuel  Adams  persuaded  the  Massachusetts  Legis- 
lature to  insist  upon  certain  amendments  to  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution ;  to  him  more  than  to  any  other  one  man,  we  owe  the 
first  amendments,  often  called  our  "American  Bill  of  Rights." 
For  all  his  age,  he  was  still  a  keen  workman  in  government. 
In  this  year,  a  local  newspaper  said  of  him :  "He  is  the  Ameri- 
can Cato.  Naked  he  went  into  her  employ,  and  naked  he  came 
out  of  it."  Running  for  Congress  as  an  anti-Federalist,  he 
was  defeated  by  a  marvellous  young  man  of  thirty-one  years, 
Fisher  Ames,  as  an  orator  the  successor  to  Otis  and  Henry. 
But  the  next  year,  he  was  elected  Lieutenant  Governor,  Han- 
cock continuing  as  Governor.  The  tickets  were  printed  in 
gold  ink  in  token  of  the  honor  in  which  these  two  men  were 
held. 

State  Governor  in  i  794. — Wlien  John  Hancock  died  late 
in  1793,  Adams  succeeded  him  and  was  elected  annually  to 
the  governorship  in  1794.  1795,  1796,  by  large  majorities. 
In  1797,  fifteen  electoral  votes  were  cast  for  him  against  John 
Adams  and  Jefferson  as  President  of  the  United  States.  But 
he  had  now  retired  and,  paralyzed,  was  waiting  the  end  of 
life.  His  wife  and  his  daughter  and  her  children  cared  for 
him.  And  Congress  paid  to  him  as  heir  some  six  thousand 
dollars  of  salary  clue  his  son  for  services  as  army  surgeon.  He 
failed  slowly  and  gradually  until  the  end  came  October  2, 
1803.   _ 

So  lived  and  died  a  mighty  Puritan,  who  tried  to  prevent 
theatrical  plays  in  Boston  when  he  was  State  Governor.  He 
saw  the  things  of  the  future  far  off;  and  insisted  that  all  the 
world  should  see  through  his  eyes.  Did  he  make  mistakes? 
Many  of  them,  but  all  relatively  small.  And  the  only  reason 
why  his  fame  is  not  vastly  greater  is  that  he  always  tried  to 
put  others  forward;  he  was  "a  king-maker."  He  "made" 
politically  both  Washington  and  Hancock — even  favored  mak- 


136  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

ing  Washington  a  dictator.  Bold  as  a  lion  for  his  measures, 
he  was  always  modest  respecting  himself.  He  was  the  ideal 
of  an  effective  type, — the  New  England  folk-mote  democrat. 
In  his  old  age,  there  were  three  great  States, — Virginia, 
Massachusetts,  and  Pennsylvania.  He  was  Governor  of  one 
of  the  trio.  And  all  of  them  were  still  for  State's  rights  in 
their  political  faith. 

Patrick  Henry 

Patrick  Henry  Compared  with  James  Otis. — As  a 
cynosure  of  public  interest,  in  the  stormy  days  before  the 
Revolution,  the  only  man  who  equalled  Samuel  Adams  of 
Massachusetts  was  Patrick  Henry,  who  was  often  styled  in 
the  North  "the  young  Sam  Adams  of  Virginia."  Later  history 
will  perhaps  think  of  him  as  an  abler,  better  poised,  less  well 
educated  James  Otis  with  an  equal  eloquence.  These  two 
were  the  first  orators  South  and  North  of  the  new  cause.  To 
Henry  was  accorded  long  life ;  but  Otis  became  insane  early 
in  the  wartime  as  the  outcome  of  an  assault  by  ruffian  political 
enemies  in  1769,  for  which  they  were  fined  ten  thousand  dol- 
lars as  compensation,  an  item  indignantly  refused  by  the  soon 
to  be  insane  victim.  It  was  the  irony  of  fate  that  Otis  re- 
mained alive  until  1783  when,  as  he  often  prayed  to  be,  he  was 
killed  by  a  stroke  of  lightning.  With  modern  medical  care, 
how  he  might  have  changed  all  future  history! 

What  Otis,  who  was  born  in  1725,  was  to  Massachusetts, 
the  inspirer  of  revolt  in  the  souls  even  of  the  Adamses,  Henry 
was  to  Virginia.  Their  words  were, — to  use  the  phrase  of 
Homer, — "winged  arrows"  that  flew  home  to  the  mark. 

Early  Life. — Most  of  the  early  life  of  Henry  is  obscure. 
All  through  his  life,  he  had  jealous  and  lying  detractors, — 
among  whom  the  over-imaginative  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the 
worst.  He  was  born  at  Studley,  Hanover  County,  Virginia, 
May  29,  1736.  His  father  was  a  native  Scotchman;  his 
mother  a  native  of  North  Carolina,  and  recently  of  Welsh 
descent.  On  both  sides,  his  ancestry  had  famous  names.  His 
own  opportunities  for  schooling  were  meagre,  but  his  father, 
at  such  times  as  he  could  spare,  taught  him  Greek  and  Latin 
indifferently  well.  His  mother  had  musical  talent,  which  may 
somewhat  account  for  his  own  beautiful  speaking  voice.  Of 
his  own  motion,  Henry  read  diligently  Greek  and  Roman  his- 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  137 

tory.    He  married  at  eighteen  years  of  age  and  within  a  few; 
years  failed  twice  as  a  merchant  and  once  as  a  farmer. 

Reads  Law. — In  1760,  Henry  suddenly  resolved  to  try  the 
law,  read  in  it  diligently  for  six  weeks,  in  an  irresponsible 
social  age,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  upon  his  promise  to  keep 
on  studying,  and  at  once  set  about  getting  a  practice  to  support 
himself  and  family.  Very  soon,  it  appeared  that  he  had  found 
his  vocation,  and  clients  came  in  steadily  increasing  numbers. 
He  was  attractive  in  speech  and  conversation  and  unsparingly 
diligent  in  their  interests.  In  1763,  at  twenty-seven  years  of 
age,  his  opportunity  came.  It  was  a  complicated  and  ugly 
case  that  has  passed  into  history  as  "the  Parsons'  Cause." 
His  own  father  was  judge  of  the  court, — a  situation  scarcely 
agreeable  to  the  ethics  of  modern  minds. 

The  Parsons'  Cause. — The  church  was  established  by 
charter  in  Virginia  and  the  rectors  were  paid  out  of  taxes, — 
each  sixteen  thousand  pounds  of  tobacco  annually,  about  six 
months  after  harvest.  In  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, tobacco  rose  and  rose  in  price  until  that  salary  amounted 
to  the  prodigious  sum  of  two  thousand  dollars  value.  The 
Legislature,  without  permit  of  the  King  but  with  the  approval 
of  the  acting  Governor,  commuted  these  salaries  to  about  one- 
third,  which  was,  however,  more  than  the  clergy  usually  had 
received.  The  King  objected.  And  the  clergy  sued  for  the 
payment  according  to  the  charter. 

The  social  situation  becomes  significant.  The  common  people 
are  against  the  clergy  and  the  establishment  of  the  church. 
The  gentry  are  for  the  clergy  and  establishment.  Henry  is 
made  counsel  for  the  defendant  vestrymen  of  the  parish  who 
will  not  pay  the  salary  according  to  the  King's  orders;  and 
the  case  now  is  upon  their  appeal  from  a  lower  court  where 
the  vestrymen  have  lost. 

The  jury  is  stacked  for  the  defendants;  no  gentlemen  sit 
there,  the  sheriff  has  seen  to  that.  A  great  multitude  have 
gathered  from  the  countryside  to  hear  the  case.  What  they 
heard  was  not  a  legal  argument  but  an  assertion  that  the  "King 
was  degenerating  into  a  tyrant"  and  that  the  clergy  were  de- 
siring not  a  verdict  of  heavy  damages  but  a  rebuke  of  "signal 
severity"  for  trying  to  oppose  the  will  of  the  people  of  Vir- 
ginia and  their  patriotic  governor.  It  was  an  eloquent  speech. 
It  won.    The  stacked  jury,  guided  by  the  judge,  a  fond  ad- 


138  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

mirer  of  his  son,  within  fifteen  minutes  asserted  the  damages 
at  one  penny.  And  the  fame  of  Patrick  Henry,  the  victor, 
passed  to  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia  and  to  New  Jersey  and 
Massachusetts. 

"Treason/' — In  1765,  he  became  a  member  of  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses,  and  offered  the  resolutions  against  the 
Stamp  Act.  The  speech  is  famous  for  a  single  passage  quoted 
everywhere : 

"  'Caesar  had  his  Brutus,  Charles  the  First  his  Cromwell, 
and  George  the  Third,' — here  he  was  interrupted  by  loud  cries 
of  'Treason!'  from  all  parts  of  the  house, — "may  profit  by 
their  example.    If  this  be  treason,  make  the  most  of  it.' ' 

This  speech  confirmed  the  reputation  of  Henry  as  the  most 
eloquent  man  in  a  colony  that  already  admired  eloquence  above 
all  other  powers  and  graces  of  men.  It  made  for  him  violent 
partisans  and  equally  bitter  enemies.  The  resolutions  passed 
by  the  closest  of  votes, — one  majority.  The  next  day,  the 
House  expunged  two  of  the  worst  of  the  resolutions  when 
Henry  had  gone  home,  thinking  that  his  work  was  done. 

North,  South  and  beyond  the  seas  went  that  terrible  speech. 

In  1774,  Henry  met  Samuel  Adams  at  the  First  Congress, 
and  then  and  in  1775  gave  to  him  some  support,  though  he 
himself  favored  waiting  to  pass  the  Declaration  until  after 
getting  friendly  assurances  from  those  ancient  enemies  of 
Great  Britain,  Spain,  and  France. 

"Give  Me  Liberty  or  Give  Me  Death." — In  1775,  before 
the  Declaration,  he  had  made  the  most  famous  of  his  speeches, 
and  the  most  famous  speech  ever  made  upon  American  soil. 
The  occasion  was  his  own  resolution  in  favor  of  raising  a 
troop  of  soldiers  for  the  oncoming  war.  The  place  was  the 
now  historic  church  in  Richmond,  where  the  Revolutionary 
Convention  was  in  session. 

The  summary  of  the  speech  is  all  that  we  have  of  it;  but 
eye-witnesses  describe  it  as  intensely  dramatic,  even  as  vio- 
lently sensational,  in  its  presentation.  The  summary  of 
scarcely  twelve  hundred  words  is  familiar  to  all  Americans; 
this  last  paragraph  may  serve  to  bring  the  whole  to  remem- 
brance : 

"It  is  in  vain  to  extenuate  the  matter.  Gentlemen  may  cry 
peace,  peace,  but  there  is  no  peace.  The  war  is  actually  begun. 
The  next  gale  that  sweeps  from  the  north  will  bring  to  our 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  139 

ears  the  clash  of  resounding  arms.  Our  brethren  are  already 
in  the  field.  Why  stand  we  here  idle?  What  is  it  that  gen- 
tlemen wish?  What  would  they  have?  Is  life  so  dear,  or 
peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be  purchased  at  the  price  of  claims  and 
slavery?  Forbid  it,  Almighty  God!  I  know  not  what  course 
others  may  take,  but  as  for  me,  give  me  liberty,  or  give  me 
death  F'1 

Thereafter,  Patrick  Henry  was  as  much  hated  and  feared 
by  the  King's  party  in  America  and  in  England  as  Sam  Adams 
himself;  as  much  as  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  even  more  than 
George  Washington,  the  field  commander,  and  John  Hancock, 
the  rich  rebel  smuggler. 

Governor  of  Virginia. — They  made  Henry  Governor  of 
the  State  of  Virginia  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence; 
and  frequently  recalled  him  at  intervals  to  the  office.  He  it 
was  who  sent  George  Rogers  Clark  on  the  amazing  expedi- 
tion that  saved  the  Ohio  valley  to  our  nation. 

In  1775,  his  wife,  the  mother  of  all  his  six  children,  died; 
he  married  again  in  1  yyy ;  but  his  health  had  been  irrecovably 
damaged  by  his  labors  and  anxieties.  He  was  yet  to  do  many 
good  things,  but  to  make  also  serious  mistakes. 

The  war  had  moved  over  into  the  South  from  the  North; 
and  Virginia  was  the  scene  of  raids  and  battles.  It  was  to  be 
the  scene  of  the  final  overwhelming  defeat  of  the  British  at 
Yorktown.  Heavy  cares  came  upon  the  Governor  and  patriot 
leader. 

The  Federal  Constitution. — He  opposed  the  Federal 
Constitution,  and  declined  four  offers  of  Washington  to  high 
office,  including  the  Supreme  Court  Chief  Justiceship.  That 
this  was  unfortunate  for  our  country,  many  believe.  John 
Jay,  a  strong  Federalist,  was  chosen  instead.  Shortly  after 
his  election  as  a  member  of  the  Legislature, — where  he  hoped 
to  support  the  policy  of  George  Washington,  then  also  in  re- 
tirement, and  so  near  his  end, — Patrick  Henry  died  June  6, 
1799.  And  when  we  read  of  the  medical  treatment,  we  know 
why :  he  was  bled  to  death.  Now  we  add  blood  by  transfusion 
in  such  cases. 

Like  Franklin,  early  in  life  Patrick  Henry  acquired  a  com- 
petence,— from  his  profession,  for  clients  poured  into  his 
offices  from  1763  till  1773,  when  he  practically  withdrew  from 
the  bar,  already  financially  endowed  for  life.     Like  Franklin 

According  to  the  text  of  William  Wirt.    Life  of  P.  Henry  (1817). 


140  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

also,  he  had  the  gift  of  the  necessary  and  ever  memorable 
word.  Like  John  Hancock,  he  saw  some  military  service. 
And  like  all  three, — Adams,  Hancock,  and  Franklin, — he  had 
more  offers  of  office  than  he  could  fill.  He  was  the  idol  of  all 
Virginia,  save  the  elite,  arousing  a  far  more  passionate  devo- 
tion to  himself  than  Washington,  perhaps  with  good  reason. 

"An  American.'' — Such  was  the  man  who  in  the  Provin- 
cial Congress  of  1774  declared:  "I  am  not  a  Virginian;  I  am 
an  American!,"  thereby  setting  the  keynote  for  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  compatriots.  Until  i860,  most  Virginians  heart- 
ily agreed. 

John  Hancock 

Early  Life. — John  Hancock  of  Massachusetts  was  ever 
present,  ever  prominent,  but  influential  not  for  his  ideas  or  his 
labors  but  for  his  ever-ready  purse.  He  was  born  in  Quincy, 
Massachusetts,  January  23,  1737,  in  a  family  of  wealth  and 
birth  and  breeding.  Perforce,  he  was  sent  to  Harvard  Col- 
lege, receiving  the  degree  of  bachelor  of  arts  at  the  early  age 
of  seventeen.  Immediately,  he  went  into  the  commercial  house 
of  his  rich  uncle  Thomas  Hancock,  who,  dying  in  1764,  be- 
queathed him  not  only  his  estate  but  the  most  profitable  busi- 
ness in  America. 

Smuggling. — At  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  John  Hancock 
was  now  a  marked  man,  subject  to  all  the  temptations  and 
flatteries  that  have  attended  rich  young  heirs  in  all  ages  and 
lands.  Sam  Adams  soon  gathered  him  into  the  company  of 
the  disaffected ;  helped,  of  course,  by  the  fact  that  much  of  the 
revenue  of  the  Hancock  business  was  derived  from  enterprises 
that  were,  legally  considered,  smuggling.  His  ships  and  cargoes 
evaded  the  King's  taxes,  to  his  profit  and  the  King's  loss. 
Most  of  his  neighbors  and  rivals  likewise  were  smugglers, — 
in  the  same  outlaw  sense  that  most  of  them  later  became 
rebels. 

The  Sloop  "Liberty." — Adams  saw  that  Hancock  would 
make  a  good  selectman  of  the  town  of  Boston;  and  in  1765 
town-meeting  as  usual  followed  the  advice  of  its  manager. 
Next  year,  Adams  saw  that  Hancock  would  make  a  good  repre- 
sentative for  Boston  in  the  Massachusetts  General  Court,  the 
colonial  legislature;  and  town-meeting  elected  him.  Two 
years  later,  in  1768,  the  customs  officers  of  the  King  seized 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  141 

Hancock's  sloop  "Liberty" — ominous  name — for  discharging, 
without  payment  of  duties,  a  cargo  of  Madeiro  wine, — in 
other  words,  for  smuggling.  They  brought  so  many  suits 
against  him  that  if  they  had  won  and  enforced  the  claims,  Han- 
cock would  have  been  driven  out  of  business.  Adams  was 
under  the  same  kind  of  attack;  it  was  indeed  the  familiar 
course  of  tyrants  in  all  ages,  to  ruin  their  enemies  by  legal 
process.  That  cargo  of  Madeiro  wine  shows  many  things  to 
the  discerning.  For  one,  it  shows  the  prosperous  market  in 
Boston,  since  good  wine  is  a  luxury  of  the  rich.  For  another, 
it  is  one  more  instance  in  history  of  wealth  derived  from 
alcoholic  stimulants.  Perhaps,  it  helps  explain  the  gout  that 
Hancock  suffered  from  during  most  of  his  adult  life.  And 
more  than  anything  else,  it  brought  the  Hancock  signature 
down  upon  the  Declaration  of  Independence, — his  name  went 
first  upon  what  was  white  paper  before  the  hour  when  some 
fifty-six  men  made  their  bid  for  immortal  fame.  Perhaps, 
good  wine  explains  the  lethargy  of  John  Hancock  in  many 
hours  of  crisis  and  likewise  his  prompt  action  in  others.  At 
any  rate,  his  oversea  trade  to  the  West  Indies  and  to  remoter 
lands  gave  to  Hancock  those  funds  by  which,  beyond  even 
Washington,  he  made  patriotism  fashionable  even  in  the  eyes 
of  the  mean  and  of  the  hostile.  For  another  item,  his  con- 
fiscated cargo  of  Madeiro  made  him  immensely  popular  among 
the  Whigs  of  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony.  For  still  another 
item,  a  good  fee  to  young  John  Adams,  for  defending  Han- 
cock, helped  that  young  man  on  in  life.  Dorothy  Ouincy, 
Hancock's  beautiful  wife,  was  a  cousin  of  Abigail  Smith,  wife 
of  Samuel  Adams,  which  explains  much,  for  the  Quincys 
knew  and  practiced  kinship.  And  for  a  last  item,  a  few  years 
later,  Governor  Gage  would  seek  John  Hancock  at  Lexington, 
fugitive  in  a  criminal  case  in  which  the  royal  government 
planned  to  mulct  him  of  $500,000.  Hancock  would  pay  others 
to  fight  for  him  rather  than  meekly  surrender  half  his  fortune 
for  doing  what  every  one  else  did ! 

Affairs  with  Sam  and  John  Adams. — In  1770,  Hancock 
went  with  Sam  Adams  upon  that  memorable  demand,  after 
the  "Boston  Massacre,"  that  Governor  Hutchinson  remove  the 
King's  regiments.  And  when,  in  1774,  the  matter  of  clothes 
and  of  a  purse  for  Adams  came  up,  Hancock  was  quick  to 


1 42  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

go  into  his  pocket  for  what  was  to  him  small  change  but  to 
the  agitator  the  means  of  life. 

With  the  fame  of  the  Hancock  patriotic  resistance  and  of 
the  Hancock  annual  income,  with  the  presence  of  a  man  hand- 
somely dressed  and  of  a  slender,  graceful  figure  and  charming 
manners,  Sam  Adams  had  no  difficulty  in  making  the  Massa- 
chusetts man  President  of  the  Provincial  Congress.  Political 
log-rolling  helped ;  Virginia  had  Washington  for  commander- 
in-chief,  let  the  other  honor  go  to  the  great  Colony  of  the 
North ! 

The  Presidency. — If  instead  of  the  Presidency  of  that 
single-chamber  legislature,  Adams  had  before  him  the  Presi- 
dency of  a  nation  to  fill,  he  would  have  selected  John  Han- 
cock just  the  same.  For  this  reason,  the  bold  merchant  seek- 
ing larger  freedom  to  trade,  belongs  in  this  record  of  the  im- 
mortal Presidents. 

For  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  we  have  allowed  ourselves 
to  belittle  John  Hancock  because  he  was — as  the  Loyalists 
said — "Adams'  ape"  or  "Adams'  dupe" ;  and  we  have  allowed 
ourselves  to  belittle  Samuel  Adams  because  he  was  a  rundown 
specimen  of  a  noble  colonial  family,  a  town-meeting  busybody, 
an  agitator  and  politician  who  used  John  Hancock  as  his  stalk- 
ing-horse. It  is  high  time  that  we  cast  off  these  puerilities  of 
a  jealous,  anxious,  quarrelsome  time  whose  issues  were  far 
more  weighty  than  most  of  the  people  even  dreamed.  It  may 
be  said  of  Hancock  that  he  generated  no  new  ideas;  but  he 
was  certainly  a  faithful  seconder  of  more  brilliant  public  men. 

For  the  truth  is  that  Hancock  was  an  able,  clear-headed, 
patriotic,  well-poised,  usually  energetic  man, — of  the  type  that 
we  should  often  choose  for  presiding  and  executive  offices. 
He  was  dignified,  urbane,  impartial  upon  trivial  matters,  par- 
tisan only  upon  the  main  issue. 

Compared  with  Other  Rich  Men. — Hancock  was  the 
first  merchant  of  his  times;  and  the  first  in  resistance  to  the 
settled  government.  Imagine  the  first  merchant  of  our  times, 
our  own  rich  and  foremost  man,  in  such  rebellion!  Enlarge 
the  picture:  Here  are  Washington  and  Nelson  and  Carroll, 
the  landowners;  Hancock,  merchant  prince;  and  Ben  Frank- 
lin, rich  man,  famous  author,  scientist,  colonial  chief  of  the 
postoffice, — in  rebellion.     By  the  side  of  this  picture,  place 


THE  PRESIDExNTIAL  CHARACTER  143 

John  Jacob  Astor,  John  D.  Rockefeller,  J.  Pierpont  Morgan, 
Thomas  A.  Edison,  and  Andrew  Carnegie,  relatively  to-day 
in  the  same  rank  as  men  of  wealth;  and  imagine  their  risking 
life,  property  and  reputation  in  open  treason  against  existing 
government. 

Governor  of  Massachusetts. — In  1778,  John  Hancock 
became  major-general  in  command  of  the  militia  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  saw  service  in  Rhode  Island.  When  Massachu- 
setts made  its  constitution,  there  was  he  in  the  convention. 
In  1780  the  State  made  him  its  first  governor.  A  constant 
primacy  of  this  character  does  not  fall  to  an  ordinary  man. 
He  was  governor  of  his  State  until  1785  and  again  from  1787 
until  his  death  in  1793.  He  was  president  of  the  State  Con- 
vention that  in  1788  ratified  the  Federal  Constitution. 

An  Able  Business  Man. — And  while  John  Hancock  was 
attending  to  all  the  multifarious  duties  of  these  political  offices, 
during  all  these  troublous  years,  he  was  running — in  an  age 
of  social  discontent,  in  an  age  also  without  railroad  mail  or 
telegraph  service  or  typewriters — not  only  the  greatest  busi- 
ness in  America  but  also  a  steadily  growing  business.  Battles 
might  rage  on  sea  and  land;  the  ships  and  cargoes  of  John 
Hancock  were  borne  hither  and  yon  on  the  high  seas,  and  his 
merchandise  was  sold  at  home  and  abroad.  He  was,  of  neces- 
sity, a  keen  judge  of  men  and  of  social  conditions.  Of  course, 
he  bought  and  sold,  along  with  other  merchandise,  negroes. 
It  takes  a  shrewd  man  to  be  at  once  a  trader  and  a  good 
enough  politician  to  be  elected  annually  as  governor  in  a  State 
of  town-meeting-men,  any  of  whom  is,  or  thinks  he  is,  quite 
fit  for  "most  any  office." 

Aristocrat  and  Patriot. — Popular,  amiable,  shrewd,  bold 
enough  in  a  crisis,  persistent,  ostentatious, — such  was  the 
Boston  man  whose  alliance  with  Sam  Adams  during  most  of 
his  life — with  but  one  serious  break  between  them,  which  did 
not  last  many  years — caused  even  Lord  North  to  fear  from 
the  first  that  the  rebels  might  win.  Husband  of  a  daughter  of 
that  noble  Bay  State  family, — the  Quincys, — generous  patron 
and  benefactor  of  his  Alma  Mater,  Harvard  College,  like 
Washington,  fond  of  society,  John  Hancock,  seen  in  the  clear 
retrospect  of  history,  is  the  aristocrat  who  amply  justifies  his 
class.  Had  we  drawn  more  of  our  material  in  times  past  from 
less  levelling  and  democratic  sources,  for  the  writing  of  his- 


144  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

tory,  Americans  would  have  given  to  John  Hancock  the  more 
honorable  place  to  which,  upon  consideration,  he  is  certainly 
entitled.  Perhaps,  the  fact  that  he  was  generous  almost  to 
profligacy,  giving  lavishly  of  his  vast  profits  to  all  and  sundry, 
a  natural  philanthropist,  prejudiced  thrifty  Yankee  writers 
subconsciously  against  him  as  evidence  of  weakmindedness. 

State's  Rights. — John  Hancock  may  have  had  a  slightly 
exaggerated  idea  of  State's  rights  and  of  his  own  rights ;  but 
if  he  had  not  felt  these  ideas  strongly,  American  history 
would  have  been  different  from  what  it  was.  He  may  have 
been  eager  for  profits;  but  without  his  money,  which,  as  a 
business  man,  he  got  by  taking  things  as  they  were  and  making 
the  best  of  them,  neither  Adams  would  have  been  heard  of 
beyond  Massachusetts.  And  without  the  Adamses,  we  should 
not  have  had  an  independent  American  history.  Hancock 
may  not  have  been  a  great  man,  but  he  was  a  gentleman  and 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  great  political  enterprise  then  on 
hand. 

Benjamin  Franklin 

Humble  Origin. — The  fourth  of  the  forerunners  of  the 
nation's  Presidents  to  be  considered  herein  is  another  Boston 
man,  born  in  a  house  opposite  Old  South  Church,  January  1 7, 
1706,  and  destined  to  enter  the  world's  pantheon  of  immortals, 
— Benjamin  Franklin.  He  came  of  no  old  family  and  had 
his  only  education  in  his  father's  business  of  tallow-chandler 
and  soap-boiler.  The  youngest  son  in  a  large  family,  he  was 
taken  at  twelve  years  of  age  by  a  half-brother  to  be  apprentice 
in  his  printing  business.  His  father  was  English  by  birth, 
and  in  the  custom  of  the  English  of  a  certain  class  had  married 
early,  after  his  first  wife's  death  immediately  married  again, 
and  as  fast  as  his  children  became  large  enough  to  do  any- 
thing, set  them  to  work. 

Early  Life. — Early  in  life,  little  Benjamin  displayed  a 
talent  for  writing  doggerel  verse,  and  his  big  brother  printed 
it  in  leaflets  that  the  child  hawked  in  the  streets  of  Boston. 
When  his  brother  was  forbidden  to  issue  his  paper  because  it 
offended  the  authorities  in  that  sensitive  age  before  free  speech 
and  press  were  established,  in  1722,  the  boy  found  himself 
ostensibly  editor-proprietor  of  a  Boston  newspaper,  for  which 
he  wrote  articles  much  admired  by  the  discontented.    But  next 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  145 

year,  he  found  that  for  his  safety  and  freedom  he  must  leave 
the  city  and  go  elsewhere.  There  was  trouble  between  himself 
and  his  much  older  half-brother  James ;  and  between  himself 
and  the  public  officials.  In  1723,  he  became  a  resident  and 
printer  in  Philadelphia. 

A  Wanderer. — A  year  later  Franklin  is  practicing  his 
trade  of  printing  and  learning  yet  more  of  the  good  and  evil 
ways  of  the  world  in  London,  England.  In  1726,  at  the 
mature  age  of  twenty,  he  is  back  again  in  Philadelphia;  and 
the  year  1729  sees  him  in  possession  of  a  weekly  newspaper, 
and  beginning  a  public  career.  In  1736,  he  becomes  clerk  of 
the  Pennsylvania  General  Assembly,  serving  there  for  fifteen 
years.  In  1737,  he  is  the  Philadelphia  postmaster  also;  and 
organizes  a  police  force  and  a  fire  company.  In  1751,  he 
founds  the  academy  out  of  which  has  grown  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania;  also  is  elected  a  member  of  the  General  As- 
sembly; and  establishes  the  city  hospital. 

Colonial  Postmaster  in  1753. — The  points  of  contact 
between  Franklin  and  the  world  about  him  were  many.  He 
became  colonial  postmaster  in  1753  and  continued  as  such 
until  1774,  visiting  every  one  of  the  twenty-eight  postoffices 
in  the  colonies,  many  of  which  he  personally  established.  In 
1754,  he  submitted  at  Albany  his  famous  plan  for  colonial 
union,  anticipating  even  Samuel  Adams  therein.  He  per- 
sonally financed  the  famous  expedition  of  General  Braddock 
against  Fort  Duquesne  in  1755,  and  next  year  built  forts  in 
western  Pennsylvania.  A  year  passed,  and  he  was  again  in 
London,  this  time  as  agent  for  the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania, — 
to  stay  five  years. 

Scientific  Discoveries. — In  the  meantime,  he  had  already 
won  such  fame  for  his  scientific  discoveries  that  in  1757  the 
Scottish  University  of  St.  Andrews  made  him  doctor  of  laws, 
one  of  several  such  honors  received  at  this  period.  Returning 
in  1762  to  America,  Franklin  set  himself  to  research  work  in 
experimental  physics;  but  was  soon  drawn  into  the  civil  dis- 
cords of  the  Quaker  colony,  which  in  1764  sent  him  to  London 
again. 

Pamphleteer. — He  styled  the  proposed  Stamp  Act  as  "the 
mother  of  mischief,"  but  this  pamphlet,  unlike  others  from 
his  skillful  and  indefatigable  pen,  failed  of  its  purpose.  In 
1766,  he  appeared  before  all  Parliament  in  an  inquiry  as  to 


146  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

the  effect  of  the  Act,  and  forced  its  repeal.  He  had  become 
almost  an  ambassador  for  the  colonies,  for  New  Jersey, 
Georgia,  and  Massachusetts  had  all  made  him  their  agent  as 
well  as  Pennsylvania's. 

In  1773,  Benjamin  Franklin  worked  off  upon  Parliament 
one  of  his  cleverest  hoaxes,  "An  edict  of  the  King  of  Prussia,'' 
purporting  to  be  an  assertion  that  England  was  a  colony  since 
its  settlement  by  the  Angles  and  Saxons,  and  declaring  a  tax- 
levy  !  Next  year,  the  British  Ministry  removed  Franklin  from 
his  position  as  chief  of  the  colonial  post  service. 

An  old  man  now,  in  1775,  Doctor  Franklin  sailed  home, — 
to  rest,  so  he  thought.  He  arrived  in  the  slow  sailing-vessels 
of  the  time,  to  hear  of  Lexington  and  Concord.  His  great 
career  was  about  to  begin !    Opportunity  was  before  him. 

Many  Enterprises. — At  once,  without  much  election  for- 
mality, Franklin  became  a  member  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress, serving  on  ten  different  committees.  In  April,  1776, 
for  all  his  years,  he  set  off  to  Canada  with  a  few  others  on  the 
official  business  of  trying  to  persuade  that  colony  to  unite  with 
the  rebels.  He  was  back  just  in  time  to  vote, — after  some 
personal  hesitation, — for  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  A 
few  days  later,  he  was  made  president  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Constitutional  Convention,  while  remaining  a  member  of 
Congress.  No  labors  were  too  great  for  the  versatile  man. 
Before  the  Convention  adjourned,  he  was  already  appointed 
Commissioner  to  France;  sold  some  of  his  property,  for  inci- 
dentally he  had  made  a  deal  of  money,  loaned  Congress  twenty 
thousand  dollars;  and  was  in  Paris  before  Christmas. 

A  Genius. — Already,  Franklin  was  a  member  of  every  im- 
portant learned  society  in  Europe.  His  books  and  pamphlets 
were  known  everywhere.  His  picture  was  in  every  printshop 
and  in  many  houses.  He  was  the  powerful  enemy  of  Great 
Britain,  the  man  of  letters,  the  scientist,  the  diplomat,  the  in- 
ventor, the  philosopher,  le  grand  Franklin.  It  hurt  him  none 
in  the  court  and  salons  of  that  fashionable  and  loose  city  that 
he  had  two  illegitimate  children  and  could  not  legally  marry 
his  acknowledged  wife,  the  mother  of  two  children  more 
because  she  was  not  legally  divorced  from  her  husband.  It 
hurt  him  none  that  he  was  reputed  to  be  capable  of  sharp 
practices  in  politics.  It  hurt  him  none  that  he  was  known  to 
lie  a-bed  often  until  noon  and  sometimes  all  day.    They  took 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  147 

him  for  what  he  was — a  sheer  genius,  with  all  his  faults  and 
sins  and  foibles  upon  him.  The  gold  in  the  coin  carried  the 
base  metal. 

In  Paris. — The  winter  of  Valley  Forge  followed  the  cap- 
ture of  Burgoyne  at  Saratoga  in  October,  1777;  and  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1778,  Franklin  put  through  the  treaty  of  alliance  be- 
tween France  and  the  United  States.  It  was  the  greatest 
event  of  all  that  busy,  triumphant  life;  and  turned  Washing- 
ton's heart  from  grim,  invincible  endurance  to  hope  of  victory. 
By  loan  and  by  gift,  in  support  of  her  soldiers  and  sailors  in 
America,  France  turned  over  to  the  patriots  in  all  some  sixty 
million  dollars, — a  vast  sum  for  the  independence  of  three 
millions  of  people  from  a  nation  whose  treasury  was  bankrupt. 

A  Prodigious  Worker. — The  amount  of  work  actually 
done  by  Doctor  Franklin  during  these  terrible  years  of  war, 
with  the  clerical  assistance  of  but  one  man,  his  natural  grand- 
son William  Temple  Franklin, — work  at  court,  raising  of 
money  for  privateersmen,  sales  of  cargoes  pledged  on  loans, 
correspondence  not  only  with  America  but  also  with  American 
diplomats  and  agents  in  Spain,  Holland,  and  elsewhere,  dis- 
cussions with  England  over  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  social, 
literary,  and  scientific  undertaking, — passes  credibility.  x\ll 
that  we  who  follow  him  can  do  is  to  accept  him,  as  the  French 
did,  as  sui  generis.    His  was  a  polyphase  mind. 

Peace  Commissioner. — In  November,  1782,  came  the  pre- 
liminary treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain;  and  in  September, 
1783,  the  final  treaty,  in  both  of  which  Franklin  was  one  of 
the  American  commissioners.  But  this  did  not  conclude  his 
European  service; — there  were  treaties  to  be  negotiated  with 
Sweden  and  with  Prussia.  At  last,  however,  the  old,  old  man 
in  September,  1785,  arrived  home — to  be  at  once  elected 
chairman  of  the  city  council  of  Philadelphia  and  president  of 
the  council  (virtually  State  governor)  of  Pennsylvania.  In 
1  y8y,  he  became  a  member  of  the  Federal  Constitutional  Con- 
vention and  was  first  vice-president,  being  therefore  second 
only  to  Washington. 

The  Oldest  Member  of  the  Federal  Convention. — It 
is  told  of  him  that  he  came  to  the  Convention  every  day  but 
often  fell  asleep.  He  was,  however,  very  wide  awake  when 
he  resolved  all  the  doubts  of  the  hesitating  and  won  almost 
unanimous  support  for  the  proposed  constitution  by  suggesting 


148  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

a  characteristically  ingenious  device  that  the  members  certify 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution  by  the  convention  and  not 
necessarily  their  own  agreement  with  it.  A  subtle,  complex 
mind  like  his  often  achieves  much  in  politics. 

All  the  world  remembers  the  speech  of  Franklin  there  on 
the  last  day, — how  he  knew  at  last  that  he  was  looking  upon  a 
rising,  not  a  setting,  sun.  All  the  world  remembers  his  remark 
at  the  time  of  the  signing  of  the  Declaration, — about  hanging 
together  lest  they  hang  separately. 

On  February  12,  1790,  Doctor  Franklin,  president  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Society  against  slavery,  signed  and  forwarded  a 
petition  to  Congress  for  its  immediate  abolition ;  but  Congress 
did  nothing,  could  not  see  as  far  ahead  as  Franklin,  and  the 
war  of  slavery  had  to  come.  Two  months  later,  he  died  at  his 
own  home  in  Philadelphia. 

Only  the  heavy  burden  of  his  years  kept  him  irom  the 
Presidency. 

His  Personal  Appearance. — Benjamin  Franklin  was  in 
physique  a  large  man,  not  quite  six  feet  tall,  and  in  youth  a 
deal  of  an  athlete,  especially  as  a  swimmer.  He  even  contem- 
plated at  one  time  becoming  a  teacher  of  swimming  in  London. 
He  had  many  physiological  notions  that  seemed  like  vagaries 
to  men  of  the  time, — among  them  daily  cold  baths,  sunning 
himself  naked  in  his  room,  vegetarianism,  which  he  did  not 
too  closely  follow,  and  fresh  air.  He  was  full  of  all  manner 
of  moral  theories  on  which  he  was  much  given  to  discourse. 
He  never  obeyed  moral  maxims  rigidly. 

He  was  a  skillful  printer  and  a  most  enterprising  publisher. 
At  one  period  in  the  30's,  he  had  a  chain  of  printing-shops  in 
some  ten  different  places  in  America,  including  the  West 
Indies.  "Poor  Richard's  Almanack"  (annual)  was  his  most 
successful  publishing  venture,  and  sold  at  the  rate  of  ten 
thousand  or  more  each  year,  at  a  good  profit.  His  "Autobiog- 
raphy" is  yet  more  famous  in  this  era;  it  is  simple,  sincere, 
practical,  utilitarian,  and  to  the  young  and  poor  inspiring.  He 
wrote  much  upon  the  theory  and  practice  of  economics.  For 
one  matter,  he  was  an  ardent  free-trader. 

His  inventions  are  many :  the  lightning  rod ;  the  "Franklin" 
stove,  which  is  an  iron  fireplace  out  in  the  room ;  an  anti-smoke 
device  for  chimneys,  and  another  for  lamps;  several  devices 
for  eye-glasses ;  non-upsettable  dishes  for  ships  at  sea ;  water- 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  CHARACTER  149 

tight  compartments  for  ships;  fertilizers;  a  clock-machinery; 
a  ship's  anchor  for  storms. 

He  urged  the  use  of  oil  on  the  waters  during  storms ;  wrote 
on  earthquakes,  the  Gulf-Stream,  the  sun's  heat;  and  discov- 
ered the  positive  and  negative  powers  of  electricity. 

Ablest  of  All  Americans. — At  once  bold  even  to  audac- 
ity, yet  circumspect;  clear-headed,  calm,  patient;  immensely 
laborious  yet  fond  of  company  and  of  companions ;  grave,  yet 
humorous  and  at  times  witty;  full  of  animal  passions;  seeing 
things  afar  off  yet  willing  to  take  up  the  pettiest  details ;  never 
hurried  and  not  long  in  doubt  about  any  matters,  Benjamin 
Franklin,  taken  by-and-large,  maybe,  indeed  is,  considerably 
lower  than  perhaps  three  or  four  other  Americans  in  total 
worth  but  fully  entitled  to  all  the  place  so  freely  accorded  to 
him  by  his  European  contemporaries  as  a  man  great  enough 
to  belong  to  humanity  of  all  ages  and  lands.  At  any  rate,  of 
most  of  his  public  work,  Americans  may  well  be  proud  and 
for  all  of  it  intensely  grateful. 

Limited,  Strong,  Central  Government. — In  politics,  he 
was  an  ardent  democrat  and  individualist,  and  yet  he  saw  the 
necessity  of  a  strong  but  limited  central  government.  This  is 
the  only  possible  position  for  a  philosopher  and  philanthropist ; 
and  Benjamin  Franklin  was  both. 

Like  Washington,  Franklin  made  the  name  American  not 
merely  respectable  in  Europe  but  honorable.  No  other  man 
coming  to  the  French  Court  would  have  had  his  prestige  and 
few  others  his  dignified,  attractive  bearing.  In  those  grey 
eyes,  in  th*at  confident,  easy,  paternal  bearing  as  of  a  man  aloof 
from  the  ordinary  struggle,  in  those  lucid  sentences,  whether 
written  or  spoken,  France  and  through  France  all  Continental 
Europe  felt  the  rise  of  a  new  and  equal  nation  upon  earth; 
and  responded  accordingly. 


CHAPTER  II 
Constitutional  and  Customary  Powers 

Office  originated  on  paper — changing  powers — general  powers — messages 
summoning  Congress — appointments  to  office — senatorial  courtesy- 
treaties — commander-in-chief — limitations     of     his     power — impeach- 


150  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

ment — signatures  to  countless  documents — two  kinds  of  vetoes — recess 
appointments — pardons — international  social  courtesies — later  career 
of  J.  Q.  Adams — growth  of  nation — the  five  revolutions  upon  our  soil 
— government  versus  big  business — review  of  various  Presidents  as 
affecting  the  office — contrasts  of  weak  and  strong  men — peace  and 
war — the  Presidency  and  the  average  man — what  shall  we  do  with 
"former  Presidents"? — the  dangerous  interregnum — conventions  will 
pass — a  gerrymandered  nation — public  office  not  a  personal  reward — 
government  in  impasse — needlessly  early  deaths. 

An  Office  Created  on  Paper. — Few  other  subjects  so  en- 
grossed the  attention  of  the  Federal  Convention  as  that  of  the 
nature  and  tenure  of  the  executive.  The  members  themselves 
were  filled  with  "the  dread  and  fear  of  kings"  and  knew  that 
nearly  all  other  Americans  felt  likewise.  But  they  had  seen 
the  weakness  of  the  Continental  Congress  upon  the  adminis- 
trative side,  and  meant  to  make  the  head  of  the  new  govern- 
ment strong.  They  had  no  complete  historical  models  by  which 
to  go.  Because  the  States  had  governors,  they  must  avoid 
that  term.  "President"  was  mild.  Pennsylvania  had  a  Presi- 
dent of  its  Council.  They  would  make  their  President  strong 
but  subject  him  to  a  short  term  and  to  the  control  of  the  Senate 
for  all  appointments. 

The  American  Presidency  was,  therefore,  virtually  an  office 
created  on  paper,  without  adequate  historical  precedent,  and  a 
unique  feature  of  a  generally  unique  experiment  in  govern- 
ment. Perhaps,  no  other  important  feature  of  the  Constitution 
has  worked  better  and  provoked  less  criticism,  reasonable  or 
unreasonable,  than  the  short  term,  strong-powered,  single 
executive. 

Certainly,  here  in  America  we  have  nothing  of  kingship, — 
no  naming  of  heirs,  no  free  calling  out  of  soldiers,  no  coercion 
of  citizens,  in  respect  to  property  or  to  liberty,  no  dictation  to 
judges  or  to  juries,  no  immense  and  permanent  prestige. 

The  President  now  has  so  many  laws  to  enforce  in  general, 
so  many  to  carry  out  in  detail,  that  he  exercises  discretion  of 
a  judicial  nature  in  respect  to  them  all.  He  can  create  conster- 
nation or  confidence  by  his  course.  He  seldom  follows  the 
letter  of  a  statute  that  is  not  vigorously  backed  by  public 
opinion.  This,  more  than  anything  else,  explains  why  the 
Sherman  anti-trust  law,  which  is  a  criminal  statute,  was  not 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  151 

enforced  at  all  for  ten  years  until  the  time  of  Roosevelt,  and 
only  in  civil  actions  by  Taft.  As  soon  as  public  opinion  gives 
force  to  the  statute,  the  President  will  proceed  criminally 
against  the  millionaire  offenders.  At  first,  it  was  said  to 
apply  only  to  railroads,  but  now, — because  of  public  opinion, — 
it  applies  to  all  enterprises. 

To  understand  the  powers  of  the  President  fully,  we  must 
first  clear  from  our  minds  the  notion  that  he  is  the  head  solely 
of  the  executive  branch.  He  is  not  solely  the  agent  of  Con- 
gress and  the  instrument  of  the  courts  for  the  enforcement 
of  laws.  He  is  part  and  parcel  of  the  legislative  and  judicial 
processes.  By  his  messages,  he  initiates  legislation  and  by  his 
vetoes  ends,  delays  or  modifies  legislation.  He  names  the 
judges;  nor  is  he  in  contempt  when  he  refuses  to  execute  their 
writs.  The  courts  have  no  remedy  against  him.  Impeach- 
ment can  be  only  by  Congress.  I  have  talked  with  one  Presi- 
dent as  to  his  right  to  remove  a  judge,  even  a  Supreme  Court 
Justice.  He  probably  can  do  this,  when  he  thinks  it  wise.  No 
President  ever  has  done  it.  Impeachment  of  Justices  usually 
fails.  But  removal  for  cause  to  be  determined  by  the  Presi- 
dent is  probably  within  the  Constitution  and  the  statutes.  At 
any  rate,  suspension  from  duty  from  failure  of  "good 
behavior"  is.1     Power,  honor  and  salary  cease  for  a  time. 

And  it  must  be  clearly  understood  that  the  Secretaries  of 
the  Cabinet  of  the  President  are  in  no  sense  responsible  min- 
isters. The  Secretary  of  State  appoints  and  removes  no  diplo- 
mats. The  Department  of  Justice  appoints  no  judges.  The 
Treasury  decides  very  little.  The  President  is  the  sun  of  the 
executive  universe,  and  all  light  radiates  from  him. 

The  powers  of  the  Presidency  may  be  classified  as  general 
and  as  specific ;  as  for  use  always ;  and  as  for  use  all  the  time 
and  as  for  use  only  in  war-time. 

General  Powers. — The  first  general  power  of  the  Presi- 
dent is  to  address  messages  to  Congress.  No  other  power  is 
so  important  as  this.  The  message  has  two  values, — direct 
with  reference  to  Congress,  indirect  through  public  opinion. 
A  well-constructed  message  backfires  upon  the  law-making 
body,  and  since  judges  are  human,  upon  the  courts.  When  a 
message  from  the  President  is  announced,  in  either  House,  all 
other  business  is  suspended.  Whatever  be  its  nature,  it  must  be 
read  aloud  from  beginning  to  end,  in  regular  session, — though, 

1See  Article  III  of  the  Constitution. 


152  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

of  course,  members  of  Congress  are  not  required  to  sit  and  to 
listen;  a  quorum,  however,  may  be  demanded. 

Messages  to  Congress. — The  President  may  send  one 
annual  message ;  and  he  may  send  as  many  more  messages  as 
he  sees  fit.  These  messages  may  be  as  long  as  the  President 
chooses.  In  fact,  some  Presidents  have  written  a  thousand  in 
a  single  term;  several  considerably  exceeded  this  number. 

Special  Sessions. — Scarcely  less  important  is  the  power  of 
the  President  to  call  Congress  in  special  session.  Many  Presi- 
dents have  done  this.  A  President  can  in  truth  keep  Congress 
in  constant  session,  convoking  it  immediately  after  adjourn- 
ment. Congress  meets  annually  in  December.  In  alternate 
(odd)  years,  the  terms  of  Senators  and  Representatives  run 
out  in  March.  Two-thirds  of  the  Senators  hold  over,  but  all 
the  Representatives  are  subject  to  change  every  two  years.  In 
consequence,  we  have  come  to  speak  of  Congress  as  new  each 
biennium.  Each  Presidential  administration  covers  two  Con- 
gresses, and  at  least  four  sessions  of  Congress.  The  first 
regular  session  of  Congress,  meeting  in  December  and  adjourn- 
ing as  it  sees  fit  in  March  or  May  or  July,  is  called  the  "long 
session,"  while  the  second  regular  session  of  the  Congress 
going  out  of  office  March  3d  is  called  the  "short  session." 
The  latter  always  contains  members  who  have  failed  of  re- 
election or  who  have  voluntarily  retired.  In  an  epoch  of 
political  change,  the  short  session  usually  accomplishes  but 
little,  for  Congress  then  has  many  "lame  ducks."  When  a 
President  calls  a  special  session,  it  is  usually  for  the  season 
immediately  following  the  short  session.  Therefore,  Congress 
contains  a  larger  or  smaller  number  of  new  members,  anxious 
to  get  a  record  for  their  constituencies  at  least  in  respect  to 
their  votes  but  ignorant  of  the  ways  of  this  great  two-graded 
club  of  the  agents  of  the  governing  classes  of  the  American 
people.  These  new  members  usually  entertain  the  highest 
respect  for  the  President  and  take  his  recommendations  at  least 
seriously  if  not  favorably.  But  the  session  is  usually  in  summer 
when  Washington  is  damp  and  torrid  so  that  climate  prevents 
large  accomplishment. 

Appointments  to  Office. — Another  power  of  the  Presi- 
dent is  to  name  new  men  for  office  and  to  promote,  demote 
and  transfer  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate. 
In  a  sense,  either  the  Senate  or  the  President  may  veto  an 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  153 

appointment.  This  power  of  the  President  covers  thousands 
of  officers,  including  all  the  Federal  judiciary,  the  Cabinet, 
the  heads  of  the  bureaus,  and  the  Army  and  Navy.  But  "Sena- 
torial courtesy,"  which  assumes  many  rights  not  specifically 
named  in  the  Constitution,  uses  to  the  full  the  perfectly  clear 
rights  both  to  advise,  which  means  to  initiate  appointments, 
and  to  consent,  which  means  to  veto  nominations,  so  that  in 
fact  Presidents  seldom  name  men  for  office  until  they  are  sure 
that  the  nominations  will  be  confirmed  and  usually  name  men 
who  were  first  suggested  to  them  by  Senators. 

Because  the  House  fixes  appropriations  and  salaries,  men 
are  seldom  named  for  new  offices  until  the  President  knows 
that  they  will  be  satisfactory  to  the  House  leaders  and  majority 
party. 

Senatorial  Courtesy. — So  vast  is  the  population,  so  large 
is  the  number  of  offices  to  be  filled  that  a  President  must  rely 
upon  the  Senators  of  each  State,  upon  the  Representatives  of 
each  District,  and  upon  the  experienced  officers  of  the  Depart- 
ments for  nearly  all  his  information  respecting  nominees.  This 
system  of  appointment  works  fairly  well  in  respect  to  the  per- 
functory honesty  of  the  officers  whom  the  Presidents  name, 
but  it  does  not  work  so  well  in  respect  to  their  peculiar  fitness 
for  office.  The  Government  experiences  but  little  peculation 
by  its  officeholders;  it  still  suffers  for  want  of  high  efficiency 
in  its  officers.  Because  of  this  lack  of  efficiency,  there  is  some 
corruption  due  far  more  often  to  the  hoodwinking  of  inefficient 
men  than  to  their  connivance  with  dishonest  contractors, 
dealers  and  others.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  the  opinion 
of  politicians  may  be  taken  more  safely  in  respect  to  the 
honesty  of  their  candidates  for  appointment  than  in  respect 
to  the  ability  and  fitness  of  the  men.  Unquestionably, 
the  salaries  of  the  officers  of  the  executive  branch  are  too  low 
to  secure  an  average  of  men  of  sufficiently  high  ability. 

Treaty  Negotiations. — A  fourth  power  of  the  President 
is  to  negotiate  treaties  with  foreign  nations.  This  he  does 
through  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  foreign  ambassadors 
whom  he  and  the  Senate  appoint.  The  President  is  the  titular 
head  of  the  nation.  He  ranks  with  emperors  and  kings  and 
above  princes.  The  United  States  is  a  first  class  power,  in 
the  grade  with  Great  Britain,  Germany,  Russia,  and  Japan, 
and  above  France,  Austria,  Italy,  Spain,  Turkey,  China  and 


Vj 


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154  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

all  other  nations.  But  the  President  has  no  such  official 
authority  and  prestige  as  King,  Kaiser,  Emperor,  and  Mikado, 
all  the  patriotic  outpourings  of  American  orators,  rhetori- 
cians, political  scientists  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  The 
child  of  his  loins  is  not  his  heir.  Death  is  not  the  term  of  his 
authority.  He  has  no  crown  lands,  no  wellsprings  of  gold. 
He  cannot  make  lords  and  nobles  and  knights.  For  him, 
there  is  no  lese  majeste.  Legally,  he  cannot  set  armies  and 
navies  in  motion;  actually,  he  does.  He  serves  for  four 
years ;  he  never  rules,  and  he  never  reigns.  Even  during  the 
four  years,  he  may  be  impeached  and  removed.  Only  by  vio- 
lating the  Constitution  and  getting  away  before  the  people 
wake  up,  can  he  of  himself  alone  do  anything. 

A  treaty  negotiated  by  the  President  is  not  complete  until 
ratified  by  the  Senate.  If  it  involves  any  appropriation,  it 
does  not  become  effective  until  the  entire  Congress  has  passed 
the  appropriation.  Upon  the  President,  therefore,  devolves 
all  the  immense  burden  of  international  relations  with  Europe, 
Asia;  Africa,  South  America,  and  Central  America.  This 
burden  concerns  commerce,  finance,  politics,  migrations  of 
peoples,  crimes. 

Commander-in-Chief  of  Army  and  Navy. — A  fifth 
power  of  the  President  is  to  act  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  and  navy.  In  time  of  peace,  this  is  relatively  not  im- 
portant ;  but  in  time  of  war,  it  is  supreme.  Though  the  Senate 
must  confirm  army  and  navy  promotions  as  well  as  appoint- 
ments and  though  Congress  must  appropriate  the  money  to 
carry  out  campaigns,  and  build  battleships  to  fight  on  the  seas, 
still  the  sudden  emergencies  of  war  make  the  executive  chief 
actually  the  director  and  dictator. 

Presidential  Limitations. — Court  Review. — The  limi- 
tations of  the  powers  of  the  President  are  many.  Whatever 
he  does  is  subject  to  review  by  the  courts,  for  he  derives  his 
powers  from  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  which  the  courts 
interpret.  In  consequence,  he  submits  many  of  the  things  that 
he  proposes  to  do  to  the  consideration  of  the  Attorney  Gen- 
eral. Courts  do  not  construe  moot  questions  but  only  accom- 
plished deeds ;  and  yet  by  the  study  of  their  decisions,  learned 
lawyers  can  frequently,  perhaps  usually,  predict  what  the 
courts  will  do  in  given  hypothetical  cases.  The  officers  of  the 
executive  branch  of  the  government  are  often  acquaintances 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  155 

and  sometimes  friends  of  the  judges  and  know  what  their 
personal  views  of  the  legality  of  various  courses  of  conduct 
are.  This  is  inevitable.  They  read  the  minds  of  the  judges 
and  foresee  their  decisions.  Sometimes,  they  are  fully  in- 
formed in  advance,  as  in  the  Dred  Scott  case.1 

Impeachment. — A  second  limitation  of  the  Presidency 
consists  in  the  power  of  impeachment  vested  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  to  be  tried  in  the  Senate.2  Presidents  know 
that  they  may  do  things  that  are  constitutional  and  yet  lose 
office.  What  they  do  that  is  unconstitutional,  the  courts  can 
annul  so  far  as  it  is  possible  to  annul  accomplished  things 
and  to  correct  the  past. 

But  one  President  has  actually  been  impeached.  Threats, 
however,  have  often  been  made  to  impeach  and  that  by  im- 
portant Senators  and  Congressmen.  They  were  made  against 
Jackson,  Polk,  Lincoln,  Grant,  and  Roosevelt  with  great  vehe- 
mence not  once  only  but  often.  The  threat  to  impeach  is  itself 
a  check  upon  action. 

Signatures  Railroaded  Fast. — A  third  limitation  upon 
the  power  of  the  President  is  the  human  fact  that  he  has  but 
twenty-four  hours  a  day  to  live.  No  Presidents  have  been 
young  men,  and  but  two  of  them  were  in  the  middle  life  of 
the  forties.  Not  many  of  them  when  in  this  highest  office 
possessed  great  physical  working  powers.  In  consequence, 
nearly  all  the  things  that  Presidents  do  or  refuse  to  do  are 
done  or  refused  upon  advice  without  any  personal  investiga- 
tion or  consideration  by  themselves.  Hundreds  of  documents 
are  signed  daily  or  otherwise  authorized  that  the  President  in 
office  has  never  read  and  could  not  possibly  get  time  to  read. 
More  than  one  President  has  made  himself  sick  from  over- 
work trying  to  pass  intelligently  upon  too  much  of  the  busi- 
ness before  him. 

Two  Kinds  of  Vetoes. — Of  the  specific  powers  of  the 
Presidents,  the  most  important  is  to  veto  bills  passed  by  Con- 
gress. There  are  two  kinds  of  vetoes, — the  direct  and  the 
indirect  or  "pocket"  veto.  To  become  law,  a  bill  must  be 
passed  in  the  identical  words,  first,  by  one  House  of  Congress, 

TSee  p.  417,  infra. 

"The  legal  process  is  not  stated  in  Constitution,  Art.  II,  Sect.  4.  See  pp. 
492-493,  infra. 


i*6  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 


and,  then,  by  the  other,  and  must  be  signed  by  the  President. 
To  pass  a  bill  on  third  reading  requires  a  majority  of  the 
members  present.  No  vote  can  be  taken  without  a  quorum, 
which  is  a  majority,  when  a  quorum  is  demanded  by  any 
member.  A  majority  of  the  quorum  (the  legal  body)  or  a 
majority  of  the  majority  (which  may  be  a  real  minority)  can 
pass  a  bill.  A  veto  can  be  overruled  only  by  two-thirds  of  the 
quorum.  The  Senate  has  now  96  members ;  49  make  a  quorum. 
Twenty-five  members  can  pass  a  bill  in  such  a  quorum ;  but  at 
least  34  are  required  to  overcome  a  veto.  The  President,  there- 
fore, offsets  at  least  6  Senators.  Usually,  60  Senators  are 
present  upon  ordinary  votes ;  and  75  on  veto  votes.  In  a  gen- 
eral way,  therefore,  the  veto  of  the  President  equals  a  dozen 
Senatorial  votes.  His  power  in  the  House  is  at  least  27  votes 
and  averages  40  votes  in  value.  The  maximum  power  of  the 
veto  is  15  Senators  and  71  Representatives  (191 3  and  there- 
after). The  Supreme  Court  has  ruled  that  even  for  the  sub- 
mission of  a  Constitutional  Amendment  to  the  State  legislatures 
two-thirds  of  Congress  means  two-thirds  of  a  quorum  of  each 
House. 

The  veto  is  a  great  power  for  another  reason.  There  are 
always  some  members  who  will  vote  for  a  bill  upon  its  first 
passage  but  who  will  not  vote  for  it  against  the  President's 
veto.  A  bill  passes  the  Senate  with  a  vote  of  37  to  15  in  its 
favor,  and  the  House  by  a  similar  vote ;  but  is  vetoed.  Of  the 
37  Senators  and  perhaps  250  Representatives  who  have  voted 
for  it,  some  will  now  certainly  vote  against  it.  Among  them 
will  be  personal  friends  of  the  President,  politicians  unwilling 
to  go  before  their  constituents  as  opponents  of  the  President, 
good-natured  men  who  don't  like  quarrels,  and  others  who  on 
principle  consider  the  Presidency  an  office  greatly  to  be  re- 
spected and  strongly  to  be  supported.  The  bill  may  still  get 
37  votes  in  the  Senate  or  250  in  the  House,  but  it  will  be  for- 
tunate if  it  does  not  lose  ten  or  twenty  per  cent,  of  its  original 
supporters.  When  vetoed  bills  are  up  for  passage,  the  attend- 
ance is  usually  large;  but  the  absentees  at  the  time  of  the 
former  vote  mostly  support  the  vetoes.  After  a  Senate  vote 
of  37  to  15  on  first  passage  with  52  voting,  there  would 
probably  be  a  vote  of  48  to  27  on  attempt  to  pass  again,  with 
75  voting. 

A  pocket  veto  takes  place  only  when,  after  passing  a  bill, 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  157 

Congress  adjourns,  and  the  President  fails  to  sign  the  bill 
within  ten  days  of  adjournment.  A  bill  passed  during  a 
session  becomes  law  without  the  signature  of  the  President, 
provided  that  he  does  not  veto  it  within  ten  days.  Presidents 
sometimes  are  indifferent  to  bills  and  allow  them  to  pass  in 
this  fashion — shuffling  aside  all  direct  responsibility. 

Recess  Appointments. — Another  specific  power  of  the 
President  is  that  of  making  recess  appointments  without  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate.  Many  such  appointments 
are  necessarily  made,  because  Congress  is  usually  in  session 
only  six  or  seven  months  in  its  long  term  and  always  in  session 
only  three  months  in  its  short  term.  Special  sessions  may 
last  two  or  three  months.  About  one  Congress  in  three  or 
four  has  a  special  session.  A  President  has  Congress  at  his 
doors  scarcely  half  the  time  of  his  administration  but  is  meet- 
ing changes  in  office  every  day  in  the  year.  A  recess  or 
interim  appointment  until  Congress  meets  holds  until  Congress 
actually  rejects  the  nomination.  Official  courtesy  between 
President  and  Senate  requires  that  he  shall  submit  his  recess 
appointments  to  the  consideration  of  the  Senate  early  in  De- 
cember. In  actual  practice,  the  Senate  rejects  but  few  recess 
appointments. 

Pardons  and  Reprieves. — The  President  may  pardon  or 
reprieve  criminals  sentenced  for  offences  against  the  laws  of 
the  United  States.  Though  seldom  exercised,  it  is  a  necessary 
power.  Judges  themselves  sometimes  find  that  they  have 
erred  in  sending  men  to  prison  or  have  sent  them  for  too  long 
terms,  and  ask  the  President  to  intervene.  Newly  discovered 
facts  sometimes  greatly  change  the  complexion  of  a  case.  The 
search  for  strict  justice  shows  the  constant  fallibility  of  men. 

The  President  receives  foreign  ambassadors  and  ministers 
both  upon  official  business  and  socially. 

Social  Prestige. — Because  of  his  high  and  vast  authority, 
of  his  residence  in  an  official  mansion  provided  at  national 
cost,  and  because  of  his  usual  personal  prestige  and  influence, 
the  President  is  the  social  arbiter  of  Washington.  The  White 
House  is  the  center  of  society.  Here  he,  and  upon  some  occa- 
sions his  family,  receives  every  manner  of  guest  and  visitor. 
There  are  great  banquets  of  state  and  official  dinners,  lunches, 
even  breakfasts, — there  are  public  receptions  to  some  of  which 
the  uninvited  may  come;  there  are  afternoon  teas  and  other 


158  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

private  social  affairs.  Here,  he  meets  ambassadors,  senators, 
governors,  millionaires,  foreign  visitors  of  distinction,  and 
others  entitled  or  claiming  to  be  entitled  to  meet  on  equal 
terms  the  first  citizen  of  the  land.  To  be  a  White  House  in- 
vited guest  is  a  social  honor.  Frequently,  it  leads  to  or  follows 
political  honor  and  influence. 

With  the  Presidential  authority,  the  successful  candidate 
acquires  social  prestige;  but  both  are  brief. 

The  Changing  Powers  of  the  President. — Laws  Inter- 
preted.— It  has  been  a  common  opinion  of  students  of  poli- 
tical science  and  history  that  to-day  the  President  has  the 
same  authority  as  in  1789.  It  is  asserted  that  because  his 
powers  have  not  been  changed  in  amendments  to  the  Federal 
Constitution  since  they  were  first  defined,  they  are  the  same. 
But  for  four  reasons,  this  is  not  true.  The  first  is  perfectly 
simple  and  should  be  obvious  even  to  professed  historical 
students  and  certainly  to  observant  and  well-informed  citizens. 
The  powers  of  the  President  have  been  interpreted  many, 
many  times  by  the  courts.  This  large  body  of  judge-made 
laws  greatly  affects  the  Constitutional  powers.  The  judicial 
definition  sometimes  extends  and  sometimes  limits  the  Con- 
stitutional powers. 

Growth  of  Nation. — A  second  reason  is  also  simple  but 
not  so  obvious.  An  authority  over  4,000,000  people  in  thirteen 
States,  eight  of  them  small,  is  a  very  different  authority  from 
that  over  103,000,000  people  in  forty-eight  States,  and  many 
colonies,  most  of  them  large. 

The  ascertainable  wealth  of  all  Americans  in  1789  did  not 
exceed  $600,000,000;  to-day,  it  is  $120,000,000,000.  Such 
changes  in  quantity  of  population  and  of  resources  under 
control  makes  changes  in  the  quality  of  the  control.  It  be- 
comes more  extensive  and  more  superficial. 

The  Operation  of  Political  Authority. — A  third 
reason  is  that  the  steam  railroad  with  its  mails,  the  printing 
press  with  its  newspapers,  the  telegraph  and  the  telephone  and 
the  transmarine  cable  have  completely  revolutionized,  reconsti- 
tuted the  conditions  in  which  political  authority  operates.  San 
Francisco  is  nearer  Washington  now  than  Philadelphia  was 
in  1830.  The  Presidency  is  nearer  each  one  of  us.  In  losing 
remoteness,  it  loses  prestige  but  gains  efficiency. 

Definite  Duties. — The  fourth  reason  is  that  statutes  have 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  159 

been  enacted  giving  the  President  definite  duties  in  immense 
variety.  The  Presidency  is  a  central  telephone  exchange  with 
93,000,000  domestic  subscribers  and  10,000,000  more  under 
the  flag.  And  it  connects  with  the  telephone  exchanges  of 
every  capital  of  the  world.  Federal  acts  and  international 
treaties  have  done  things  beyond  recounting  to  make  the  Presi- 
dency of  to-day  what  it  is. 

The  human  factors  must  not  be  neglected.  Some  Presidents 
made  the  office  respectable,  even  honorable ;  others  belittled  it. 
An  axe  weighing  seven  pounds  is  one  thing  in  the  hands  of  a 
strong  and  skillful  woodchopper  weighing  one  hundred  and 
ninety  pounds,  and  a  different  thing  in  the  hands  of  a  frail 
amateur,  who  can  perhaps  scarcely  lift  it.  Some  men  have 
swung  the  Presidency;  but  most  men — to  change  the  figure — 
have  swung  in  it.  Let  us  trace  the  record  and  note  a  few 
main  points. 

The  Five  Revolutions  Upon  Our  Soil. — 1  yj6.  First  of  all, 
we  must  see  that  the  country  has  had  five  revolutions  since  1 774 
and  three  since  1789;  beside  several  other  crises.  The  first 
revolution  was  frankly  called  by  the  men  of  the  times  "the 
Revolutionary  War."  An  age  that  spoke  softly  and  walked 
tenderly  rechristened  it  "war  of  independence."  The  people 
of  the  times  split  into  two  factions, — for  the  existing  social 
order,  and  against.  Those  for  it  enlisted  the  British  Crown, 
Parliament,  army,  navy  and  Hessian  and  Indian  allies  upon 
their  side.  Those  against  it  enlisted  France  and  her  throne, 
army  and  navy;  and  from  all  Europe  military  adventurers 
flocked  to  the  rebel  standard.  The  standpatters  and  loyalists 
lost;  the  insurgents  and  rebels  won,  exiled  their  enemies  and 
appropriated  their  estates.  This  civil  war  or  revolution  was 
a  large  part  of  the  life-experiences  of  five  Presidents,  and  in- 
volved slightly  two  others,  the  last  to  be  named, — Washing- 
ton, John  Adams,  Jefferson,  Monroe,  and  Jackson  and  J. 
Q.  Adams,  then  boys.  The  social  war  uncovered  these 
men  to  fame.  They  were  leaders  and  beneficiaries  of  dis- 
content. 

The  Constitution. — The  second  revolution  saw  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution  adopted.  This  was  a  device  of  the  commer- 
cial classes  to  strengthen  themselves.  For  six  years,  after 
Yorktown,  they  clamored  that  the  central  government  was  too 
weak, — meaning  too  weak  to  help  them.     The  predatory  rich 


160  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

desired  to  get  on  faster  than  the  federation  of  sovereign 
States  permitted;  and  their  new  Constitution  put  them  in  the 
saddle  to  ride  the  poor.1  This  second  revolution  involved 
Washington  and  Madison  directly.  It  was  the  opportunity 
of  the  strong  to  cinch  the  gains  of  the  first  revolution :  in  a 
sense,  it  was  a  counter-revolution. 

The  election  of  Jefferson  as  President  was  a  mild  protest 
against  the  extreme  views  and  against  the  extremists  of  the 
second  revolution ;  against  Hamilton  the  monarchist  and  John 
Adams  the  centralist. 

The  Invasion  of  the  Democratic  West. — The  third 
revolution  came  in  with  "Old  Hero,"  the  man  on  horseback. 
By  the  ballot,  the  poor  of  the  frontiers  and  of  the  cities  took 
possession  of  government,  and  enthroned  "Old  Hickory"  as 
"boss,"  "idol,"  President.  The  new  official  bureaucracy  went 
out  as  the  old  had  gone  out  in  1776. 

"The  panic  of  1837"  was  the  natural  result.  Society  was 
seething, — dregs,  body  of  good  liquor,  scum  and  froth  all 
a-working. 

The  War  of  Secession. — The  fourth  revolution  was  the 
Rebellion  as  the  North  styled  it,  the  Secession,  as  the  South 
declared.  Northern  historians  are  now  trying  to  fasten  upon 
it  the  name  "Civil  War,"  while  Southern  historians  more 
properly  style  it  "War  between  the  States."  From  end  to  end 
of  the  land,  it  turned  and  overturned  men,  families,  com- 
munities and  classes.  All  values  changed.  The  Federal  Gov- 
ernment became  a  National  Government.  The  States  became 
subordinate  governments,  contributory  to  the  Central  Gov- 
ernment. The  bankers  who  had  gone  down  in  1837  became 
the  supreme  commercial  class.  The  National  Debt  arose  as 
an  institution  sacred  to  banking  needs.  Interest  drained  from 
labor  by  government  in  direct  tax,  in  itself  fraud,  became  the 
river  of  life  to  government-dependent  banks, — the  whole 
system  in  any  view  of  universal,  exact  and  uniform  justice 
constituted  the  crime  of  law-made  inequality  among  citizens 
and  special  privilege  to  a  few  at  the  cost  of  the  many. 

Government  Versus  Big  Business. — The  fifth  revolution 
came  with  Roosevelt  when  at  last  retreating  from  the  goads 

aThis  aim  of  theirs  was  in  part  frustrated  by  the  Bill  of  Rights  Amend- 
ments.    See  pp.  68  et  seq. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  161 

of  the  poor  and  of  the  declining  middle  classes,  the  National 
Government  undertook  "to  bust  the  trusts"  and  to  let  the 
people  rule.  It  has  been  a  poor,  ineffective,  abortive,  wind- 
birth  revolution;  but  it  rumbles  yet. 

Government  versus  big  business  is  a  case  before  the  bar  of 
public  opinion  that  raises  more  questions  than  one;  and  will 
be  decisive  of  more  issues  than  one. 

How  Various  Presidents  Affected  the  Office. — 
Washington  was  greatly  embarrassed  throughout  his  Presi- 
dency because  so  generally  the  men  invited  to  take  high  office 
declined  it.  His  "boy,"  as  he  called  Hamilton,  was  his  most 
useful  man.  One  high  officer  defaulted  for  a  few  hundred 
thousand,  and  Washington  condoned  the  offence,  letting  him 
quietly  disappear.  His  action  was,  of  course,  a  crime  accord- 
ing to  the  common  law.  But  he  believed  that  government  is  a 
good  in  itself  whose  prestige  is  weakened  by  revelations  of 
the  vices  and  errors  of  human  nature.  A  hundred  years  later 
an  ardent  Republican  Senator,  George  F.  Hoar  of  Massachu- 
setts, said  that  the  failure  of  Congress  then  to  impeach  Wash- 
ington was  good  warrant  why  President  Grant  should  not  be 
impeached  for  condoning  the  much  less  serious  offences  of 
Secretary  Belknap.     Verily, 

"They   enslave  their   children's   children   who   make   compromise   with 
sin. 

Washington  has  passed  into  history  as  an  efficient  President. 
At  least,  he  caused  the  doubtful  machinery  of  government  to 
work.  For  his  assistance,  he  had  his  Capital  during  most  of 
his  administrations  in  Philadelphia;  and  Pennsylvania  wa9 
the  first  colony  to  ratify  the  Constitution  and  the  most  har- 
monious in  its  support.  Philadelphia  was  still  the  largest  city 
in  America;  and  its  merchants  were  the  richest. 

In  this  Presidency,  the  office  won  the  power  to  remove 
subordinates  without  reference  to  the  Senate. 

John  Adams  made  the  Presidency  powerful  but  hateful. 

Jefferson  showed  how  the  Presidency,  relying  upon  public 
opinion,  has  latent  powers  that  lift  it  above  the  Constitution. 
He  made  it  a  great  influence  against  war  and  against  the 
aggrandizement  of  the  commercial  classes  and  for  the  liberty 
of  individual  citizens.  Virtually,  he  made  the  Presidency  the 
government  save  for  the  Supreme  Court ;  and  by  refusing  to 


1 62  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

obey  a  summons  of  that  Court,  he  made  it  in  a  measure 
independent. 

Madison  scarcely  wielded  the  powers  of  the  Presidency;  but 
Monroe  showed  how  a  Presidential  message  may  be  of  vast 
import  to  this  nation  and  to  the  human  race.  The  power  of 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  Presidential,  not  personal.  The  office 
is  usually  much  bigger  than  the  man. 

J.  Q.  Adams  restored  the  Presidency  to  its  prestige  in  Fed- 
eralist days  before  the  Jeffersonian  dynasty  democratized  it. 
He  exerted  its  higher  powers  of  educating  and  exhorting  the 
people  and  of  centralizing  the  government;  he  did  not  teach 
and  persuade  as  Jefferson  did.  Yet  he  avoided  the  extreme 
moves  of  his  father. 

Jackson  ignored  direct  orders  of  the  Supreme  Court,  saying : 
"Let  John  Marshall  enforce  his  own  decisions."  In  a  sense, 
he  vulgarized  but  he  did  not  weaken  the  Presidency.  In  a 
contest  with  Congress,  he  showed  that  his  Cabinet  was  not 
composed  of  Congressional  servants.  In  striking  down  the 
Bank,  with  its  shareholders  among  Senators  and  Congress- 
men, he  made  the  Presidency  terrible  to  the  predacious  rich 
but  helpful  to  little  banks  everywhere  and  beautiful  to  the 
poor.  "Old  Hero"  did  indeed  wear  two  aspects.  But  his 
handling  of  the  office  was  inconsistent  though  powerful. 

Van  Buren  showed  how  strong  the  Presidency  can  be  when 
carefully  handled  for  a  few  purposes  only.  His  defeat  by 
Harrison  showed  how  risky  it  is  for  a  President  to  offend  a 
class  that  controls  newspapers  and  is  willing  to  spend  money 
to  defeat  him, — the  speculative  business  class. 

Tyler  engineered  the  taking  of  Texas ;  engineered  it  under 
orders,  office-manager  style.  His  administration  is  peculiarly 
worth  studying  because  it  reveals  the  skeleton  of  the  Presi- 
dential powers  not  clothed  with  the  virile  flesh  of  a  real  Chief 
Magistrate.  For  the  same  reason,  the  administrations  of 
Buchanan,  of  Johnson,  and  of  Grant  are  worth  studying; 
but  not  equally  so,  for  the  times  were  sadly  out  of  joint, 
whereas  the  social  conditions  in  the  days  of  Tyler  were  fairly 
normal. 

Polk  showed  the  President  as  an  unconstitutional  war-lord 
and  as  a  land-getter.  But  he  worked  with  violence  and  with 
haste,  and  not  in  the  spirit  of  Jefferson  and  of  Madison.  A 
Polk  instead  of  a  Taft  in  191 1  would  probably  have  taken 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  163 

upper  Mexico  when  Diaz  fell;  and  instead  of  a  Buchanan,  a 
Polk  in  i860  would  either  have  marched  out  with  South  Caro- 
lina or  struck  her  down  at  once. 

Taylor  and  Fillmore  by  their  contrast  showed  how  much 
personality  does  count  in  the  Presidency.  Fillmore  signed 
what  Taylor  would  have  vetoed,  and  even  threatened  not  to 
execute.  Taylor  stood  above  and  against  Congress,  Fillmore 
below  and  yet  with  it.  Possibly,  a  President  should  be  an 
errand-boy  for  the  people;  but  certainly  he  should  not  be  a 
clerk  of  Congress. 

Pierce  showed  how  an  agreeable  gentleman,  not  too  steadily 
or  greatly  intoxicated  with  strong  drink,  may  live  pleasantly 
in  the  White  House  while  perdition  is  afoot.  And  Buchanan 
showed  how  a  man  competent  to  do  highly  important  work 
well  may  fail  in  a  crisis.  Tact  is  delightful ;  but  force  is  some- 
times necessary.  Having  previous  knowledge  of  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  he  should  have  forced  its  reduction  to  straight 
and  necessary  law.  He  made  other  errors.  The  Presidency 
itself  became  a  cause  of  public  worriment.  And  the  inter- 
regnum proved  fatal. 

Contrasts  of  Weak  and  Strong  Men. — The  value  of 
personalities  in  the  Presidency  can  be  quickly  realized  upon 
the  supposition  that  instead  of  this  succession  in  1851-1861 : 

Fillmore  Pierce  Buchanan 

we  had  men  like 

J.  Q.  Adams  Jackson  Taylor 

or 

Washington  Monroe  Polk 

Lincoln  showed  the  President  for  a  time  acting  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  army  and  navy  above  the  Constitution. 
Virtually,  for  years  he  was  dictator,  but  not  in  forma  et  in 
modo  but  only  by  persuasion  and  many  a  device.  To  say  that 
he  excelled  in  tact  and  in  persistence  is  to  contrast  him  at 
once  with  Buchanan,  who  had  tact  but  not  persistence, 
and  with  J.  Q.  Adams,  who  had  no  tact  but  did  have  persist- 
ence. 

It  is  useless  to  say  that  Winfield  Scott  was  right  and  that  we 
should  have  let  the  "wayward  sisters"  depart  in  peace.  They 
wanted  Maryland  and  Kentucky  and  Missouri  to  depart  with 


1 64  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

them.  They  meant  to  have  the  historic  Capital.  They  de- 
parted in  arms.  Among  them  were  many  who  boasted  that, 
after  establishing  the  Confederacy,  they  would  take  the  rest 
of  the  States  for  provinces.  In  short,  the  war-lust  was  alive 
in  the  hearts  of  men.  The  assassination  of  Lincoln  is  ample 
evidence  of  the  fury. 

To  call  him  a  ''Constitutional  President"  is  absurd.  The 
Constitution  was  repeatedly  and  constantly  violated.  To  call 
him  a  failure  is  equally  absurd.  His  side  won.  But  to  call  all 
his  actions  and  all  the  statutes  of  Congress  from  1861  to  1865 
wise  and  right,  to  make  them  sacred,  is  a  crime  against  twen- 
tieth century  Americanism.  Not  even  he  himself  thought  so. 
It  was  not  the  worst  of  his  qualities  that  he  had  no  pride  to 
make  him  deny  error.  He  was  shifty  and  often  weak  and 
often  ignorant;  but  for  all  that,  it  is  unpleasant  to  think  how 
much  worse  any  man  like  J.  Q.  Adams,  who  was  not  shifty 
or  weak  or  ignorant,  would  have  been.  In  his  case,  the  end 
crowned  the  work  and  the  workman.  He  supplied  the  need 
of  the  times.  We  cannot  wholly  regret  that  he  "made  a 
monkey  of  Taney"  by  ignoring  his  habeas  corpus  papers. 
Taney  deserved  worse. 

Johnson  resisted  wholly  unhistorical  and  probably  uncon- 
stitutional encroachment  by  Congress  upon  the  Presidency. 
It  was  heroic  even  though  it  was  temperamental.  And  it 
saved  the  South  just  enough  to  let  local  resistance  develop. 
The  offences  of  Congress  were  many  and  essentially  criminal 
in  things  both  small  and  great. 

Folly  and  weakness  had  led  to  crime  on  crime;  and  then 
came  Grant,  whose  motto  was  "To  me  and  to  my  family  and 
to  my  friends  belong  the  offices,  the  revenues,  the  profits  and 
the  privileges  and  the  glory.  I  saved  the  government  and  the 
nation.  My  price  is  to  do  as  I  please."  Never  before  or 
since,  did  the  Presidency  fall  so  low  or  seem  so  mean  and  base. 
The  predatory  rich,  who  had  stayed  at  home  during  the  War 
and  grown  richer  and  had  taught  disciples,  came  into  the  own 
of  many  others.  Not  yet  has  the  National  Government  been 
cleansed  of  Grantism.  He  was  the  last  of  the  Presidents  who 
could  nominate  all  executive  officers.  Grantism  led  to  civil 
service  reform,  which  limits  as  well  as  relieves  the  Presidency 
greatly. 

Hayes  showed  the  Presidency  as  a  bone  of  contention,  a 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  165 

prize  of  frauds  and  of  legal  quibbles.  For  all  his  nice  ways, 
he  could  never  redeem  his  title.  Because  of  the  Tilden-Hayes 
contest,  the  way  to  reach  the  Presidency  was  defined  anew.  He 
was  the  merely  political  rich  man  elevated  to  a  comfortable 
and  honorable  first  magistracy. 

Garfield  showed  the  prize-of -struggle  feature  of  the  Presi- 
dency. The  struggle  cost  him  and  ourselves  his  life.  It  is 
not  only  tragic  but  also  richly  suggestive.  His  murder  gave 
greater  energy  to  civil  service  reform.  "Dark  horses,"  com- 
promise candidates,  seldom  make  good  and  successful  Presi- 
dents. The  nation  is  working  out  a  more  rigid  way  to  choose 
candidates  than  the  hurrah,  log-rolling  convention.1 

Arthur  was  the  fine  gentleman  on  show  at  the  public  cost. 
Certain  of  his  vetoes  made  Congress  give  that  second  thought 
which  is  usually  of  higher  wisdom. 

Cleveland  was  President.  In  part,  fortunately,  and  in  part, 
unfortunately,  bankers  had  his  ear  and  the  commercial  classes 
all  his  sympathies.  He  made  the  veto-power  a  flail  for  the 
Congressional  threshing-floor.  Likewise,  unfortunately,  his 
intelligence  was  inferior  to  his  resistance  of  will.  But,  all 
told,  with  his  financial  measures  good  and  bad  and  civil  service 
reform  he  ranks  wide,  if  not  high.  Assume  a  choice  for  a 
domestic  war  period  and  after  Lincoln,  surely  Cleveland  would 
be  the  man  for  the  times.  Just  as  Lincoln  would  have  no 
international  war,  unless  attacked  under  conditions  permitting 
resistance  only,  so  Cleveland  was  no  Polk  to  pick  a  war,  and 
no  Madison  or  McKinley  to  let  it  come.  The  Venezuela  mes- 
sage put  silence  upon  the  British  hint  of  war. 

Benjamin  Harrison  was  a  Presidential  functionary  like 
others  who  count  but  little. 

Under  McKinley,  things  happened  to  him.  He  made  the 
Presidency  also  the  Governorship  of  Colonies  and  Depen- 
dencies over  seas.  He  was  unwilling  emperor  and  the  scarcely 
willing  servant  of  the  commercial  classes,  who  being  always 
on  the  move  are  prominent  like  ramblers  in  the  woods.  Many 
things  count  against  him.  What  counts  in  his  favor  is  that 
he  did  what  the  democracy  of  this  country  really  wished  at 
the  time.  He  represented  popular  feeling  rather  than  higher 
intelligence. 

Using  the  Presidency  like  a  noisy,  powerful  steam-mowing 
machine,    Roosevelt    reaped    the    harvest.      Corruption   that 

*See  p.  16a  inffM. 


1 66  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

started  under  Lincoln  and  rioted  under  Grant  had  renewed 
growth  under  McKinley.  The  people  murmured  that  there 
were  too  many  tares  in  the  wheat.  As  meddlesome  as  J.  Q. 
Adams,  as  mettlesome  as  Jackson,  as  anxious  to  please  the 
people  as  Lincoln  and  McKinley,  more  of  a  preacher  even  than 
Jefferson  and  book-read  beyond  Hayes,  intending  to  be  honest, 
yet  not  willing  to  offend  the  plutocracy,  which  is  the  power 
within  Republicanism,  he  failed  partly  from  want  of  clarity 
of  vision,  partly  from  want  of  concentration  of  activities, 
partly  from  insufficient  strength  of  moral  character,  and  partly 
from  inner  misconceptions  of  the  Presidential  office  and  of 
true  governmental  functions;  but  it  was  a  failure  with  many 
a  useful  lesson.  It  was  in  fact  not  so  much  failure  as  defeat, 
self -admitted  but  not  with  whole-souled  frankness. 

And  Taft,  who  is  a  judge  rather  than  a  legislator,  gleans 
after  Roosevelt.    And  the  whirlwind  is  upon  them  and  us. 

Peace  and  War. — Of  our  twenty-six  Presidents,  four  have 
been  War-Presidents,  not  to  count  the  many  minor  Indian  and 
other  wars  upon  their  hands.  These  four  were  Madison,  Polk, 
Lincoln,  and  McKinley.  Only  the  last  War  was  wholly  ex- 
ternal in  its  causes;  but  the  middle  two  were  internal.  In 
popular  history,  even  in  history  as  reflected  in  these  pages, 
such  large  space  is  devoted  to  war  as  to  give  an  impression 
that  a  battle  is  more  important  than  any  other  event  in  his- 
tory. Yet  in  truth  the  terrific  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  no 
more  important  than  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  which  upon  its 
merits  as  a  crisis  is  not  less  important  than  the  entire  War 
between  the  States. 

In  consequence  of  this  interest  in  battle,  which  as  a  spectacle 
appeals  to  the  inferior  sensational  qualities  of  man,  we  have 
failed  to  see  what  service  has  been  rendered  to  us  by  peace- 
Presidents,  and  especially  by  such  as  have  kept  us  out  of  war. 
Upon  the  record,  it  is  entirely  clear  that  the  disposition  of  the 
President  has  been  a  vital  factor  in  the  issues  of  peace  and 
of  war.  The  most  striking  instances  are  in  the  contrast 
that  Polk  made  a  war  with  Mexico  and  Taft  kept  out  of 
war. 

Not  that  life  in  itself  is  all-precious.  On  the  contrary, 
most  Presidents  have  held  their  own  lives  cheap,  as  their  war 
records  show,  but  that  war  should  be  obsolete  as  blood-letting 
in  medicine  and  duelling  upon  the  field  of  honor  to  settle 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  167 

quarrels.  There  are  better  ways  to  spend  life,  and  to  risk  it, 
than  in  seeking  the  lives  of  others,  for  might  is  not  right;  and 
wrong  thrives  upon  physical  force  and  brute  anger. 

The  Presidency  and  the  Average  Man. — The  Presi- 
dency is  the  most  influential  office  in  America,  and  the  man 
who  is  President  may  easily  be  the  most  influential  man.  And 
yet  in  speaking  of  the  most  famous,  useful  and  able  Ameri- 
cans, we  seldom  mention  more  than  two  of  the  Presidents. 
Few  men  would  agree  as  to  who  have  been  the  ten  or  a  dozen 
most  famous,  useful  and  valuable  Americans,  and  none  could 
agree  as  to  a  hundred.  In  the  smaller  list,  we  might  place 
Franklin,  Emerson,  Irving,  Longfellow,  Poe,  Lincoln,  Edison, 
Morse,  Webster,  Horace  Mann,  Washington,  Calhoun,  and 
Beeeher.  But  two  Presidents  are  in  the  list,  though  one  more 
might  have  been  President  but  for  his  age.  Compared  with 
such  as  these,  how  slight  has  been  the  contribution  of  most 
of  the  Presidents  to  American  culture  and  civilization!  And 
yet  when  other  Presidents  are  compared  with  Lincoln,  how 
clear  it  is  that  we  are  not  yet  utilizing  the  values  of  this  high 
office ! 

The  real  service  of  Lincoln  was  not  executive  but  his 
revelation  of  the  meaning  and  nature  of  common  humanity, 
his  own  deep  and  true  concern  in  the  welfare  of  the  average 
man.  He  was  essentially  such  a  man.  It  is  for  this  average 
man,  for  the  father  and  the  mother,  for  the  youth  and  the 
maiden  and  the  child  that  the  government  exists.  And  when 
we  ask  what  the  average  President  has  really  done  to  make  life 
better  and  richer  for  this  average  man,  we  see  some  things 
more  clearly  than  we  otherwise  do. 

It  is  when  we  so  regard  the  matter  that  the  services  of  Van 
Buren  as  Governor  and  as  President  become  so  admirable  to 
the  view. 

For  a  President  is  a  main  part  of  this  nation's  fate. 

Had  we  elected  Bryan  instead  of  Taft  in  1908,  there  would 
have  been  by  191 2  an  end  to  the  high  protective  tariff  system, 
with  its  robbed  consumers,  its  barracked  wage-slaves,  its  legis- 
lative attorneys,  its  factory-lords  with  guaranteed  reasonable 
profits. 

A  President  is  a  mover  of  this  nation's  life. 

Had  not  McKinley  hearkened  to  Colonel  John  Jacob  Astor 
and  made  Theodore  Roosevelt  Assistant   Secretary  of   the 


1 68  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

Navy  because  he  "needed  the  salary,"  which  was  false,  though, 
of  course,  even  a  Roosevelt  must  seem  poor  to  an  Astor, 
Dewey  would  not  have  gone  to  Manila;  and  the  Filipinos 
would  not  be  American  near-citizens. 

In  which  case,  our  kith  and  kin  would  not  be  soldiers,  clerks 
and  school  teachers  in  the  Far  Pacific. 

A  Test  of  Greatness. — The  measure  of  a  man  as  com- 
pared with  his  office  may  be  taken  after  he  has  left  office.  His 
private  life  is  a  fair  test  of  his  real  character  and  calibre.  So 
measured,  Jefferson,  Madison,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Jackson,  Van 
Buren,  Benjamin  Harrison,  and  Cleveland  were  great  men; 
but  John  Adams,  Monroe,  Tyler,  Fillmore,  Pierce,  Buchanan, 
and  Johnson  were  mediocrities  or  less, — in  old  age,  at  any 
rate.  Hayes  was  good,  if  not  great.  Whether  Roosevelt  will 
or  will  not  make  "the  fair  ending"  required  by  Plato  before 
the  man  is  finally  measured  is  hid  in  the  future. 

What  Shall  We  Do  with  Former  Presidents? — A 
candid  review  of  all  these  Presidents  raises  all  the  old  ques- 
tions. Should  a  President  be  eligible  for  reelection?  Should 
the  term  be  lengthened  to  six  years  ?  Shall  the  two-term  tra- 
dition be  abandoned?  And  shall  the  former  President  be 
given  an  office  or  a  pension?  If  an  office,  what  one?  If  a 
pension,  how  much? 

Not  every  President  can  be  a  J.  Q.  Adams,  though  probably 
almost  any  President  could  find  some  Congressional  District 
that  would  welcome  him.  The  lives  herein  are  rich  in  sugges- 
tions of  what  to  do  and  what  to  avoid. 

The  Dangerous  Interregnum. — Constitutional  amend- 
ments are  not  matters  to  be  lightly  considered ;  they  are  almost 
impossible  to  secure. 

To  the  long  interregnum  between  election  and  inauguration, 
we  owe  at  least  one  calamity.  Without  it,  the  War  between 
the  States  would  have  been  a  different  affair.  But  the  inter- 
regnum is  always  unfavorable  for  business. 

Presidential  nominations  should  be  prior  to  June  30. 

The  elections  should  be  upon  the  second  Tuesday  in  Sep- 
tember. 

The  inauguration  should  take  place  upon  the  second  Tues- 
day in  October;  and 

Congress  should  convene  upon  the  third  Tuesday  of  the 
same  month. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  169 

Conventions  Will  Follow  "King  Caucus"  into  Obli- 
vion.— We  shall  hold  in  June,  19 12,  among  the  last  of  the 
conventions  for  the  nominations  of  Presidential  candidates. 
"King  Caucus"  was  strangled  to  death  by  the  rise  of  the  Jack- 
sonian  democracy  and  of  the  Liberty  Party.  "Mob-Conven- 
tion" is  being  strangled  now  by  the  rise  of  Insurgency.  Whether 
we  like  it  or  not,  we  are  to  have  more  democracy,  not  less. 
Time  is  doing  the  work, — time  and  trouble,  and  their  child, 
thought.  The  Presidential  primary  or  its  equivalent  will  come 
within  this  second  decade  of  the  twentieth  century.  Indeed, 
it  has  already  come  in  Nebraska,  in  Oregon,  in  New  Jersey. 

Presidents  selected  by  primaries  may  revive  the  traditions 
of  the  first  seven  Presidents, 

The  Fad  of  Residence  in  Certain  States. — While 
there  will  always  be  a  tendency  to  take  men  who  live  near  the 
center  of  population  and  in  politically  doubtful  States,  the  fad 
of  favoring  the  already  "favorite  sons"  of  New  York  or  Ohio 
will  pass  away.  The  politicians  of  these  States  have  learned 
the  ropes.  In  certain  other  States,  "Nil  admirari"  is  written 
upon  the  foreheads  of  every  citizen.  Such  States  will  never 
name  Presidential  candidates.  A  State  full  of  carping  critics 
and  devoid  of  friendly  neighbors  cannot  develop  great  men, 
for  the  great  man  is  simply  the  leader  of  his  group, — as  Van 
Buren  led  the  Albany  Regency  and  Lincoln  the  Illinois  Whigs 
and  later  Republicans.  The  great  man  in  politics  and  in 
statesmanship  rises  with  his  group.  The  Ishmaelites  are  no 
nation. 

One  reason  why  Ohio  and  New  York  politicians  are  a  supe- 
rior class  is  because  they  do  work  together. 

"Right"  Men  Not  Needed. — Those  with  axes  to  grind 
will  continue  to  assert  that  the  all-important  requirement  is 
being  "right," — right  upon  the  tariff  or  upon  sound  money 
or  upon  some  other  ephemeral  issue  or  for  his  "friends."  But 
when  we  look  over  the  men  of  the  past,  we  discover  that  what 
we  esteem  the  best  Presidents  for  is  not  their  specific  deeds 
and  policies  but  their  competence,  dignity  and  honesty.  Few 
men  can  tell  definitely  what  any  of  these  men  did  or  believed  ; 
but  many  know  their  public  characters  and  general  performance. 
It  is  a  fair  test  as  to  what  one  thinks  of  these  various  Presi- 
dents, to  ask, — Would  I  really  like  to  see  So-and-so  President 


170  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

again  ?  On  this  test,  how  few  would  now  be  recalled  from — 
let  us  hope — their  pleasant  sphere ! 

It  is  highly  important  that  we  should  choose  men  with  no 
disposition  to  involve  the  nation  in  struggles  over  matters  not 
yet  in  issue.  The  Presidency  is  a  magistracy,  not  a  moot 
court,  not  a  pulpit.  It  adjudicates  issues  and  executes  de- 
cisions. As  Solon  said:  "The  man  who  in  office  transcends 
or  would  transcend  the  laws  is  or  would  be  a  tyrant,"  So 
also  he  who  translates  personal  opinion  into  "public  welfare." 

Only  laws  and  living  issues  concern  the  Presidency. 

The  Gerrymandered  Nation. — The  nation  is  gerryman- 
dered in  the  interest  of  the  North  Atlantic  States.  As  the 
Southerners,  before  the  War,  with  such  hateful  clearness  in 
Northern  eyes,  amply  showed,  the  tariff  is  a  device  for  popu- 
lating the  North  Atlantic  States,  and  as  we  now  know,  with 
inferior  races.  The  Electoral  College  counts,  in  addition  to 
the  Senatorial  allowance,  about  four  votes  for  every  million 
voters.  From  Chicago  eastward,  above  Washington,  the 
average  State  has  25,000  square  miles  of  land,  while  the 
average  of  all  the  other  States  is  70,000  square  miles.  The 
eleven  North  Atlantic  States  would  make  normally  about  tour 
States.  This  gives  to  them  an  artificial  advantage  in  the 
Senate  and  in  the  Electoral  College  of  14  votes.  Their  popu- 
lation is  mostly  foreign-born,  and  not  half  their  voters  know 
anything  worth  while  about  American  institutions.  This  is 
not  true  of  the  situation  in  the  West  and  in  the  South. 

Public  Office  Not  to  be  a  Private  Opportunity  or  a 
Personal  Reward. — Was  not  the  Presidency  itself  in  truth 
anti-climax  for  the  General  who  won  Vicksburg  and  Rich- 
mond? He  must  have  known  that  it  was.  Some  day,  we 
Americans  may  learn  not  only  that  "a  public  office  is  a  public 
trust"  but  also  that,  before  one  another  and  posterity,  a  politi- 
cal office  is  solely  for  the  general  welfare.  Public  office  must 
not  be  a  private  opportunity  of  any  kind  whatsoever.  We 
have  no  right  to  use  a  public  office  either  to  help  a  poor  man 
or  even  to  honor  a  great  one.  An  office  is  not  charity  but  a 
service;  it  is  not  even  an  honor  but  a  labor.  Some  day,  we 
may  see  these  truths.  When  we  do,  we  will  not  nominate  a 
Harrison  in  order  to  win  a  political  campaign,  nor  will  we 
elect  a  Grant  in  order  to  honor  him  to  his  own  at  least  partial 


CONSTITUTIONAL  POWERS  171 

dishonor.  Perhaps  in  true  charity,  we  may  say  in  excuse  that 
he  did  not  understand  the  issues  involved;  nor  did  we. 

Government  in  Impasse. — We  have  created,  and  we  are 
now  operating,  a  wonderful  contrivance  of  checks  and  bal- 
ances and  limited  powers.  In  consequence,  responsibility  is 
dissipated,  being  everywhere  and  therefore  nowhere.  Of 
course,  we  have  had  progress  in  several  ways, — in  area,  in 
wealth,  in  numbers,  in  the  arts.  We  have  also  had  wreckage 
under  Jackson,  under  Lincoln,  and  under  Roosevelt.  But  by 
the  time  that  we  have  had  trouble  enough,  we  shall  see  that 
government  with  us  is  in  impasse,  save  when  the  Constitution 
is  overridden.  And  then  often  we  break  the  impasse  and  go 
worse  wrong  than  before.  As  for  the  Presidency  itself,  if  we 
wish  to  improve  it,  there  is  only  one  way, — that  is,  to  become 
enlightened  regarding  its  powers  and  limitations  and  its  in- 
cumbents, and  then  with  a  resolute  public  will,  displayed  by 
courageous  individuals,  to  proceed  to  change  it.  And  this  is 
the  one  final  and  sufficient  defence  of  democracy  that  it  makes 
many  citizens  intelligent  and  efficient  and  strong  of  will 
because  the  sovereignty  is  in  the  people, — that  is,  in  ourselves 
as  individuals.  Society  is  composed  of  and  consists  in  men. 
A  social  duty  is  simply  a  convenient  term.  Responsibility  is 
personal. 

The  Friendly  Support  of  the  President. — But  perhaps 
what  most  needs  to  be  said  regarding  the  President  is  that  as 
citizens,  we  should  always  give  his  actions  and  official  opinions 
the  benefit  of  any  doubt.  There  are  but  few  instances  in 
which  a  citizen  is  absolved  from  his  allegiance  to  the  President 
because  of  some  "higher  law."  And  in  most  matters,  indeed  in 
nearly  all  matters  great  and  small,  we  may  be  sure  that  the 
President  has  at  least  as  much  information  as  we  have  and  as 
much  good  will  to  do  right. 

Party  spirit  and  individual  self-reliance  should  not  proceed 
so  far  as  to  prevent  all  of  us  Americans  from  looking  upon 
each  President  as  entitled  to  our  loyal  support  in  conduct  and 
even  in  opinion  and,  after  that,  deserving  of  respect  as  one 
whom  a  majority  of  us  have  delighted  to  honor  in  government 
above  all  others. 

Needlessly  Early  Deaths. — At  fifty-six  years  of  age,  the 
average  expectation  of  life  is  fourteen  years.  The  average 
President  in  constitution  has  been  far  above  the  average  man ; 


172  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

but  since  Jackson,  this  mythical  average  President  has  survived 
his  first  inauguration  only  ten  years.  Since  Taylor,  only  four 
men  have  survived  over  ten  years  after  their  first  inauguration, 
— Pierce  sixteen  years,  Grant  and  Hayes  the  same,  and  Cleve- 
land twenty-five.  The  Presidency  certainly  shortened  the 
lives  of  W.  H.  Harrison,  of  Polk,  of  Taylor,  and  of  Arthur. 
With  its  enormous  powers  and  duties,  it  is  too  arduous  an 
office  even  for  physical  giants.  Both  Lincoln  and  McKinley 
were  in  wretched  health  when  assassinated  after  four  years' 
service.  One  feature  of  the  remedy  is  decentralization.  Civil 
service  reform  has  helped.  Since  1789,  no  man  ever  left  the 
Presidency  in  better  health  than  at  his  first  inauguration.  Yet 
the  laborer  is  worthy  of  his  health  as  well  as  of  his  hire. 

A  Closer  View  of  the  Presidency. — The  remedy,  then, 
is  consideration  of  the  facts  as  they  are, — of  the  facts  as  they 
seem  to  the  relatives  and  intimate  friends  of  nearly  every 
President.  We  have  no  more  right  to  overwork  a  President 
than  to  overwork  a  day-laborer ;  and  no  more  right  to  imperil 
his  life  in  time  of  peace  (or  needlessly  in  war)  than  thac  of 
any  other  citizen. 

Reduce  the  duties,  not  the  authority.  Double  the  Cabinet. 
Enhance  the  prestige  so  that  the  person  of  the  President  be 
as  sacred  as  that  of  every  other  citizen.  Cease  the  strife  over 
what,  properly  considered,  are  passing  details  of  government. 
Make  the  Presidency  a  symbol  not  of  victory  but  of  magis- 
tracy. Keep  on  choosing  men  whose  untimely  end  increases 
our  sorrow.  And  surround  the  alien  and  the  foreigner  with 
forces  that  will  compel  him  to  live  in  the  free  air  of  an  equal 
Americanism.  Most  of  all,  devise  laws  that  will  encourage 
native  births  and  country  homes. 

The  ballot  is  not  a  lie.  It  counts  to-day  as  never  before. 
The  Presidency  is  indeed  the  sword  of  our  liberties ;  the  courts 
the  shield ;  and  Congress  a  linked  court  of  mail. 

The  institutions  are  right.  Whatever  faults  there  may  be 
in  the  working,  are  the  faults  of  ourselves.  They  are  built 
for  freedom  and  secure  it  in  self-government. 

"For  He  that  worketh  high  and  wise, 
Nor  pauses  in  His  plan, 
Will  take  the  sun  out  of  the  skies 
Ere  freedom  out  of  man." 

— Emerson,  Concord  Ode. 


THE  CABINET  173 

CHAPTER  III 
The  Cabinet 

Constitutional  basis — tripartite  government  system — a  new  kind  of  Cabi- 
net— the  rights  of  Cabinet  Secretaries — Secretaries  and  Congress — 
the  Cabinet  in  session — styles  of  Cabinets — prestige  of  secretaryships 
— their  prominence — official  rank  of  Secretaries — costs  of  the  various 
departments — their  functions — principles  of  Cabinet  selection — geog- 
raphical distribution  of  Cabinet  memberships — an  unrecognized  and 
unutilized  region — whence  come  the  Secretaries? — geographical  dis- 
tribution of  Supreme  Court  membership — politics — difficulty  of  the 
several  departments — experts  as  Secretaries — requisite  qualifications — 
resignations  and  replacements — qualities  of  various  Cabinets — long 
service  in  office  Presidents  and  their  Secretaries — the  men  of  to-day — 
makers  of  great  Cabinets — Cabinet  enlargement  as  proposed  in  several 
quarters. 

Constitutional  Basis. — In  the  Constitutional  Convention 
of  1787,  there  was  much  discussion  as  to  provisions  for  a 
council  to  the  President.  The  adoption  of  the  principle  of  a 
tripartite  government, — of  separation  of  the  legislative,  the 
judicial  and  the  executive  functions, — greatly  changed  the  re- 
lations, both  theoretical  and  practical,  of  the  titular  head  of 
the  sovereignty  with  all  others,  including  the  executive  coun- 
cillors. In  the  colonies,  the  governors  had  been  assisted  by 
councils,  who,  however,  usually  possessed  both  judicial  and 
legislative  attributes  and  considered  these  superior  to  their 
executive  attributes.  The  governors  were  subject  to  Crown 
and  Parliament  and  sometimes  also  to  proprietors  so  that  in 
fact  the  correspondence  of  governorship  with  the  new  Presi- 
dency was  but  slight.  In  a  way,  many  of  the  framers  of  the 
government  supposed  that  the  Presidency  would  be  subordi- 
nate to  the  Senate. 

The  results  of  the  discussion  as  to  council  and  heads  of 
executive  departments  are  to  be  found  in  the  text  of  the 
instrument  as  finally  adopted.  Article  I,  section  6.  paragraph  2, 
recites  that  "No  senator  or  representative,  shall,  during  the 
time  for  which  he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office 
under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  have 


174  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

been  created,  or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall  have  been 
increased,  during  such  time ;  and  no  person  holding  any  office 
under  the  United  States  shall  be  a  member  of  either  House 
during  his  continuance  in  office."  Article  II,  section  2,  con- 
tains the  provisions  that  the  President  "may  require  the 
opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  of  each  of  the 
executive  departments,  upon  any  subject  relative  to  the  duties 
of  their  respective  offices";  and  that  "he  shall  nominate  and 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  shall  appoint 
ambassadors,  .  .  .  and  all  other  officers  of  the  United 
States  whose  appointments  are  not  herein  otherwise  provided 
for  and  shall  be  established  by  law :  but  the  Congress  may  by 
law  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior  officers,  as  they 
think  proper,  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  law,  or 
in  the  heads  of  departments." 

Tripartite  Government  System. — By  these  provisions, 
the  Cabinet  system  of  England  was  made  impossible.  No 
man  might  be  at  once  Secretary  of  State  and  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  in  the  Senate,  or  Treasurer 
of  the  United  States  and  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Appropriations  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  or  Chief  Jus- 
tice and  a  member  of  the  House  or  Senate.  The  provisions 
in  the  first  sentences  of  the  first  three  articles  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, "All  legislative  powers  shall  be  granted";  "The  executive 
power  shall  be  vested" ;  and  "The  judicial  power  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  vested"  were  made  effective  by  this  cutting  of 
Representatives  and  Senators  away  from  all  executive  and 
judicial  service.  Fearing  the  anarchy  of  a  plural  executive, 
the  Constitution  put  the  heads  of  departments  under  the  Presi- 
dent by  authorizing  him  to  require  written  opinions  of  his 
"principal  officers,"  and  by  making  his  naming  and  consent 
essential  to  their  appointment.  True,  the  Congressmen  might 
advise  the  nominations  and  veto  the  proposed  appointments, 
but  the  President  was  rather  better  than  coordinate,  for  he 
could  name  one  man  after  another,  or  even  keep  sending  in 
the  same  name. 

A  New  Kind  of  Cabinet. — There  had  been  a  strong 
minority  in  favor  of  creating  a  Council  of  State  for  the  Presi- 
dent. One  plan  was  to  make  it  consist  of  "the  Chief  Justice 
and  the  heads  of  the  domestic  and  foreign  departments  of 
war,  finance  and  marine."    The  fact  that  such  a  Council  was 


THE  CABINET  175 

not  created  in  the  Constitution  was  cited  by  George  Mason  of 
Virginia  as  one  reason  why  he  could  not  sign  and  support  it. 
He  imagined  that  the  President  would  be  an  autocrat,  and  did 
not  foresee  the  coming  of  a  Cabinet  plural  for  deliberation, 
single  for  action,  democratic  yet  efficient. 

An  executive  of  a  different  kind  from  any  that  history  had 
known  was  established  by  the  Constitution;  and  was  put  into 
successful  operation  by  President  Washington,  supported  by 
John  Adams,  Vice-President,  and  as  he  thought  thereby  "Sena- 
tor-at-Large."  They  used  these  three  definite,  though  incom- 
plete, Constitutional  provisions. 

The  Rights  of  Cabinet  Secretaries. — Step  by  step,  stage 
by  stage,  through  a  century  and  a  quarter,  what  with  statutes 
and  with  court  decisions,  with  mutual  understandings,  with 
all  manner  of  experiments  and  with  hard  political  fighting,  a 
place  has  been  located  and  delimited  for  the  Secretary  of  De- 
partment in  his  triangular  space  between  his  Department,  his 
President  and  Congress. 

The  first  difficulty  is  to  determine  how  much  a  Secretary 
can  really  know  of  his  Department  and  do  within  it.  The 
high  example  is  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln  who  said  that  he 
signed  most  of  the  documents  handed  to  him  by  Secretaries 
and  others  without  examination  because  he  had  no  time  to 
examine  them.  But  even  a  Secretary  cannot  personally  know 
much  regarding  more  than  a  few  of  the  affairs  whose  course 
he  directs  and  determines.  The  solution  of  the  problem  is  that 
a  Secretary  of  Department  should  do  what  he  can  as  well  as 
he  can  and  gracefully  depart  either  when  his  President  does 
or  when  his  President  desires  or  when  he  himself  no  longer 
cares  to  hold  office.  No  Secretary  really  directs  his  Depart- 
ment, though  he  may  direct  some  of  its  business  and  even 
control  most  of  it.  The  direction,  so  far  as  the  vast  and  often 
overwhelming  business  of  a  Department  is  really  directed,  is 
done  by  the  permanent  Committees  of  Congress. 

The  situation  is  this :  A  Secretary  may  not  volunteer  advice 
either  to  President  or  to  Congress,  but  when  asked,  may 
counsel  with  President,  and  with  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives. At  least  once  a  year,  he  is  called  before  the  Committees 
to  give  information  as  to  his  budget  for  the  next  year.  Usually, 
some  of  his  assistants  and  division  chiefs  accompany  him. 

Secretaries  and  Congress. — But   Senators  and  Repre- 


1 76  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

sentatives  do  not  hesitate  to  call  upon  a  Secretary  at  his  execu- 
tive office  or  even  at  his  home  whenever  they  see  fit.  They 
call  also  upon  his  division  and  bureau  chiefs,  asking  questions 
and  giving  advice  freely.  Congress  represents  the  will  of 
democracy;  and  its  members  act  accordingly. 

Especially  with  reference  to  the  Treasury  Department,  there 
has  been  a  running  fight  to  determine  whether  or  not  a  Secre- 
tary may  submit,  even  under  Congressional  orders,  a  report 
direct  to  Congress  without  its  passing  through  the  hands  of 
the  President  for  addition,  for  subtraction,  and  for  other  edi- 
torial revision.  The  House  of  Representatives  with  its  Con- 
stitutional right  to  originate  revenue  measures  has  even  tried 
to  get  the  Treasury  Department  out  from  the  supervision  of 
the  President;  and  both  Houses,  seeing  the  political  oppor- 
tunities of  the  Post-office  and  of  the  Interior  Department, 
have  cast  longing  eyes  upon  these  also.  But  to-day  the  Presi- 
dent is  in  easy  control,  thanks  mainly  to  Andrew  Jackson  and 
to  Andrew  Johnson. 

A  Secretary  may  do  but  few  things  without  responsibility 
to  the  President.  Even  where  a  statute  specifically  designates 
that  a  Secretary  act,  the  Supreme  Court  has  held  that  in  so 
doing  he  is  responsible  to  the  President  whose  orders  he  must 
follow.  The  only  exception  is  where  the  Secretary  acts  in  a 
ministerial  duty  without  discretion  in  accordance  with  statute. 

The  Cabinet  in  Session. — The  collegiate  character  of 
these  Secretaryships,  by  which  they  are  converted  into  a 
Cabinet,  has  resulted  as  much  from  the  pressure  of  public 
opinion  as  from  Presidential  choice.  For  his  first  two  years, 
Jackson  held  no  Cabinet  meetings.  But  in  recent  times,  the 
Cabinet  meeting,  weekly  and  even  semi-weekly,  has  been  the 
regular  custom.  How  much  of  the  business  of  each  separate 
Department  has  been  discussed  at  the  general  meeting  has 
depended  upon  the  state  of  the  public  business,  the  qualities  of 
the  Cabinet  members,  and  the  character  and  the  temporary 
mood  of  the  President  himself.  This  Cabinet  session,  taking 
two  or  three  hours  at  least  out  of  the  working  week  of  each 
Secretary,  is  one  of  the  several  valid  reasons  for  not  taking 
specialists  as  heads  of  departments.  Since  always  the  times 
change  fast,  since  often  health  breaks  down  from  politics  and 
work  and  from  the  Washington  winter  and  summer  varieties 
of  weather  (spring  and  fall  being  favorable),  and  since  some- 


THE  CABINET  177 

times  the  pocketbook  needs  replenishment,  for  the  social  de- 
mands upon  Secretaries  are  great,  resignations  from  the  Cabi- 
net have  seldom  been  of  more  than  passing  moment.  Secre- 
taries resign  sometimes  to  accept  European  or  other  foreign 
missions,  sometimes  to  become  Senators,  sometimes  to  enter 
actively  into  business  or  law  practice,  sometimes  to  prosecute 
campaigns  for  the  Presidency,  and  sometimes  to  retire  quietly 
in  order  to  recover  their  health.  Their  health  record,  like 
that  of  Presidents  and  of  Senators  and  unlike  that  of  Justices, 
has  been  bad.  A  Secretaryship  of  State  finished  Daniel 
Webster. 

Styles  of  Cabinets. — Our  Presidents  have  chosen  origin- 
ally or  made  over  by  reconstruction  four  several  styles  of 
Cabinets,  viz. : 

The  all-star  Cabinet. 

The  half -star  Cabinet. 

The  one-star  Cabinet. 

The  no-star  Cabinet. 

The  terms  must  not  be  construed  too  strictly  and  literally. 
Washington  meant  to  have  an  all-star  Cabinet,  and  almost  suc- 
ceeded. But  the  small  salaries  ($3000  a  year  and  that  much 
to  but  two  of  the  four  positions)  could  not  overcome  State 
affection,  distrust  of  the  new  government,  and  jealousy  and 
dislike  of  himself.  Polk  nearly  succeeded.  Lincoln  did 
succeed;  Hayes  also. 

It  takes  a  very  able  President  to  choose  such  a  Cabinet ;  to 
get  such  men  to  accept;  and  then  to  manage  them.  The 
qualities  of  a  Cabinet  tend  to  lower  with  every  change,  for  the 
obvious  reason  that  to  be  a  first  choice  of  a  President  for  an 
office  is  an  honor,  but  to  be  a  second  or  third  is  otherwise. 
And  yet  several  reconstructed  Cabinets  were  better  than  the 
original  ones, — including  those  of  John  Adams,  Jefferson, 
Monroe,  Jackson,  Buchanan,  Cleveland  (second  term),  and 
McKinley. 

The  half-star  Cabinet  has  been  the  style  most  in  evidence. 

The  one-star  or  Cabinet-with-a-Premier  style  has  had  sev- 
eral examples, — the  Cabinets  of  John  Quincy  Adams  with 
Henry  Clay  as  Secretary  of  State,  of  William  Henry  Har- 
rison with  Daniel  Webster  in  the  same  office,  of  Fillmore,  also 
with  Webster  until  his  last  illness  and  death,  and  of  Garfield 
with  James  G.  Blaine. 


178  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

The  no-star  Cabinet  has  a  dozen  examples  and  at  least  one 
strong  argument  in  its  favor;  its  members  are  selected  to 
work  and  to  work  together. 

An  all-star  Cabinet  might  perhaps  fail  and  become  a  no- 
star  Cabinet  and  a  no-star  Cabinet  might  succeed  and  become 
an  all-star  Cabinet;  but  American  history  has  yet  to  see  an 
illustration  of  either  course  of  events. 

The  happiest  of  all  Cabinets,  that  of  Pierce,  had  no  stars 
of  first  magnitude ;  but  it  had  one  Secretary  of  second  magni- 
tude, Jefferson  Davis,  and  another  Secretary  of  the  third  mag- 
nitude, William  L.  Marcy,  the  other  five  Secretaries  being 
invisible  to  the  non-official,  non-telescopic  eye.  It  was  a  two- 
star  Cabinet. 

So  many  Cabinets  were  unhappy  that  it  is  perhaps  unsafe 
to  call  that  of  Johnson  the  unhappiest  of  all.  Of  its  seventeen 
various  members,  in  seven  Secretaryships,  one  was  a  star  of 
the  second  magnitude,  Seward,  another  was  of  fourth  magni- 
tude, Evarts,  and  two  more  were  of  sixth  magnitude,  McCul- 
loch  and  Stanton,  the  rest  being  invisible.  It  was  viciously 
interfered  with  by  Congress  and  unskilfully  handled  by  the 
President ;  otherwise,  it  might  have  made  as  good  a  record  as 
the  average  Cabinet.  In  quality,  it  was  distinctly  superior  to 
the  Cabinet  of  Grant,  among  whose  thirty- three  different  mem- 
bers just  one  may  be  remembered  as  entirely  honorable  and 
highly  competent,  Ebenezer  R.  Hoar  of  Massachusetts,  who 
served  as  Attorney-General  just  sixty- four  weeks;  even  he, 
however,  was  not  a  star  even  of  sixth  magnitude.  The  only 
star,  in  a  popular  and  political  sense,  a  real  star  of  second 
magnitude,  was  William  Tecumseh  Sherman  who  held  office 
five  weeks  as  Secretary  of  War,  a  position  for  which  he  was  in 
no  real  sense  competent,  as  he  himself  knew  and  said.  Other 
Cabinets  may  have  had  as  pitiful  scoundrels  as  General  Wil- 
liam W.  Belknap,  but  no  other  such  scoundrel  was  ever  so 
thoroughly  exposed. 

Prestige  of  Secretaryships. — The  standing  of  the 
various  Departments  differs  greatly.  A  statesman  under  sixty 
years  of  age  would  probably  resign  a  United  States  Senator- 
ship  to  be  Secretary  of  State  in  a  new  Cabinet;  and  might 
resign  to  be  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  If  he  came  from  a 
small  State  not  in  the  Northeast,  he  might  resign  even  to  be- 
come Secretary  of  War.    But  any  Secretary  over  sixty  years 


THE  CABINET  179 

of  age  would  probably  resign  any  portfolio  and  any  Secretary 
of  whatever  age  would  probably  resign  any  fortfolio  save 
that  of  State  in  order  to  be  a  United  States  Senator.  A  minor 
portfolio  is  about  equal  in  grade  with  a  State  governorship 
save  in  the  great  States  of  the  Northeast. 

The  prominence  of  the  Departments  is  not  synonymous  with 
the  prestige  of  the  Secretaryships.  The  Attorney-General 
figures  much  in  the  news,  but  his  Cabinet  standing  is  of  only 
middle  grade.  The  Postmaster  General  also  figures  in  the 
news,  but  his  portfolio  is  without  prestige.  Agriculture  is 
prominent,  but  the  Secretaryship  is  one  of  the  lowest  in  public 
esteem. 

The  rank  is : 

State,  Treasury,  War,  Navy,  Justice,  Interior,  Postoffice, 
Agriculture,  Commerce-and-Labor. 

In  times  of  peace,  because  of  public  interest  in  certain 
Bureaus,  the  prominence  is  now  usually : 

Justice,  Postoffice,  Interior,  Commerce-and-Labor,  Treas- 
ury, War,  Navy,  Agriculture,  State. 

This,  of  course,  differs  from  day  to  day  and  with  the  inter- 
ests of  individuals  and  of  localities.  Rural  districts  would 
advance  Agriculture  four  steps,  perhaps  five ;  commercial  cities 
would  advance  Treasury  two.  International  merchants  and 
bankers  would  place  State  and  Treasury  far  to  the  front. 

But  to-day  among  all  intelligent  citizens  Justice  and  Post- 
office  are  secure  near  the  head  in  prominence. 

Official  Rank  of  Secretaries. — The  nine  Departments 
are  of  very  unequal  costs  and  expenditures  and  of  numbers 
of  employees ;  but  their  official  rank  is  unconcerned  with  these 
facts  and  depends  solely  upon  the  historical  order  of  their 
establishment. 

This  rank  determines  the  seating  of  the  Secretaries  at  the 
Cabinet  table  in  the  meeting  room  of  the  executive  ell  in  the 
White  House.    The  table  is  seated  in  this  fashion: 


i8o 


PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 


President 


4>   rt 

2  « 

So 

o 


Jl 


C     4> 


55 


! 
I 


Clerks  and  Stenographers 
when  summoned 

Thus  the  seats  of  honor  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  Presi- 
dent fall  to  the  Secretaries  of  State  and  of  the  Treasury.  The 
dates  of  the  first  appointments  of  these  heads  of  departments 
are  as  follows,  viz. : 


1.  State 

2.  Treasury 

3.  War 

4.  Attorney-General 


1789 


(without  a  department,  however,) 
in  the  first  administration  of  George  Washington. 

5.  Navy  1798 

in  the  administration  of  John  Adams. 

Hitherto,  the  interests  of  the  navy  had  been  cared  for  by 
the  Department  of  War,  but  the  threatened  foreign  war  with 
France  led  to  this  separation  of  interests. 


THE  CABINET  181 

6.  Postmaster-General       1829 

in  the  first  administration  of  Andrew  Jackson. 

Hitherto,  this  had  been  a  part  of  the  Treasury  Department. 

7.  Interior  1849 

in  the  administration  of  Zachary  Taylor.  The  name  never 
pleased  any  one.  "Home  Department"  or  "Domestic  Affairs" 
might  have  served  better. 

This  Department  also  had  hitherto  been  a  part  of  the  Treas- 
ury. 

8.  Agriculture  1888 

in  the  first  administration  of  Grover  Cleveland. 

This  grew  out  of  the  Department  of  the  Interior  but  imme- 
diately upon  the  elevation  to  Cabinet  rank  was  many  times 
increased  in  size. 

9.  Commerce-and-Labor    1903 

in  the  first  administration  of  Theodore  Roosevelt. 

Hitherto,  this  had  been  mainly  a  part  of  the  Department  of 
the  Interior.  It  came  as  a  compromise  between  the  demands 
of  organized  capital  and  of  union  labor. 

For  a  year, — 1867, — m  the  Cabinet  of  Andrew  Johnson, 
there  was  a  Secretary  of  Education.  James  A.  Garfield,  Charles 
Sumner  and  Thaddeus  Stevens  were  powerful  in  Congress, 
and  all  three  of  them  were  enthusiasts  for  general  education. 
Since  that  time,  there  has  been  a  Bureau  of  Education  in  the 
Department  of  the  Interior,  maintained  at  a  trifling  annual 
cost, — under  a  hundred  thousand  dollars. 

Costs  of  the  Various  Departments. — The  lowest  annual 
expenditure  is  that  of  the  Department  of  State.  The  Treasury 
has  a  large  net  income  so  far  as  its  own  operations  are  con- 
cerned. The  War  Department  takes  about  one  hundred  mil- 
lions a  year,  or  over  $1  per  citizen.  The  Interior  has  a  large 
net  income.  In  the  Department  of  Justice,  as  in  that  of  State, 
there  are  almost  no  revenues.  The  Navy  takes  one-third  more 
than  the  War  (Army)  Department.  The  Postoffice  meets  its 
own  costs  of  a  quarter  of  a  billion  dollars  annually.  Agricul- 
ture spends  $15,000,000;  the  Department  of  Commerce-and- 
Labor  still  less.  The  total  is  slightly  over  a  billion  dollars  a 
year,  of  which  seventy  per  cent,  is  for  war  and  for  past  wars, 
— army,  navy,  pensions,  and  national  debt.  Twenty-five  per 
cent,  comes  back  in  the  Postoffice.  Five  per  cent,  represents 
simon-pure  peaceful  present  government  costs. 


182  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

Functions  of  the  Several  Departments. — In  some  in- 
stances, the  names  of  the  Departments  convey  but  little  mean- 
ing, and  suggest  but  little  of  their  functions. 

The  Department  of  State  deals  with  foreign  affairs,  issues 
all  commissions  to  office,  and  preserves  the  original  copies  of 
all  acts  of  Congress.  It  might  be  styled  more  accurately 
"Official  Relations."  Though  requiring  but  $4,000,000  an- 
nually for  maintenance,  it  ranks  equally  with  and  perhaps 
higher  than  the  Treasury  and  War  Departments,  and  certainly 
outranks  all  other  Departments.  This  Department,  not  Com- 
merce-and-Labor,  deals  with  our  national  foreign  marine 
service  and  commerce.  It  represents  us  before  the  nations  of 
all  the  world,  and  receives  their  ambassadors,  ministers  and 
other  accredited  official  agents. 

The  Treasury  Department  deals  with  all  financial  matters 
and  also  with  the  collection  of  the  customs  duties  at  the  ports. 
Logically,  we  need  a  Department  of  Finance  without  this  other 
duty.  The  present  Treasury  Department  also  builds  all  the 
public  buildings  everywhere,  controls  the  coast-survey,  man- 
ages light-houses  and  the  coast  life-saving  service,  and  makes 
both  paper  and  metal  moneys. 

The  War  Department  has  charge  of  the  army  and  of  engi- 
neering matters.  It  has  built  the  Panama  Canal,  which  will 
cost  about  $400,000,000  in  all.  And  it  oversees  and  protects 
all  our  dependencies. 

The  Attorney-General  represents  the  United  States  in  all 
actions  brought  by  it  and  against  it  in  the  courts;  and  helps 
enforce  all  statutes  and  regulations. 

The  Postmaster-General  takes  charge  of  the  mails. 

The  Navy  Department,  logically  a  part  of  the  War  De- 
partment, looks  after  our  battleships  and  cruisers.  It  manages 
forts,  arsenals  and  navy-yards.  (The  revenue-cutters,  how- 
ever, to  be  seen  in  our  harbors  and  along  our  coasts,  belong 
to  the  Treasury  Department. ) 

The  Department  of  the  Interior  collects  the  revenues  from 
alcoholic  liquors  and  from  tobacco.  It  has  a  large  police  force. 
It  manages  public  lands,  Indian  affairs,  the  Territories,  pen- 
sions, patents,  copyrights,  census  and  education.  Pensions 
alone  take  three-twentieths  of  all  our  revenues,  but  these 
include  the  pensions  to  officers  and  soldiers  retiring  in  times 
of  peace  as  well  as  war-veterans. 


THE  CABINET  183 

The  Department  of  Agriculture  endeavors  to  promote  the 
welfare  of  American  fields,  farms  and  forests.  It  has  also  an 
eye  for  the  public  health. 

The  Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor  deals  with  indus- 
trial wealth, — with  manufacturing,  mining,  trade,  shipping, 
and  fisheries,  and  has  many  miscellaneous  duties. 

Of  the  hundreds  of  divisions  and  bureaus,  large  and  small, 
that  make  up  these  departments,  the  assignments  to  this  or 
that  department  are  almost  entirely  traditional  and  unscientific. 
Like  the  English  but  unlike  the  French  and  the  Germans,  we 
do  things  first  and  then  think  about  and  perhaps  some  day  in 
part  correct  them.  We  proceed  empirically,  not  a  priori,  and 
seldom  a  posteriori.  Theory  would  give  us  a  totally  different 
organization  of  the  executive;  and  any  systematic  induction 
from  our  experience  would  shift  a  third  at  least  of  the  bureaus. 
But  we  are  neither  theorists  nor  generalizers ;  we  do,  and  like 
Nature,  pass  on. 

There  is  trouble  always  within  the  Interior  Department. 
Even  the  greatest  of  its  Secretaries,  Ethan  Allen  Hitchcock, 
could  not  set  it  wholly  right.  And  there  is  always  trouble 
about  the  operations  of  the  Treasury  because  we  have  the 
worst  currency  customs  (not  system)  of  any  large  civilized 
nation.     But  there  is  no  remedy  anywhere  within  the  horizon. 

The  main  purposes  in  creating  new  departments  have  been 
two, — first,  to  provide  the  President  with  a  group  of  compe- 
tent and  responsible  advisers  respecting  "the  state  of  the 
Union,"  and  second,  to  relieve  overworked  Secretaries  as  from 
time  to  time  the  enterprises  of  the  Federal  Government  have 
grown  in  number  and  in  importance. 

Principles  of  Cabinet  Selections. — In  our  history,  cer- 
tain principles  of  Cabinet-making  have  generally  obtained. 

First,  the  Secretaries  shall  all  be  of  the  same  party  with  the 
President.  In  only  a  few  instances  has  this  principle  been 
ignored.  In  one  of  these  instances,  the  Secretary  soon  changed 
his  party, — Edwin  M.  Stanton. 

Second,  the  membership  of  the  Cabinet  shall  be  widely  dis- 
tributed geographically.  It  is  a  rule  even  that  no  two  Depart- 
ments shall  have  Secretaries  from  the  same  State.  It  has  been 
carried  even  further, — Secretaries  shall  not  come  from  the 
same  States  as  the  Ambassadors.  But  the  recent  tendency 
shows  many  exceptions  to  the  severer  forms  of  the  principle. 


184  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

Third,  all  the  leading  factions  of  the  party  shall  be  con- 
ciliated by  representation  in  the  Cabinet. 

Fourth,  the  Secretaries  of  the  next  preceding  administra- 
tion are  not  to  be  taken.    Try  new  men. 

Fifth,  in  the  consideration  of  possible  Secretaries,  long  and 
loyal  party  service  is  to  be  highly  influential. 

Sixth,  some  of  the  Secretaries  should  be  taken  out  of  Con- 
gress not  only  for  the  foregoing  reason  but  also  in  order  to 
keep  wide  open  avenues  by  which  through  friendships  to  influ- 
ence that  body  favorably  to  the  Presidential  plans. 

Seventh,  represent  the  several  economic  classes.  A  good 
Cabinet  is  not  composed  solely  of  lawyers  or  of  merchants  or 
of  bankers  or  of  habitual  office-holders.  Of  the  latter,  United 
States  Senators  and  former  State  governors  have  been  the 
preferred  classes. 

Eighth,  usually  in  the  Cabinet,  there  is  at  least  one  defeated 
aspirant  for  the  Presidential  nomination,  or  one  Secretary 
whom  the  President  hopes  to  make  his  successor, — after  his 
second  term. 

There  are  various  other  and  minor  rules.  Among  them  are 
the  rules  that  no  wholesaling  merchant  shall  be  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  lest  there  be  trouble  over  import  duties  in  which 
he  may  be  directly  or  indirectly  concerned;  that  the  Post- 
master-General shall  be  a  political  manager  for  the  President ; 
that  no  partner  or  intimate  friend  of  the  President  shall  be 
made  and  kept  a  Secretary;  and  that  pivotal  States  shall  be 
held,  if  possible,  for  the  party  by  receiving  important  port- 
folios. These  minor  rules  have  been  frequently  violated ;  and 
yet  they  lie  in  the  back  of  the  mind  of  every  Cabinet-maker. 
It  is  also  a  rule  not  to  nominate  a  man  whom  the  Senate  will 
surely  refuse  to  confirm.  The  Senate  is  always  "sounded  out" 
with  the  lead  line  before  the  President  subjects  his  nominee 
to  that  current.  And  yet  a  Republican  Senate  will,  of  course, 
confirm  the  Democratic  nominees  of  a  Democratic  President. 
No  personally  offensive  nominee  was  ever  presented  in  such 
a  situation.  Religion  counts  nothing, — Roosevelt  had  both  a 
Catholic  (Bonaparte)  and  a  Jew  (Straus)  in  his  later  Cabinet, 
and  all  approved. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  possession  of  wealth  is  not 
a  bar  to  a  Secretaryship  as  it  is  not  to  a  Senatorship,  though 
it  is  to  Presidency,  to  the  Speakership,  and  to  Justiceships. 


THE  CABINET  185 

Many  Secretaries  have  been  wealthy,  some  of  them  have  been 
millionaires,  even  multimillionaires.  The  public  is  right  in 
this  discrimination  between  President  and  Secretaries,  but  it 
should  extend  its  rule  from  President,  Speaker  and  Justices  to 
include  Vice-President  and  Senators ;  and  it  should  find  a  way 
to  bar  the  rich  even  from  the  Cabinet  unless  obviously  and 
consistently  modest,  genuinely  honest  and  not  merely  law- 
honest,  and  by  disposition  and  habit  philanthropic. 

Unfortunately,  to  do  this,  the  public  must  frown  upon  the 
custom  of  rewarding  with  Cabinet  honors  the  millionaire  poli- 
tician who  has  given  largely  to  a  successful  candidate's  cam- 
paign fund.  And  yet  more  unfortunately,  our  Presidential 
primaries  are  proving  enormously  costly  in  political  promotion 
expenses.  More  democracy  seems  to  enlarge  the  political 
opportunities  of  plutocracy. 

Geographical  Distribution  of  Cabinet  Memberships. — 
It  is  a  recognized  principle  that  Presidents  should  distribute 
their  Cabinet  memberships  widely.  The  actual  record  of  three 
hundred  and  fifty-one  appointments  is  as  follows,  viz. : 


1 86 


PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 


Rank  of 

Date 

Number 

State  in 

Name 

of 

of 

Population 

Admission 

Appointments 

i 

New   York 

Original  State 

43 

6 

Massachusetts 

Original  State 

38 

2 

Pennsylvania 

Original  State 

32 

4 

Ohio 

1802 

29 

20 

Virginia 

Original  State 

24 

14 

Maryland 

Original  State 

19 

27 

Kentucky 

1792 

18 

10 

Georgia 

Original  State 

13 

3i 

Connecticut 

Original  State 

12 

9 

Indiana 

1816 

12 

3 

Illinois 

1818 

12 

17- 

Tennessee 

1706 

11 

7 

Missouri 

1821 

8 

15 

Iowa 

1846 

8 

n 

New   Jersey 

Original  State 

7 

26 

South  Carolina 

Original  State 

8 

34 

Maine 

1820 

6 

8 

Michigan 

1837 

6 

13 

Wisconsin 

1848 

6 

16 

North  Carolina 

Original  State 

5 

46 

Delaware 

Original  State 

5 

39 

New    Hampshire 

Original  State 

4 

24 

Louisiana 

1812 

4 

21 

Mississippi 

1817 

4 

12 

California 

1851 

3 

19 

Minnesota 

1858 

3 

28 

West   Virginia 

1863 

3 

42 

Vermont 

Original  State 

2 

18 

Alabama 

1819 

25 

Arkansas 

1826 

35 

Oregon 

1859 

29 

Nebraska 

1867 

32 

Colorado 

1876 

30 

Washington 

1889 

38 

Rhode   Island 

Original  State 

Some  Comparisons. — There  are  some  truly  astonishing 
things  in  this  record. 

Texas,  the  fifth  State  in  population  and  the  twenty-eighth  to 
be  admitted,  has  never  had  a  Cabinet  member  in  all  the  sixty- 


THE  CABINET  187 

seven  years  that  she  has  been  in  the  Union.  She  is  our  largest 
State  in  area. 

Kansas,  the  twenty-second  State  in  population  and  the 
thirty- fourth  to  be  admitted,  has  never  had  a  member  in  all 
her  fifty- three  years  of  Statehood. 

Florida,  though  comparatively  but  a  small  State  in  popula- 
tion, came  into  the  Union  in  1845,  the  twenty-seventh  State. 
She  has  never  had  a  Cabinet  Secretary. 

Rhode  Island,  an  Original  State,  a  New  England  State,  lying 
in  the  angle  between  Massachusetts  with  thirty-eight  members 
and  Connecticut  with  twelve,  has  never  had  a  Cabinet  Secre- 
taryship. She  is  the  smallest  of  all  the  States  and  thirty-eighth 
in  population. 

The  States  not  yet  recognized  in  the  Cabinet  are: 

Rank  of  Date 

State  in  Name  of 
Population                                         Admission 

5  Texas  1845 

33  Florida  1845 

22  Kansas  1861 
48  Nevada  1864 
37  North  Dakota  1889 

40  Montana  1889 

44  Idaho  1890 
47  Wyoming  1890 
36  South  Dakota  1890 

41  Utah  1896 

23  Oklahoma  1907 
43  New  Mexico  1912 

45  Arizona  1912 

An  Unrecognized  and  Unutilized  Region. — The  total 
population  of  twelve  of  these  States, — Texas,  Kansas,  Nevada, 
Montana,  Idaho,  Wyoming,  Utah,  North  and  South  Dakota, 
New  Mexico,  and  Arizona, — is  now  over  twelve  millions. 
They  have  twenty-four  Senators.  New  York  with  nine  mil- 
lions of  people  has  two  Senators.  These  States  occupy  a  vast 
continuous  region  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  headwaters  of 
the  Missouri,  one-quarter  of  all  the  land  under  the  flag.  Yet 
no  high  service  in  the  executive  branch  has  ever  come  to  them, 
while  the  Pacific  Coast,  yet  more  remote  from  Washington, 
has  had  five  Cabinet  officers  for  four  million  population. 

Whence  Come  the  Secretaries. — There  are  also  inter- 


188  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

esting  things  not  unsatisfactory  but  notable.  We  are  now 
getting  nearly  all  of  our  Secretaries  of  State  from  Massachu- 
setts, New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Ohio,  and  contiguous 
States.  Since  Tyler's  time  we  have  had  all  our  foreign  affairs 
administered  from  these  States  and  Delaware,  Michigan, 
Illinois,  Indiana,  New  Jersey,  and  Maine. 

For  the  Treasury,  we  travel  more  widely,  but  since  the 
time  of  Grant  have  taken  no  New  England  man,  and  since  the 
time  of  Taylor  no  Pennsylvanian.  New  York,  Indiana,  Ohio, 
and  Illinois  are  the  favorite  States. 

The  War  Department  gets  men  from  all  regions  in  the 
triangle  from  New  Orleans  to  Minneapolis  and  to  Boston. 
Attorney-Generals  come  from  all  quarters, — Oregon,  Ar- 
kansas, Georgia,  and  Massachusetts. 

The  Postoffice  ranges  from  Massachusetts  to  Maryland,  to 
Tennessee  and  Wisconsin. 

The  Navy  ranges  like  Justice. 

The  Interior  looks  for  men  in  the  region  from  New  York 
and  from  Georgia  to  Colorado  and  to  Washington. 

Agriculture  centers  upon  Iowa, — its  men  have  come  from 
there  and  from  Missouri,  Nebraska,  and  Wisconsin,  near 
neighbors.     It  needs  next  a  man  from  Louisiana  or  Texas. 

Commerce  and  Labor  ranges  literally  from  New  York  to 
California. 

It  is  of  historical  interest  that,  until  1861,  just  one  Secretary 
came  from  west  of  the  Mississippi  river;  and  Key  came  from 
Louisiana  in  the  Southwest  and  lived  very  near  the  river. 

Geographical  Distribution  of  Supreme  Court  Mem- 
berships.— The  Supreme  Court  does  not  come  within  the 
executive  branch  and  hence,  save  as  it  is  named  by  the  Presi- 
dent, is  not  within  our  survey;  but  it  is  interesting  in  this 
connection  to  note  that  the  geographical  distribution  is  ex- 
tremely irregular. .    The  record  is : 

Tennessee  3     New  Hampshire  1 

New  Jersey 

North  Carolina 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Alabama 

California 

Louisiana 


New  York 

8 

Massachusetts 

6 

Ohio 

6 

Pennsylvania 
Virginia 
Maryland 
South  Carolina 

5 
5 
5 
3 

Kentucky 

3 

2 

Connecticut 

1 

2 

Maine 

1 

2 

Mississippi 

1 

2 

Michigan 

1 

2 

Iowa 

1 

2 

1 

Kansas 

1 

THE  CABINET  189 

Of  sixty-four  appointments,  not  one  has  gone  to  Texas,  the 
fifth  State  in  population,  to  Missouri  the  seventh,  to  Indiana 
the  ninth,  to  Wisconsin  the  thirteenth,  to  North  Carolina  the 
sixteenth,  to  Minnesota  the  nineteenth;  or  to  the  following 
original  States:  Vermont,  Rhode  Island,  Delaware,  North 
Carolina;  or  to  the  following  States  early  admitted  into  the 
Union:  Vermont,  Indiana,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Florida, 
Texas,  Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  Oregon,  Kansas.  A  vast  region 
has  been  totally  unrepresented, — Oregon,  Washington,  Idaho, 
Montana,  the  Dakotas,  Nebraska,  Wyoming,  Utah,  Colorado, 
Oklahoma,  Texas. 

The  Answer  to  the  Enigma  is  Politics. — As  in  the  case 
of  the  Cabinet,  politics  have  been  played ;  and  are  being  played. 
Massachusetts  with  three  and  a  third  million  population, 
mostly  foreigners,  does  not  merit  six  Supreme  Court  appoint- 
ments while  Texas  with  four  million,  almost  all  Americans 
native  born  for  many  generations,  has  had  none. 

It  is  not  enough  to  answer  that  New  York  and  Massachu- 
setts have  famous  law  schools.  There  are  plenty  of  Westerners 
and  of  Southerners  who  have  studied  law  at  excellent  law 
schools  in  their  youth  and  who  by  direct  contact  with  level- 
eyed  Americans  know  more  about  justice  and  sound  ethics 
than  those  Americans  who  bow  the  knee  to  privilege.  Let 
us  have  the  law,  the  wise  and  ancient  common  law ;  but  let  us 
have  it  as  various  men  see  it. 

The  Difficulty  of  the  Several  Departments. — The 
quality  of  the  work  to  be  done  by  the  Secretary  of  State  is  as 
nearly  perfect  as  man  can  make  his  output.  Bad  as  an  error 
of  judgment  is  anywhere,  an  error  in  diplomacy  or  in  inter- 
national commerce  is  like  setting  a  spark  to  quick  combustibles. 

The  fathers  of  the  Republic  expected  the  twenty-six  Sena- 
tors to  transact  foreign  affairs  and  to  negotiate  treaties;  but 
time  and  circumstance  have  given  at  least  the  initiative  and 
the  negotiations  into  the  hands  of  the  executive. 

To-day,  the  most  difficult  Departments  to  manage  are  Justice, 
Interior,  War,  and  Treasury,  and  the  less  difficult  are  State, 
Navy,  Postoffice,  Commerce-and-Labor  and  Agriculture,  with 
the  above  qualification  that  the  State  Department  requires  per- 
fection of  output.  In  truth,  no  Department  is  easy  to  manage. 
The  Postoffice  requires  management  far  more  energetic,  com- 


190  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

petent  and  responsible  than  even  our  billion-and-a-half  dollar 
United  States  Steel  Corporation :  it  affects  more  persons  many 
times  and  far  more  vitally. 

The  British  Cabinet  pays  in  annual  salaries  from  one  thou- 
sand to  six  thousand  pounds.  Our  Secretaries  receive  twelve 
thousand  dollars  each.  But  their  ministers  must  appear  in 
Parliament  as  well  as  in  their  executive  offices.  The  purchas- 
ing power  of  money  in  London  is  one-third  greater  than  in 
Washington. 

The  Experts  are  Not  Desirable. — There  are  tnree  good 
reasons  why  Presidents  do  not  seek  men  who  are  "expert  in 
the  business  of  a  Department."  Of  these,  the  first  is  that  so 
incongruous  are  the  Departments  that  the  idea  itself  is  an  ignis 
fatiins.  The  Attorney-General  is  always  a  lawyer,  and  the 
Secretary  of  Agriculture  is  a  farmer.  Closer  specialization 
than  this  would  defeat  its  own  end.  Shall  the  Secretary  of 
State  be  a  foreign  diplomat  or  an  international  importer  or  an 
expert  documentarian  ?    His  Department  has  these  three  lines.1 

The  second  reason  is  that  the  only  available  "experts"  are 
the  assistant  secretaries  of  the  Department,  who  are  seldom 
expert  in  anything  but  a  clerical  and  ministerial  sense.  They 
have  not  been  accustomed  to  exercise  independent  judgment. 
Lincoln  said  that  the  most  important  quality  in  a  Secretary  is 
to  know  what  to  decide  without  reference  to  the  President, 
when  the  statutes  so  permit.  He  frequently  mildly  admonished 
even  his  very  able  Secretaries  for  not  settling  matters  them- 
selves. 

The  third  reason  for  not  seeking  "experts"  is  that  men  of 
large  experience,  of  sound  judgment,  of  personal  and  political 
influence,  and  accustomed  to  give  orders  can  be  secured  only 
from  the  rough-and-tumble  of  life  in  the  States.  They  do  not 
grow  in  the  Departments;  and  they  cannot  be  prepared  in 
universities.  A  British  Cabinet  minister  is  simply  a  party 
leader  of  good  sense  assigned  to  his  department  but  not  ex- 
pected to  direct  it  in  any  business  sense.  The  same  principle 
has  always  demanded  attention  in  this  country.  Hamilton 
was  not  a  financier,  yet  Washington  made  him  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury ;  nor  was  Chase  a  financier,  yet  Lincoln  gave  the 
same  office  to  him.  Both  Hamilton  and  Chase  became  very 
successful  Secretaries.  But  Albert  Gallatin  was  a  financier; 
he  improved  upon  the  plans  of  Hamilton.     The  Presidents 

*See  p.  182,  supra. 


THE  CABINET  191 

have  usually  chosen  politicians  for  Postmaster-General  and 
have  seldom  chosen  sailors  or  naval  engineers  as  Secretaries 
of  the  Navy,  or  soldiers  for  the  War  Department.  The  few 
so  chosen  were  failures. 

The  Qualifications  Requisite. — Recently,  public  opinion 
has  begun  to  assert  that  "qualified"  men  should  be  given 
charge  of  these  Departments.  The  proposition  is  obviously 
impossible  unless  we  abandon  party  government.  The  only 
man  "qualified"  for  Postmaster-General  would  be  one  of  the 
assistants;  the  only  qualified  Secretary  of  State  an  assistant. 
Logically  carried  out,  the  Cabinets  would  be  broken  only  by 
death  and  resignation,  and  Secretaries  would  last  longer  than 
Presidents. 

The  true  solution  of  the  problem  seems  to  be  for  Presidents 
to  choose  men  of  large  experience  and  of  many  talents  who 
can  fit  themselves  quickly  and  comfortably  to  almost  any  task 
and  who  are  at  the  same  time  of  such  personal  dispositions 
as  are  agreeable  to  their  chiefs  and  to  their  associates. 

It  has  been  a  recent  tendency  to  begin  with  a  strong  Cabinet 
of  men  of  broad  experience  and  gradually  to  change  to  younger 
men  as  the  President  himself  has  acquired  familiarity  with 
the  main  duty  of  decision.  Jackson,  Polk,  and  Lincoln  made 
no  such  changes ;  but  they  worked  fairly  well  with  others,  in- 
cluding Roosevelt  and  Taft. 

A  Certain  Effect  of  Resignations  and  Replacements. 
Though  in  all  routine  matters,  which  are  far  in  excess  of 
others,  the  trained  and  long-experienced  clerks,  bureau  and 
division-chiefs,  and  assistant  secretaries  do  in  fact  run  the  De- 
partments, yet  few  Secretaries  serve  four  years.  Indeed  the 
mythical  "average"  clerk  serves  but  five  years.  Most  Secre- 
taries resign  from  "ill-health,"  which  means  over- work  in  a 
strange  climate  or  for  "private  business,"  which  may  mean 
anything,  including  distaste  for  the  unfamiliar  and  recognized 
uncongenial  duties.  All  Secretaries — and  all  division  chiefs — 
are  held  by  the  public,  including  Congress,  responsible  far 
beyond  their  legal  and  customary  authority,  and  likewise  far 
beyond  information. 

The  Secretaries  must  be  ready  to  report  to  all  the  Committees 
of  Congress  that  have  bills  relating  to  their  respective  depart- 
ments. These  Committees  are  numerous  and  often  exacting. 
The  system  throws  the  new  Secretaries  helplessly  into  the 


192  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

hands  of  their  subordinates,  most  of  whom  have  tenure  supe- 
rior to  their  own.  The  War  Department  is  notoriously  ruled 
by  the  Army  Staff.  A  Secretaryship  cannot  be  esteemed  as 
desirable  for  long  holding;  it  is  often  taken  for  a  year  or  two 
for  the  honor  and  for  the  record  and  for  the  sake  of  a  period 
in  Washington  for  social  and  political  reasons.  It  gives  pres- 
tige at  home.    Hence,  many  Cabinets  have  been  kaleidoscopic. 

A  Congressman  was  severely  reprimanding  a  division-chief 
for  failure  to  get  legislation  to  rectify  an  unfortunate  situa- 
tion. Each  supposed  that  the  other  had  been  long  in  office. 
They  laughed  cheerfully  when  it  developed  that  one  had  been 
in  Congress  just  four  weeks  and  the  other  in  the  Executive 
Department  only  four  months!  It  was  a  characteristic  inci- 
dent. Equally  characteristic  are  the  cases  where  one  has  had 
long  experience,  the  other  none ;  but  these  are  not  so  common. 
It  is  a  regulation  since  the  early  days  of  Roosevelt  that  no 
department  man  shall  volunteer  any  information  to  a  Con- 
gressman ;  or  if  he  can  not  avoid  it,  give  such  only  as  he  feels 
certain  will  be  duly  accepted  by  and  agreeable  to  his  official 
superiors.    He  is  a  clerk  who  has  renounced  personal  opinions. 

Qualities  of  Various  Cabinets. — As  Secretary  of  State, 
William  H.  Seward  served  both  Lincoln  and  Johnson,  and  by 
forcing  through  Congress,  against  the  opinions  of  most  of  the 
prominent  members,  the  purchase  of  Alaska,  which  they  called 
"Seward's  Folly,"  performed  an  achievement  notable  not  only 
as  constructive  statesmanship  in  the  work  of  peaceful  terri- 
torial expansion  but  also  as  violation  of  the  political  tradition 
that  Secretaries  are  not  to  force  legislation. 

Nearly  every  famous  American  statesman  or  politician  has 
served  at  least  a  year  or  two  in  the  Cabinet  of  some  President. 
Eight  of  the  Presidents  have  been  Secretaries  of  some  one  of 
their  predecessors.  Yet  six  of  these  Presidents  were  among 
the  poorest ;  were  they  naturally  subordinate  or  did  their  train- 
ing make  them  so  ?  Does  it  require  a  certain  subservience  and 
indirectness  to  serve  another's  will  in  high  office  as  in  menial 
life?  Does  a  Secretaryship  spoil  a  man  for  first  class  achieve- 
ment? 

It  seems  to  be  true  that  legislative  service  better  fits  one  for 
the  Presidency  than  does  subordinate  executive  service:  per- 
haps the  State  governorship  is  the  best  training.  As  for  the 
judicial  experience,  only  one  judge  of  high  rank  has  become 


THE  CABINET  193 

President;  and  he  only  after  intermediate  executive  service. 
Generalizations  are  scarcely  trustworthy;  but  a  few  hypo- 
theses force  themselves  upon  the  attention.1 

Long  Service  in  Office. — The  fame  of  some  men  is  due 
in  part  to  long  Cabinet  service.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  usually  the  long  service  was  due  to  its  excellent  quality. 
Sometimes,  the  service  has  been  in  one  Department,  sometimes 
in  several. 

Gallatin  served  thirteen  years.  James  Wilson,  now  of  the 
Department  of  Agriculture,  has  already  served  fourteen  years. 
William  Wirt  served  nearly  twelve  years. 

Those  serving  from  eight  to  eleven  years  have  been  Madison, 
J.  Q.  Adams,  Dearborn,  Calhoun,  Meigs,  Cass,  Marcy, 
Granger,  Stanton,  Seward,  Welles,  and  E.  A.  Hitchcock. 

Several  others  served  five,  six  or  seven  years, — Pickering, 
Randolph,  Monroe,  Toucey,  Barry,  Evarts,  Windom. 

Nearly  every  Cabinet  has  had  at  least  one  man  who  was  the 
equal  of  his  chief,  and  several  Cabinets  have  had  men  abler 
than  their  leaders.  It  is  safe  to  put  the  proposition  yet 
more  broadly.  Nearly  every  Cabinet  had  at  least  one  man 
who  in  sheer  competence  outranked  his  chief,  and  in  nearly 
every  such  Cabinet,  the  man  was  perfectly  loyal  to  his  Presi- 
dent. 

That  is  the  cause  of  the  success  of  the  executive  branch  of 
the  American  Government.  It  is  the  essence  of  democracy  to 
ignore  hierarchy  and  to  be  glad  to  serve.  Moreover,  it  is 
perfectly  true  that  the  executive  branch  has  done  its  work 
more  democratically  and  more  progressively  than  either  the 
judicial  or  the  legislative.  It  is  a  question  that  we  must  leave 
to  later  ages  when  archives  are  unlocked  and  private  desks  are 
opened  which  of  the  three  branches  has  been  the  most  honest 
or  the  least  dishonest.  We  hear  the  least  of  the  achievements 
of  the  judiciary  and  the  most  of  those  of  the  legislators:  in 
modern  civilization,  speech  is  the  key  to  fame. 

Presidents  and  Their  Secretaries. — A  comparison  of 
the  Presidents  with  their  Secretaries  results  in  interesting 
measurements  of  the  Presidents  with  one  another. 

Of  Chase,  Lincoln  said:  "Chase  is  one-and-a-half  times 
bigger  than  any  other  man  I  know."  He  resigned  in  part  be- 
cause he  could  not  manage  his  chief.  He  complained  that  he 
was  kept  busy  "trying  to  fill  Uncle  Abe's  bar'l." 

1See  pp.  56-60,  supra. 


194  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

In  a  similar  mood,  Jefferson,  who  easily  managed  Madison, 
his  Secretary  of  State,  resigned  from  the  Cabinet  of  Wash- 
ington. 

Lincoln  had  managed  Stanton,  but  Johnson  failed  to  do  so. 
Lincoln  convinced  Stanton  of  his  superiority.  We  can  perhaps 
forgive  Stanton  for  his  many  grievous  faults.  When  he  saw 
Lincoln  die,  he  who  had  borne  the  brunt  of  the  night's  anxiety 
and  labor,  dictating  despatches  and  orders,  while  most  of  the 
others  were  too  stricken  for  speech  or  action,  turned  to  the 
watchers  and  spoke  the  final  sentence, — "Now  he  belongs  to 
the  ages." 

Taylor,  who  tried  to  get  a  great  Cabinet  together,  had  to 
notify  Daniel  Webster  in  writing  that  he,  not  Webster,  was 
President  and  as  such  accountable  to  the  people.  Taylor  and 
Webster  were  incommensurate  because  diverse  in  abilities ; 
but  the  superiority  of  Webster  to  Fillmore  is  obvious. 

John  Marshall  was  an  abler  man  than  John  Adams;  J.  Q. 
Adams  and  Calhoun  were  abler  men  than  Monroe;  and  per- 
haps William  Wirt  also  was  abler  than  his  chief.  Clay  was 
abler  than  J.  Q.  Adams.  In  sheer  leadership  and  mastery, 
Jackson  surpassed  all  his  Secretaries ;  it  was  a  moral  primacy ; 
but  in  what  is  ordinarily  styled  "statesmanlike  ability,"  he  was 
overmatched  by  Van  Buren,  Cass,  Butler,  and  Taney  and  in 
political  finesse  by  Kendall.  It  made  a  powerful  combination 
and  a  peculiar  situation.  W.  H.  Harrison  was  unequal  to 
Webster.  Tyler  had  several  superiors  in  his  own  shifting 
Cabinet, — Webster,  Calhoun,  and  Mason.  Polk  was  sur- 
rounded by  superiors, — Buchanan,  Walker,  Marcy,  Mason, 
Johnson,  and  Bancroft, — but  he  overmastered  them,  as  did 
Jackson,  by  force  and  by  insight.  Pierce  was  distinctly  inferior 
to  Marcy  and  Davis.  Nearly  every  one  of  his  Secretaries  was 
an  abler  man  than  Buchanan,  though  not  abler  than  Buchanan 
had  been.  Cass,  though  seven  years  older  than  Buchanan,  was 
his  superior;  and  Black  and  Cobb  were  far  stronger  and 
keener.  Even  Floyd  surpassed  him.  Surrounding  himself 
with  the  ablest  public  men,  Lincoln  clearly  overmastered  them, 
— not  by  intellect, — but  by  those  reliances  of  even  weak  men, 
patience,  persistence,  tact  and  art. 

Imagine  Lincoln  in  the  Cabinet  of  Fillmore,  of  Buchanan, 
of  Johnson  or  of  Grant !  Or  in  his  own  Cabinet,  with  Seward, 
Stanton,  Chase,  or  Fessenden  as  President!    It  is  by  such  re- 


THE  CABINET  195 

versed  relations  that  we  distinguish  his  qualities.  Like  every 
other  of  the  world's  really  great  men,  he  had  peculiar  ways, 
was  queer,  different,  unique,  sui  generis  and  as  such  isolated. 
Even  as  a  Secretary,  he  would  have  become  famous  for  un- 
ravelling mysteries,  for  pursuing  policies,  for  managing  men, 
and  for  getting  toward  his  goal,  with  an  almost  absurd  passion 
for  details  that  he  might  do  justice  with  a  touch  of  mercy. 

Men  said  then  and  men  still  say  that  Johnson  was  inferior 
to  and  somewhat  controlled  by  Seward.  In  his  Cabinet, 
Seward,  Stanton,  Evarts,  Harlan,  and  perhaps  Dennison  and 
Welles  were  abler  than  he.  As  for  Grant,  in  Presidential 
character,  he  was  so  na'ive  and  personal  that  comment  is  un- 
necessary; almost  any  one  of  his  Secretaries  surpassed  him  in 
statesmanship.  Hayes  was  overmatched  by  Evarts,  Morrill, 
Sherman,  Devens,  Chandler,  and  Schurz;  but  he  was  one  of 
those  persons  of  judgment  who  know  good  advice  and  take  it, 
gratefully  and  promptly.  Garfield  was  surpassed  by  Blaine. 
Arthur  had  nearly  half  a  dozen  superiors  in  his  Cabinet, — 
Gresham,  R.  T.  Lincoln,  MacVeagh,  Chandler,  McCulloch. 
Yet  there  was  not  a  star  among  them,  certainly  not  a  star 
above  fifth  magnitude. 

The  world,  no  doubt,  ranks  John  Wanamaker  and  William 
C.  Whitney,  perhaps  even  Elkins  and  Vilas  and  Tracy,  above 
Benjamin  Harrison  in  ability. 

Regarding  the  Men  of  To-Day. — For  the  rest,  it  is  too 
early  to  judge.  We  are  too  near;  and  some  of  the  rivals  and 
associates  are  still  alive.  The  Secretaries  may  yet  become 
Presidents,  as  Taft  succeeded  Roosevelt.  The  Cabinets  of 
Cleveland,  McKinley,  Roosevelt,  and  Taft  are  not  to  be  lightly 
judged.  They  numbered  Olney,  Carlisle,  Harmon,  J.  S. 
Morton,  John  Sherman,  Hay,  Root,  Long,  Ethan  Allen  Hitch- 
cock, James  Wilson,  as  well  as  others  too  "new"  for  naming 
here.  Time  may  yet  give  their  deeds  strange  emphasis  as  it 
will  seem  to  us  their  contemporaries.  Our  own  views  of  J.  Q. 
Adams  and  Van  Buren  and  Lincoln  are  by  no  means  those  of 
most  men  of  their  times ;  our  views  of  Charles  Lee,  Crawford, 
Calhoun,  Wirt,  Clay,  Webster,  Cass,  Taney,  McLane,  Butler 
(of  New  York),  Kendall,  Paulding,  Bell,  Crittenden,  would 
seem  strange  alike  to  their  friends  and  to  their  opponents.  The 
perspective  changes  rapidly.  Only  a  few  great  or  otherwise 
notable  figures  remain;  and  even  these  are  seen  upon  remoter 


196  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

backgrounds.  They  were  judged  then  by  their  political  pro- 
ficiency, their  executive  efficiency,  their  favor  with  the  great, 
their  popularity  with  the  many,  their  personal  powers  and 
graces  and  interests.  Not  so  now.  We  ask  what  they  did  for 
the  extension  of  democracy,  for  the  development  of  govern- 
mental theory  and  practice,  for  the  final  ending  of  slavery,  for 
or  against  a  protective  tariff,  for  or  against  internal  improve- 
ments at  national  cost,  for  or  against  scientific  and  industrial 
and  other  social  progress,  for  the  spread  of  population  and  the 
utilization  of  national  resources,  for  the  enhancement  of  the 
national  prestige,  for  the  emancipation  of  labor,  for  the  organi- 
zation of  business,  for  justice  and  for  freedom :  in  short,  for 
posterity,  for  ourselves.  We  shear  the  reputation  of  Hamilton 
here  and  add  to  it  there ;  we  knock  out  the  padding  of  Webster 
here,  and  convert  a  dead  man's  words  into  the  solid  white 
marble  of  immortal  fame  there.  Perhaps,  the  spots  on  the  sun 
are  part  and  parcel  of  its  power  to  give  heat.  Indubitably,  if 
Calhoun  had  not  defended  slavery,  which  is  wrong  now,  he 
could  not  have  been  heard  in  the  Senate  and  thence  through- 
out the  land,  proclaiming  the  necessity  of  local  sovereignty, 
which  is  eternally  right. 

So  it  may  be  that  something  scarcely  seen  now  in  the  record 
of  some  Cabinet  Secretary  may  lift  him  yet  into  the  universal 
light  of  history. 

Makers  of  Great  Cabinets. — Their  Cabinets  have  helped 
make  Presidents  successful  or  unsuccessful.  Ability  to  judge 
men  is  perhaps  the  most  necessary  of  all  qualifications  in  a 
President.  Yet  the  greater  of  the  Presidents  have  not  always 
chosen  good  Cabinets.  Changes  in  Cabinets  during  adminis- 
trations have  usually  resulted  in  getting  inferior  men.  The 
reasons  are  perhaps  two, — the  fame  of  entering  the  Cabinet 
with  a  President  is  far  greater  than  that  of  succeeding  some 
other  man ;  and  as  a  President  grows  familiar  with  his  duties, 
he  places  more  emphasis  upon  the  services  of  a  Secretary  in  his 
Department  than  upon  his  prominence  before  the  country. 
Therefore,  clerks  replace  statesmen.  And,  nevertheless,  the 
willingness  to  associate  with  great  men  and  the  ability  to  dis- 
cern them  are  major  qualities  in  the  equipment  of  a  President. 

It  may  be  added  that  as  the  American  people  continue  in 
their  practice  of  choosing  Presidents,  they  are  likely  to  improve 
in  skill  and  in  courage  in  so  doing.     They  will  learn  that  we 


THE  CABINET  197 

need  as  Presidents  men  who  look  upon  all  the  people  and  no 
individuals  or  groups  of  individuals  as  master;  and  who  will 
have  no  other  aims  or  duties  than  the  general  welfare. 

Cabinet  Enlargement. — In  1800,  our  executive  branch  at 
Philadelphia  had  one  hundred  and  forty  officers  and  clerks  to 
be  transferred  to  the  new  Capital.  In  1910,  it  had  at  Wash- 
ington thirty-seven  thousand  officers  and  clerks.  In  the  eleven 
decades,  the  total  executive  service  had  grown  from  a  thousand 
to  five  hundred  thousand,  including  army  and  navy.  And  yet 
the  Cabinet  had  grown  but  from  four  to  nine  members. 

Or  to  put  the  matter  in  relation  with  population:  In  1800 
we  had  5,000,000  under  the  flag,  and  four  Cabinet  officers; 
in  19 10,  over  100,000,000  and  but  nine  Cabinet  officers. 

The  American  Cabinet  is  not  likely  to  be  standardized  per- 
manently in  size  and  in  functions  as  it  stands  now. 

The  democratic  movement  tends  always  to  large  "colleges" 
of  deliberation, — courts,  legislatures,  councils.  It  tends  also 
to  magnifying  the  power  of  the  head  officer.  The  House  of 
Representatives  grows ;  and  with  here  and  there  only  an  occa- 
sional backset,  the  power  of  the  Speaker  grows.  The  Supreme 
Court  grows ;  and  the  power  of  the  Chief  Justice  grows.  The 
Cabinet  grows ;  and  the  power  of  the  President  over  it.  In  the 
multitude  of  councillors,  there  is  wisdom;  but  decision  and 
action  proceed  best  from  one  man. 

Several  new  departments  are  now  in  course  of  differentia- 
tion from  the  present  departments  and  of  integration  into  sepa- 
rate existence.  These  are  health,  education,  transportation, 
dependencies,  manufacture  and  labor.  There  is  talk  also  of  a 
special  department  of  government  industries.  Opportunism 
always  has  controlled,  and  yet  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  it 
always  will  control. 

The  forces  that  prevent  the  establishment  ot  new  depart- 
ments now  are: 

First,  fear  of  increasing  government  expenditures. 

Second,  fear  of  disturbing  the  status  quo  in  respect  to  tariff, 
to  currency,  to  internal  revenues  and  to  other  matters  in  which 
special  interests  have  special  stakes. 

Third,  the  unwillingness  of  Presidents  to  burden  themselves 
with  too  many  advisers,  and 

Fourth,  tradition,  especially  the  tradition  that  the  central 


198 


PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 


government  must  not  be  too  wise  and  too  strong  lest  individual 
liberty  and  initiative  decline. 

But  all  these  forces  together  will  not  stay  the  present  move- 
ments. Several  departments  are  cumbrous  and  incongruous, 
notably  Interior  and  War.  Nine  men  are  too  few  to  operate 
safely  and  efficiently  a  government  spending  annually  over  one 
billion  dollars.  The  present  departments  are  too  unequal. 
Democracy  itself,  logic,  science  and  common  sense  are  all  at 
work  to  force  change  and  progress. 

At  any  rate,  the  larger  the  Cabinet  the  less  each  Secretary 
would  play  the  politician,  and  the  more  would  he  be  expected  to 
work  at  his  department  business. 

Proposed  Cabinet. — The  additions  and  changes  proposed, 
if  all  should  be  carried  out,  would  make  a  Cabinet  of  eighteen 
or  twenty  members,  none  too  many  as  judged  by  contemporary 
nations. 

1.  State 

2.  Treasury 

3.  Army 

4.  Justice 

5.  Navy 

6.  Postoffice 

7.  Interior 

8.  Agriculture 

9.  Commerce 


17- 


18. 


10.  Labor 

11.  Transportation 

12.  Public  Health 

13.  Education 

14.  Manufacturers    19. 

15.  Mining 

16.  Colonies  and        20. 

Dependencies. 


Government  In- 
dustries 

Engineering  and 
Construction. 

Records  and  Sta- 
tistics 

Ocean  and  Wa- 
terways. 


The  functions  of  these  are  perhaps  sufficiently  indicated  by 
their  titles  or  known  from  history  save  in  respect  to  18  and  19. 
The  proposed  Engineering  Department  would  construct  all 
new  buildings,  roads,  etc.  The  Department  of  Records  and 
Statistics  would  record  and  preserve  all  statutes,  take  the 
census,  and  issue  patents  and  copyrights. 

The  more  familiar  one  becomes  with  actual  government  and 
with  the  movements  to  better  it,  the  more  desirable  and  the 
more  probable  Cabinet  expansion  appears. 


THE  PRESIDENT  AS  MAYOR  199 

CHAPTER  IV 

The  President  as  Mayor 

The  Capital  City — District  of  Columbia — its  history — negro  population 
and  local  government — vast  jurisdiction  of  nominally  local  courts — 
costs  and  expenses — relation  of  local  government  to  Cabinet  depart- 
ments. 

The  Capital  City. — In  an  important  sense,  the  President 
of  the  United  States  is  Mayor  of  the  Capital  City.  In  this 
sense,  he  performs  two  kinds  of  offices, — first,  he  signs  or 
vetoes  all  legislation  for  the  Capital,  and  second,  he  appoints 
all  the  heads  of  government,  including  the  three  Commis- 
sioners of  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  three  Justices  of  the 
Court  of  Appeals,  the  six  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  (infe- 
rior to  the  Court  of  Appeals),  and  the  Judges  of  the  Criminal 
Court.  At  present,  the  powers  of  the  President  are  greater 
than  at  most  earlier  periods  because  of  the  existing  form  of 
government. 

A  District  of  Columbia  Anomalous. — The  conception 
of  a  District  of  Columbia  to  be  independent  of  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  any  State  was  due  to  a  belief  that  the  new  government 
of  the  United  States  would,  in  a  sense,  be  a  referee  between 
the  several  sovereign  States,  for  which  purpose  the  Capital 
must  needs  be  upon  neutral  ground.  That  the  central  govern- 
ment was  to  be  paramount  some  feared  and  some  confusedly 
believed.  The  outcome  has  been  that  there  is  in  fact  little  more 
need  that  the  Capital  of  the  Nation  should  be  neutral  ground 
as  between  the  States  than  that  the  Capital  of  New  York 
should  be  a  District  of  Knickerbocker  within  the  State  but 
neutral  as  between  the  counties.  The  present  justification  of 
the  District  proceeds  upon  a  new  doctrine, — that  its  reason  for 
existence  is  to  have  a  beautiful  model  city  for  the  people  of 
all  the  States  and  of  all  the  nations  to  admire.  For  the 
creation  of  such  a  model  city,  all  the  people  of  the  nation  are 
to  be  taxed  whether  they  ever  see  Washington  or  not.  Of 
course,  this  is  not  Federalism,  it  certainly  is  not  Jeffersonian 
Republican  Democracy;  but  it  is  Nationalism,  and  as  such  must 
stand  or  fall. 

History  of  the  City. — The  city  of  Washington, — for- 


200  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

merly  but  a  part  of  the  District  of  Columbia, — was  planned 
by  Major  Pierre  Charles  L'Enfant  under  the  direction  of 
President  George  Washington  and  of  his  Secretary  of  State, 
Thomas  Jefferson.  Andrew  Ellicott,  who  later  became  pro- 
fessor of  civil  engineering  in  the  United  States  Military 
Academy  at  West  Point,  did  the  actual  surveying.  One  hun- 
dred and  ten  years  later,  in  1901,  President  Roosevelt,  by 
Senate  authorization  (not  that  of  Congress),  appointed  a  com- 
mission consisting  of  two  architects,  one  sculptor-artist,  and  a 
landscape  engineer,  to  develop  the  L'Enfant  plan  for  a  much 
larger  section  of  the  region  than  the  original  city  of  Wash- 
ington. 

The  city  was  chartered  in  1802,  with  a  mayor  appointed  by 
the  President  and  a  council  of  two  chambers,  elected  by  the 
people.  Then  under  the  Democrat,  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  con- 
troversy began  with  a  compromise.  According  to  the  Con- 
stitution, Article  I,  section  8,  "The  Congress  shall  have  power 
.  to  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatso- 
ever over  such  district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as 
may,  by  cession  of  particular  States,  and  the  acceptance  of 
Congress,  become  the  seat  of  government  of  the  United 
States."  This  section  was  adopted  on  Wednesday,  September 
5,  1787,  by  the  Constitutional  Convention  without  debate.  No 
one  knows  who  first  proposed  it  in  the  Committee  of  Eleven 
on  Detail.  There  is  no  scintilla  of  evidence  as  to  what  "ex- 
clusive legislation"  meant  to  the  "Fathers."  Two  parties  at 
once  developed,  the  one  asserting  that  it  meant  exclusive  of 
the  States,  the  other  exclusive  of  the  States  and  also  of  its 
own  inhabitants.  In  181 2,  the  residents  of  the  District  suc- 
ceeded in  doing  away  with  the  appointment  of  the  Mayor  by 
the  President  and  persuaded  Congress  to  pass  and  Madison  to 
sign  a  bill  making  the  Mayor  an  appointee  of  the  local  Council. 
In  1820,  Monroe  signed  a  bill  making  the  Mayor  the  choice  of 
the  inhabitants  by  vote.  This  system  of  free  self-government 
prevailed  until  1871. 

The  original  District  consisted  of  70  square  miles  of  land 
and  water  ceded  by  Maryland  and  of  30  square  miles  ceded  by 
Virginia.  (Originally,  Maryland  owned  all  the  Potomac  river, 
not  merely  to  mid-stream  but  to  the  edge  of  the  water  upon  the 
Virginia  side.  She  granted  10  square  miles  of  this  water  to 
the  United  States.)     But  in  1846,  when  Polk  was  President, 


THE  PRESIDENT  AS  MAYOR  201 

the  United  States  retroceded  the  Virginia  section,  thinking 
that  the  north  side  of  the  Potomac  plus  the  river  itself  afforded 
ample  room  for  development. 

The  Negro  Population. — In  1862  slavery  was  abolished 
in  the  District,  and  the  United  States  Government  paid  $900,000 
as  damages  to  the  owners  of  the  3000  slaves  thereby  emanci- 
pated, an  average  of  $300  each,  a  low  price,  but  a  year  later 
throughout  America  slaves  were  no  longer  property.1  The 
Emancipation  Proclamation  and  the  surrender  at  Appomattox, 
together  with  the  deaths  of  thousands  of  slaveholders,  sent 
many  freedmen  homeless  into  the  world.  The  tremendous 
operations  of  the  Interstate  War  had  multiplied  the  govern- 
mental employees.  And  the  colored  people  flocked  into  Wash- 
ington to  work  for  the  whites  there  for  wages.  Washington 
also  was  the  home  office  of  the  Freedmen's  Bureau. 

The  story  is  told  in  the  Census  figures : 

White.  Colored.  Total. 

1800 5,672  2,472  8,144 

1840 23,926  9,819  33745 

1850 37,941  13746  51,687 

i860 60,763  I4»3l6  75W9 

1870 88,278  43,404  131,682 

Suffrage  Abolished. — Even  the  Mexican  War  caused  a 
great  gain  in  population;  but  the  29,000  colored  population 
gain  in  the  Interstate  War  decade  swamped  the  District.  In 
1871  a  great  change  in  government  was  made.  A  Board  of 
Public  Works  was  created  to  introduce  better  street-making, 
sewers,  water-supply,  etc.  By  1874,  it  became  apparent  that 
the  freedmen  held  control.  To  offset  these  new  voters,  hordes 
of  whites  were  run  in  from  Maryland  and  voted  by  the  bosses. 
Then  by  the  urgency  of  President  Grant,  reconstruction  was 
undertaken  by  force.  The  ballot  was  abolished.  The  white  men 
of  the  District  of  Columbia  were  reduced  with  the  freedmen  to 
bring  the  proteges  of  government  like  the  Indians  on  reserva- 
tions. In  1878,  President  Hayes  made  the  new  system,  with 
some  even  more  rigid  features  "permanent. "  And  now  the 
District  of  Columbia  is  politically  nothing  less  than  Congress 

*Many  slaveholders  of  the  District  made  no  attempt  to  recover  payment 
for  their  slaves. 


202  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

and  the  President  operating  for  the  government  of  the  Capital. 
Congress  attends  fortnightly  to  the  District  business,  acting 
as  a  City  Council.  Four  Committees  attend  to  the  affairs  of 
the  District, — a  Senate  District  Committee,  a  House  District 
Committee,  and  two  corresponding  District  sub-committees  of 
the  Committees  on  Appropriation.  The  three  District  of  Co- 
lumbia Commissioners  have  scarcely  any  legislative  powers. 
Congress  prescribes  minute  details,  fearing  lest  advantage  be 
taken  of  it  during  its  usual  summer  recesses. 

Vast  Jurisdiction  of  Nominally  Local  Courts. — It  is 
anomalous  that  the  term  "District  of  Columbia"  in  respect  to 
the  Courts  of  the  District  should  not  be  confined  to  the  60 
square  miles  of  its  land  surface,  but  in  fact  the  District  Su- 
preme Court  has  been  given  by  Congress  special  jurisdiction 
over  the  territories  and  other  lands  and  the  seacoasts, — in  gen- 
eral, territorial  and  admiralty  powers  of  a  highly  technical 
nature. 

Under  President  Roosevelt,  the  city  of  Washington  was 
made  coterminous  with  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  its  sole 
present  usefulness  as  a  term  is  as  a  postal  station, — Washing- 
ton designating  the  most  thickly  settled  part  of  the  District. 

Costs  and  Expenditures. — The  total  costs  of  all  public 
buildings,  parks,  bridges  and  other  public  improvements  are 
unknown.  These  have  been  charged  to  several  different  De- 
partments, in  general  and  special  appropriation  bills,  with  the 
intent  to  conceal  the  facts.  A  fair  estimate  is  $125,000,000. 
The  annual  cost  of  the  District  Government  is  about 
$15,000,000,  all  items  included  that  are  properly  chargeable 
to  it ;  but  the  United  States  Government  in  addition  pays  out 
annually  in  the  District  to  its  37,000  employees  there  and  in 
the  maintenance  and  extension  of  its  many  buildings  $60,- 
000,000  more.  The  policy  of  Republicanism  has  been  to  build 
up  a  tremendous  body  of  people  and  of  machinery  for  use  in 
defence  of  its  system. 

Local  assessments  and  taxes  are  lower  than  anywhere  else 
in  the  United  States,  for  the  Government  pays  one-half  of  all 
District  expenses.  This  is  a  hedp  to  the  Congressmen  and 
Senators  and  governmental  officials  who  have  funds  for  real 
estate  investment  and  speculation.  Few  houses  are  owned  by 
their  occupants;  the  low  taxes  invite  absentee  landlordism 
also.     The  clerks  are  rent-payers. 


THE  PRESIDENT  AS  MAYOR  203 

The  present  population  is  335,000  persons,  of  whom  one- 
third  are  colored,  making  Washington  the  largest  negro  com- 
munity on  earth.  The  whites  and  blacks  are  all  educated  in 
one  system  of  public  schools,  but  of  the  one  hundred  and  sixty 
public  school  buildings,  ninety-seven  are  exclusively  for  whites. 
The  schools  are  controlled  by  a  board  of  education,  of  whom 
one- third  are  negroes;  this  board  is  appointed  by  the  judges 
of  the  District  Supreme  Court,  none  of  whom,  however,  is  a 
permanent  resident  of  the  District.  The  population  of  the 
District  is  transient;  one-fifth  of  its  number  on  the  average 
change  every  year. 

Relation  of  Local  Government  to  Cabinet  Depart- 
ments.— Over  this  city,  the  seventeenth  in  population  in  the 
United  States,  the  President  rules  by  no  choice  of  their  own 
and  with  far  more  power  than  any  elective  mayor  wields. 
But  in  point  of  fact,  he  is  so  busy  with  vastly  greater  concerns 
that  Washington  receives  but  little  of  his  personal  attention. 
Lincoln,  Roosevelt,  and  Taft  gave  considerable  thought  and 
attention  to  the  District  for  its  advantage ;  Grant,  Hayes,  and 
McKinley  encouraged  the  forces  of  evil.  But  Jefferson  and 
Madison  were  the  only  Presidents  who  dealt  with  its  anoma- 
lous character  honorably  and  wisely. 

Washington  was  a  heavy  speculative  investor  in  its  city  lots. 
To  Grant  must  be  debited  many  of  the  sources  of  such  gov- 
ernmental inefficiency,  extravagance  and  corruption  as  still 
stain  "the  American  City  Beautiful"  whose  slums  and  268 
alleys  are  not  surpassed  for  degradation  within  our  borders.1 

Usually,  the  President  assigns  the  duties  of  oversight  of 
the  District  to  two  Secretaries, — of  War  for  the  engineering 
problems,  and  of  the  Treasury  for  the  financial. 

The  glamour  of  the  moonlight  upon  the  glorious  Capitol 
blinds  many  eyes  to  the  facts  and  results  of  the  un-American 
political  system  of  helotage  in  Washington. 

Perhaps  in  some  wise  and  honest  administration,  Congress 
and  the  President  and  the  Courts  may  restore  Americanism  in 
the  American  Capital.  It  would  save  money.  It  would  cleanse 
us  of  hypocrisy.  And  it  would,  thereby,  restore  our  honor  at 
home  and  beyond  seas. 

xSee  pp.  507,  508. 


204  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

CHAPTER  V 
The  White  House,  Official  Home  of  the  Presidents 

Why  required  and  why  so  called — size  and  location — daily  life  of  a  Presi- 
dent— the  summer  capital — costs — salary  of  the  President. 

Why  Required  and  Why  So  Called. — The  business  of 
the  President  is  so  exacting  that  (as  in  the  case  of  the  States 
and  their  Governors)  the  nation  provides  for  him  a  building 
that  is  at  once  his  residence  and  his  office, — to  save  his  time. 
This  official  residence  is  the  scene  of  the  Cabinet  meetings,  of 
the  dinners  and  receptions  of  state,  of  the  labors  of  all  the 
President's  clerks,  and  of  his  home-life.  It  has  been  given 
individuality  by  being  termed  "The  White  House,"  from  the 
name  of  the  family  home  of  Mrs.  Washington  upon  the  Pa- 
munky  river,  Virginia.  When  the  British  burned  the  Presi- 
dent's freestone  mansion,  in  1814,  they  left  the  walls  standing, 
and  to  cover  the  smoke-stains,  it  was  painted  white,  making 
the  name  peculiarly  appropriate. 

Size  and  Location. — The  mansion  is  170  feet  long  by  86 
feet  deep,  and  has  two  stories,  each  very  high;  as  also  is  the 
basement  opening  from  the  lower  level  in  the  rear.  Upon  the 
front  is  the  Ionic  portico  that  gives  it  the  true  colonial  style. 
The  architect  was  James  Hoban,  who  modeled  his  plan  upon 
the  county  seat  of  the  Duke  of  Leinster,  near  Dublin,  Ireland. 
He  began  its  construction  in  1792,  and  President  George  Wash- 
ington closely  supervised  the  work,  though  it  was  not  com- 
pleted until  1799,  under  John  Adams.  It  was  rebuilt  under 
James  Madison,  during  which  time  he  lived  in  a  private  house 
called  by  its  owners  "The  Octagon"  because  of  its  shape. 

In  1902-03,  under  Roosevelt,  the  White  House  was  extended 
by  a  wing  to  include  a  new  Cabinet  room  and  a  set  of  executive 
offices,  so  arranged  in  conformity  with  a  fortunately  varying 
ground  level  of  the  site  as  not  to  modify  the  original  design 
of  the  main  structure. 

The  White  House  stands  at  an  elevation  of  forty  feet  above 
the  Potomac  river,  which  is  over  half  a  mile  away;  but  be- 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE  205 

tween  it  and  the  river  is  an  open  view  unobstructed  by  any 
building  save  the  mighty  monolith  of  the  Washington  Monu- 
ment. There  is  but  one  serious  objection  to  the  local  site, — it 
lies  below  the  evening-morning  Potomac  valley  fog-line.  The 
deaths  of  Harrison,  of  Taylor  and  of  Polk  have  been  ascribed 
by  many  to  the  local  malaria. 

The  Two  Floors. — The  first  floor  of  the  White  House  is 
devoted  entirely  to  the  public  uses  of  the  building.  Even  the 
library  is  upon  the  second  floor.  Some  of  its  rooms,  notably 
the  great  audience-hall,  the  East  Room,  have  been  the  scene  of 
many  famous  gatherings.  The  second  floor  constitutes  the 
home  of  the  President  and  of  his  family.  Both  the  basement 
and  the  third  or  attic  floor  serve  important  uses. 

Some  Incidents  Recalled. — What  an  interesting  history 
the  now  old  building  has  had !  That  East  Room  was  used  by 
Mrs.  Abigail  Adams  in  the  fall  of  1800  when  the  first  Presi- 
dent moved  into  the  mansion  for  clothes'  drying,  for  it  was 
unfinished.  The  building  stood  in  a  thicket  of  alder  bush,  with 
a  swamp  between  it  and  the  Potomac.  In  the  East  Room  the 
sons  of  Garfield  rode  bicycle  races  with  the  perilous  high  front 
wheel  now  to  be  seen  only  in  pictures.  There  the  Prince  of  Wales 
and  the  Crown  Prince  of  Germany  have  been  feted.  Out  upon 
that  lawn  Tad  Lincoln  drove  daily  his  pair  of  goats.  In  that 
second  story,  the  children  of  Grover  Cleveland  first  saw  the 
light  of  day.  There  the  first  wives  of  Tyler  and  of  Benjamin 
Harrison  died.  And  there  died  William  Henry  Harrison  and 
Zachary  Taylor.  To  it  Garfield  was  carried  after  being  shot, 
to  die  later  at  Elberon. 

There  Madison  and  Polk  and  Lincoln  and  McKinley  planned 
their  military  and  naval  campaigns.  And  it  is  pleasant  to 
recall  that  not  one  of  the  attempted  or  completed  murders  of 
a  President  has  ever  taken  place  in  it.  Jackson  was  assaulted 
at  the  Capitol,  Lincoln  at  Ford's  Theatre.  Even  Guiteau,  who 
called  upon  Garfield  the  morning  of  that  dreadful  July  day, 
waited  to  catch  him  two  hours  later  upon  less  historic  ground. 
McKinley  was  slain  at  Buffalo.  Every  manner  of  human 
being  has  visited  that  building,  including  an  Emperor. 

Historical  Events. — The  White  House  saw  first  Mrs. 
John  Adams  and  what  her  husband  styled  the  family  of  "five 
amiable  children,"  though  surely  J.  Q.  was  never  amiable.  She 


206  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

gave  the  first  public  reception  there  January  i,  1801.  Then 
forests  surrounded  it;  and  an  alder-swamp  lay  between  the 
Executive  Mansion  and  the  Capitol. 

It  saw  Thomas  Jefferson,  his  daughters  and  sons-in-law, 
and  his  grandchildren.  His  friends,  his  acquaintances,  the 
friends  and  acquaintances  of  his  friends  and  acquaintances, 
and  prominent  men  of  every  degree  of  prominence  dined  there 
as  at  a  plantation  home  in  hospitable  Virginia.  He  kept  open 
house  for  nearly  everyone  for  2922  days. 

The  White  House  saw  fascinating  Dolley  Madison ;  and  felt 
British  fire  and  vandal-hands.  Thereafter  it  wore  a  coat  of 
white  paint. 

It  saw  James  Monroe  and  his  two  daughters  and  sons-in- 
law. 

Then  it  saw  John  Quincy  Adams  again,  being  twenty-five 
years  older ;  and  already  nearly  sixty.  Until  his  death  in  1848, 
it  often  looked  upon  him.  It  saw  another  fine  Adams  family. 
The  Adamses  of  Massachusetts  never  were  Boston  Brahmins, 
never  quite  attained  the  highest  caste,  never  became  rich 
enough,  or  dull  enough,  mixed  too  much  in  politics  and  with 
the  vulgar,  and  had  too  large  families.  They  almost  attained : 
they  became  Presidents,  Ministers  to  England,  even  railroad 
presidents  and  prodigious  scholars.  But  the  sacred  ark  of  the 
covenant  of  being  strictly  first  class  has  not  yet  felt  their — lee 
us  say  it  plainly — common  hands,  common  and  laborious  and 
always  ambitious  and  distinctly  serviceable.1 

In  that  big  castle, — so  Mrs.  Abigail  styled  it, — when  he  felt 
tired  and  irritable  with  consumption  already  upon  him,  "Old 
Hero"  smoked  his  clay  pipe  and  dreamed  that  his  wife  was 
alive  again  to  sit  peacefully  and  to  smoke  with  him.  Thence 
Thor-like,  he  issued  his  fulminations  against  Nullification  and 
the  National  Bank,  and  blasted  each  with  his  lightnings. 

There  Van  Buren  dined  with  gold  spoons ;  and  gave  us  the 
best  financial  management  this  nation  ever  saw.  There  he 
smiled  and  smiled  and  played  the  political  game  of  the  first 
master  of  politics  of  his  day,  to  rank  almost  with  Jefferson  and 
Lincoln  and  McKinley,  and  to  miss  renomination  only  because 
of  a  foolish  two-thirds  rule. 

There  Harrison  with  his  fine  family  of  children  and  grand- 
children battled  with  the  hordes  of  office-seekers  brought  in 

xSee  pp.  251,  309. 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE  207 

by  the  new  railroads  and  with  the  dampness  of  the  Potomac 
valley  to  die  so  soon. 

There  Tyler  sat  at  one  wife's  bier  and  stood  with  her  suc- 
cessor in  marriage. 

There  Polk  schemed  and  won  empires  south  and  north. 
There  he  paid  out  all  his  energy, — to  die  two  months  after 
leaving  the  building.  There  his  beautiful  wife  held  her  stately 
receptions.  If  the  White  House  has  feelings,  how  it  must  have 
felt  for  the  devoted,  earnest,  childless  pair ! 

Taylor  came  next, — big,  happy,  rich,  with  good  wife,  chil- 
dren and  grandchildren.  They  must  have  cheered  the  old 
home.  The  days  of  Jefferson  were  come  again, — of  the 
Adamses,  of  Harrison.  There  was  plenty  of  money  and 
plenty  of  fun.     Typhoid  ended  this  joy. 

Fillmore  graced  the  fine  old  building.    And  Pierce  likewise. 

Buchanan  came  with  his  niece.  Life  now  was  very  courtly 
and  elegant  and  scrupulously  honest  and  economical.  There 
were  whispered  conferences.  There  was  almost  consternation. 
The  White  House  was  on  quicksand.  The  Republic  was  slip- 
ping down,  down. 

There  entered  a  strange,  tall  figure,  taller  than  he  who  had 
planned  the  building,  or  Jefferson  who  made  it  and  all  America 
democratic  and  welcomed  men  with  their  cronies  to  his  dinners, 
or  Fillmore  who  signed  the  Compromise  bills.  Abraham  Lincoln, 
— Father  Abraham,  Honest  Abe, — the  railsplitter, — who  had 
said,  "A  house  divided  cannot  stand," — entered  with  his  eager 
little  wife  and  the  three  boys.  He  prayed  there  at  midnight 
and  read  his  Bible  and  buried  little  Willie  from  its  doors. 
And  somehow  with  blood  for  mortar  the  quicksand  was  meta- 
morphosed into  adamant.  The  house  was  not  divided.  But 
in  it  lay  dead  the  master  of  us  all. 

Another  big  family  arrived,  the  Johnsons  of  Tennessee. 
Another  little  woman  was  there,  an  old,  old  lady,  mother  and 
grandmother,  frail  with  "old  fashioned  consumption."  One 
glad  day,  the  messenger  rushed  up  to  her  sitting-room  and 
cried,  "He's  acquitted.  They've  acquitted  the  President."  It 
was  a  very  important  day  to  the  little  lady  who  as  a  bride  of 
sixteen  had  taught  a  future  President  how  to  write  his  letters. 
But  it  was  also  a  very  important  day  to  millions  and  millions 
of  people.     A  President  impeached  for  politics  and  removed 


208  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

would  have  placed  the  Presidency  and  this  nation  beneath  con- 
tempt and  beyond  saving  as  a  republic. 

The  Grants  were  another  big  family  within  the  friendly 
walls.  The  White  House  became  the  rendezvous  for  the  war- 
made  millionaires.  Once  more  as  in  the  days  of  "Old  Hick- 
ory/' tobacco-smoke  pervaded  the  air;  but  it  was  from  good 
cigars,  not  clay-pipes.  Things  got  dim  and  confused.  There 
was  more  talk  of  impeachment.  Yet  the  President  himself 
talked  but  little. 

Hayes  came  and  banished  wine  and  cigars.  He  brought  in 
again  the  Bible  and  prayers.  He  brought  in  also  the  cares  of 
great  and  growing  wealth  and  yet  philanthropy.  And  he  had 
a  fine  family  with  him. 

Garfield  and  his  boys  romped  there.  Oh!  how  bright  the 
outlook  was  for  that  cheerful,  vigorous  man !  One  pistol-shot, 
and  the  night  slowly  settled  down. 

In  the  White  House,  Arthur  forgot  the  dull  days  when  he 
had  worked  his  way  through  college,  the  dark  days  when  his 
wife  died,  and  smiled  over  the  disgraceful  removal  from  the 
collectorship  of  the  port  of  New  York.  He  now  gave  to  him- 
self a  perfectly  good  time,  with  horses,  and  parties,  and  friends, 
and  good  meals  with  wine.  Incidentally,  he  did  his  work,  and 
ruined  his  health. 

Cleveland  came  a  bachelor.  Soon  a  very  lovely  young  bride 
arrived.  The  man  underwent  transformation.  Likewise,  the 
White  House,  for  it  remembered  another  beautiful  bride,  the 
second  wife  of  Tyler.  A  baby  arrived  also,  the  only  Presi- 
dent's child  ever  born  in  the  wonderful  building. 

Benjamin  Harrison  was  there,  methodical,  competent.  It 
was  a  gloomy  time,  for  his  wife  died  within  those  walls. 

An  astonishing  thing  happened !  Cleveland  came  back.  Har- 
rison had  feared  this,  yet  it  had  never  happened  before.  No 
one-termer  had  ever  been  resurrected.  Perhaps  Mrs.  Cleve- 
land was  the  cause.  Those  who  know  the  true  inwardness  of 
New  York  finance  say  so. 

McKinley  came.  The  White  House  must  be  quiet  as  in  the 
days  of  Jackson,  the  widower;  of  Tyler,  the  bereaved;  of 
Pierce  bereft  of  every  child  and  worried  over  an  invalid  wife ;  of 
Buchanan,  the  bachelor;  of  Lincoln,  the  war-grieved;  of  John- 
son, with  the  dear  invalid  old  wife;  and  of  Harrison,  likewise 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE  209 

troubled.  For  Mrs.  McKinley  was  frail  and  sad.  Black  cigars 
again  rilled  the  house  with  smoke  as  in  the  days  of  Grant.  But 
McKinley  was  a  mighty  toiler,  like  the  Adamses  and  Lincoln 
and  Cleveland.  His  health  was  wearing  away,  when,  crash! 
out  of  the  sky,  death  smote.  No  longer  can  the  White  House 
say  "Farewell,"  when  a  President  steps  out  for  an  airing  but 
only  "Adieu"— "May  you  go  to  God!"  and  "Good-bye"— 
"May  God  be  with  you!" 

A  transformation  followed.  It  was  as  though  both  Adamses, 
Jackson,  Grant  and  several  more  were  all  back  again.  Roose- 
velt with  wife  and  six  children  has  the  key  and  pass- word. 
The  White  House  must  have  wings  for  the  increasing  busi- 
ness. Social  life  is  restored, — finer  and  larger  than  ever 
before. 

With  a  fifty  per  cent,  increase  of  salary,  and  with  a  travel- 
ling allowance,  William  H.  Taft  arrived,  a  vast  person,  cheer- 
ful, industrious,  frequently  at  home. 

Daily  Life. — The  daily  routine  of  a  President  usually 
begins  with  a  late  rising, — at  eight  o'clock  perhaps.  After 
breakfast  and  exercise  indoors  or  out,  and  reading  of  news- 
papers, edited  for  him  by  clerks,  about  ten  o'clock  he  steps  over 
to  the  Executive  offices,  recently  built,  and  reads  the  mail  and 
signs  or  at  least  approves  important  letters  from  the  day  before. 
The  day's  new  mail  may  include  300  or  1300  or  even  3300 
first  class  letters,  for  in  times  of  excitement,  there  is  no  spar- 
ing of  the  President  by  his  constituency  of  95,000,000  Ameri- 
cans. Of  these  communications,  he  may  see  twenty  or  thirty 
and  hear  something  of  a  hundred  or  so,  all  in  an  hour,  for 
at  eleven  o'clock  comes  the  time  of  official  callers  by  appoint- 
ment,— including  judges,  senators,  representatives,  governors, 
politicians,  journalists,  business  men,  whomever  he  has  ar- 
ranged to  see  that  day.  Their  number  may  be  fifty,  and  it 
may  be  that  a  single  delegation  comes  two  hundred  strong.  At 
twelve  o'clock,  the  President  sees  the  officers  of  the  executive 
branch  of  government, — secretaries,  consuls,  army  and  navy 
officers,  bureau  chiefs.  Twice  a  week,  at  this  hour,  he  holds 
his  Cabinet  meeting,  which  may  last  several  hours.  On  other 
days,  at  one  or  one-thirty  o'clock,  he  has  lunch,  usually  in  his 
private  office.  About  two  or  two-thirty  he  takes  up  his  real 
work, — bills  from  Congress  awaiting  his  consideration,  and 


210  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

messages,  annual  or  special,  to  Congress, — orders  to  the  De- 
partments, plans  for  the  future.  At  four,  he  goes  out  for 
recreation  or  exercise,  usually  returning  at  six  o'clock.  The 
usual  dining-hour  is  seven- thirty  o'clock.  After  dinner,  the 
President  sees  by  appointment  such  persons  as  he  may  desire 
to  see, — these  evening  appointments  indicate  business  of  great 
importance.  At  nine  or  ten  o'clock,  he  may  make  or  receive 
calls  or  go  for  an  hour  or  so  to  the  theatre  or  to  some  public 
function.  At  eleven  o'clock,  he  has  an  hour  or  two  by  himself 
for  such  business  or  study  as  he  may  have  reserved  for  special 
attention.  When  Congress  is  in  session,  the  President  seldom 
retires  before  twelve  or  one  o'clock. 

The  Summer  Capital. — Theodore  Roosevelt  set  up  "a 
summer  Capital"  at  Oyster  Bay,  Long  Island,  his  country 
home,  where  he  could  at  once  escape  the  heat  of  Washington, 
get  better  outdoor  recreation  than  in  the  Potomac  valley, 
and  do  more  work.  William  H.  Taft  has  followed  the  custom, 
but  as  in  1909  and  191 1  he  called  special  spring  and  summer 
sessions  of  Congress,  his  vacations  at  Beverly,  Massachusetts, 
have  been  little  more  than  week-ends,  entailing  two  nights  each 
week  spent  on  railroad  trains.  Of  course,  the  term  "summer 
capital"  is  purely  humorous.  The  Constitution  recognizes  only 
the  District  of  Columbia.  The  "summer  capital"  plan  does  not 
greatly  change  the  President's  hours,  for  he  must  still  spend 
most  of  his  time  every  day  upon  the  public  business;  and  he 
must  always  be  ready  for  great  emergencies. 

President  McKinley,  Roosevelt,  and  Taft  have  all  been  great 
travellers,  making  tours  throughout  the  country  for  various 
purposes. 

Costs  of  the  White  House. — The  home  of  the  President 
is  maintained  in  respect  to  its  public  functions  at  national  cost. 
What  should  be  a  personal  expense  and  what  a  national,  has 
always  been  a  vexatious  question.  In  the  Office  of  the  Comp- 
troller of  the  Treasury,  who  follows  the  appropriation  acts 
with  minute  literalness,  disallowance  of  a  White  House 
voucher  is  by  no  means  uncommon.  The  automobiles  and 
carriages  and  carriage-horses  are  paid  for  and  maintained  at 
public  cost;  but  the  riding-horses  he  must  buy  and  care  for 
himself.  In  addition,  he  has  $25,000  to  pay  travelling  ex- 
penses for  himself,  secretaries  and  guests.    The  Government 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE  211 

allows  him  a  barber — at  $1600  a  year — for  himself  and  his 
guests,  and  provides  cooks  and  other  servants  for  his  family 
since  in  fact  his  household  is  never  without  official  guests. 
But  his  family  buys  its  own  postage  stamps  and  theoretically 
a  private  letter  from  the  President  is  not  "franked"  but 
stamped.  As  head  of  the  army,  he  is  attended  by  the  Surgeon- 
General  or  other  physician  who  looks  out  for  his  health  and 
often  visits  him  or  travels  with  him.  The  annual  cost  of  the 
White  House  is  about  $285,000  a  year,  but  this  includes  all 
the  dozen  or  score  of  salaries  to  the  President's  official  clerks. 
This  allowance  antedates  a  salary  to  the  President,  for  Wash- 
ington would  accept  no  salary  but  did  accept  the  refund  of  his 
actual  expenses.  It  is  a  curious  feature  of  these  costs,  taken 
comparatively  that  Jefferson  spent  six  or  seven  thousand  dol- 
lars a  year  on  wines  for  his  guests,  out  of  his  own  pocket, 
Hayes  refused  to  allow  wines  and  liquors  to  be  served  in  the 
White  House,  while  Roosevelt,  himself  virtually  a  non-user, 
sent  in  annual  bills  of  from  fourteen  to  seventeen  thousand 
dollars  for  wines  for  his  state  dinners.  Jefferson  died  insol- 
vent. The  fifty  thousand  dollars  worth  of  wine  drunk  in  his 
eight  years  of  social  necessity  told  the  story.  Had  he  been 
President  one  hundred  years  later, — the  Roosevelt  time, — he 
might  have  retired  with  a  snug  competence. 

Salary  of  the  President. — Lincoln  was  paid  $103,000  to 
fight  the  Civil  War  through  for  us.  Though  he  had  a  family, 
he  managed  to  save  a  few  thousand  dollars  each  year  out  of 
his  $25,000  salary.  Grant  drew  $50,000  a  year.  The  salary 
was  raised  for  Taft  to  $75,000.  For  the  direction  of  an  expen- 
diture of  $1,100,000,000,  it  is  little  enough  compared  with 
salaries  in  business.  Probably  for  a  long,  long  time  to  come, 
no  man  will  be  elected  President  whose  friends  cannot  raise 
for  his  nomination  and  election  at  least  five  or  six  millions  of 
dollars. 

Buchanan  and  his  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury  construed 
White  House  costs  so  severely  against  himself  that  though  he 
was  a  bachelor  whose  niece  presided  over  his  home  for  him, 
he  came  out  of  his  term  poorer  than  when  he  went  in.  But 
with  the  present  salary,  it  is  as  likely  as  it  is  desirable  that  a 
solvent  man  becoming  President  may  anticipate  that  a  single 
term  will  leave  him  to  enjoy  his  later  old  age  in  reasonable 


212  PRESIDENTIAL  POWERS 

financial  comfort,  from  returns  upon  the  investment  of  sav- 
ings from  his  salary. 

Hard  Work  in  the  Greatest  Comfort.— The  Presidency 
is  hard  work  and  responsibility  not  easily  measureable  under 
relatively  luxurious  conditions.  After  it  is  over,  the  former 
President  has  earned,  if  he  so  desires,  leisure  with  dignity.1 
But  he  will  no  longer  be  able  to  spend  money  upon  the  White 
House  scale.  Its  annual  cost  of  a  quarter  of  a  million  dollars 
would  require  the  income  of  a  five-millionaire. 

2But  see  p.  62,  supra. 


PART  THREE 
LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 


"Show  mc  the  men,  and  I  shall  show  you  the  laws." 

— Scottish  Proverb  of  the  Fifteenth  Century. 


CHAPTER  I 

George  Washington 

1789-1797 
1732-1799 

13-16  States.  1790 — Population  3,929,214 

Thirteen  original  States:  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia.  Admitted:  Vermont,  Kentucky,  Ten- 
nessee. 

The  sifting  of  the  civil  war — a  social  revolution  as  well  as  a  war  of 
independence — new  elements  in  population — why  not  king? — ancestry 
— wealth — the  Fairfax  family — woodcraft — visits  Barbadoes — inherits 
fortune  of  brother — visits  Ohio  country — Indian  fighter — Fort  Neces- 
sity— Braddock's  Defeat — in  anger  visits  Boston — ill  health — helps  at 
Fort  Duquesne — scandals — marriage — copious  in  letter-writing — silent 

of    tongue his    slaves — Mount    Vernon — fox-hunter — member    of 

House  of  Burgesses — dines  with  Governor  Dunmore — but  supports 
rebel  cause — delegate  to  Congress  in  1774  and  in  1775 — Commander- 
in-chief — immense  physical  strength — campaigns  from  Cambridge  to 
Yorktown  reviewed — brilliant  Benedict  Arnold — military  friendships — 
hard  work — severe  critic  of  speculators — courage — resigns  and  asks 
Congress  for  money  due — Mount  Vernon  again — land-purchases  in 
the  West — Annapolis  Convention — President  of  Federal  Constitutional 
Convention — first  signer — the  verdict  of  history — unanimously  elected 
President — rise  of  two  parties,  Federalists  and  anti-Federalists — reads 
his  messages  to  Congress — appointments  in  the  executive  branch — a 
little  incident  in  which  John  Hancock  figured — Indian  wars — the  State 
debts — the  National  Capital — Alexander  Hamilton — Thomas  Jefferson 
— the  Whiskey  Rebellion — the  so-called  "Scotch-Irish" — the  foreign 
policy — Citizen  Genet — the  Farewell  Address — threatened  war  with 
France — causes  of  his  death — the  great  fortune  left  by  Washington — 
he  helped  to  change  the  history  of  the  world — a  strong  centraliza- 

215 


216  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

tionist — "first  in  war,  first  in  peace,  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  country- 
men." 

Sifted  Out  by  the  Civil  Revolution. — "Formed  to  con- 
trol men,  not  amaze," — such  is  the  phrase  that  James  Russell 
Lowell  in  the  Commemoration  Ode  used  in  that  final  critical 
judgment  which  is  commonly  accorded  alone  to  poets.  To 
control  means  to  draw  together.  It  is  a  beautiful  word,  and 
it  does  indeed  fitly  estimate  the  character  of  the  first  Presi- 
dent, after  he  had  learned  no  longer  to  amaze  men. 

It  was  a  happy  event  that  when  in  1788  the  people  voted 
and  in  1789  the  Electoral  College  met  to  record  their  will,  all 
had  voted  for  one  man.  Had  he  been  a  lesser  man,  it  would 
still  have  been  a  happy  event,  portentous  to  thrones  every- 
where, significant  of  the  dawn  of  a  new  day,  announcing  the 
nova  or  do  saeclorum  as  the  great  seal  of  the  United  States 
declares. 

The  Changed  Population. — Four  million  men  and  women 
and  children,  almost  the  very  babies  themselves,  believed  that 
they  knew  the  worth  of  George  Washington.  It  was  a  selected 
population.  Many  heroes  had  died  during  the  long  grinding 
of  the  Revolution,  some  in  battle,  some  in  prison-ships,  some 
of  hardship,  disease,  poverty;  a  few  had  perhaps  died  of  a 
normal  old  age.  From  the  old  colonial  population  of  perhaps 
two  and  a  half  million  in  1770, — not  more, — a  hundred  thou- 
sand who  preferred  King  George  had  been  exiled,  most  of 
them  by  force,  a  few  by  their  own  choice.  Among  them  were 
men  of  subordinate  disposition  who  love  masters, — helots, 
bureaucrats,  easy-going  traditionalists  who  will  not  really  think 
for  themselves,  gentlemen  of  birth  and  breeding;  and  they 
called  themselves  "loyalists."  "Sent  to  Halifax"  was  the 
popular  phrase  that  covered  the  cases  of  them  all.  In  fact, 
Massachusetts  did  ship  tens  of  thousands  to  Halifax,  and  Sam 
Adams  said  "nay"  to  their  plea  to  be  allowed  to  come  back. 
He  meant  not  to  have  their  breed  represented  in  the  new  nation. 
In  that  epoch,  "go  to  Halifax"  was  not  a  meaningless  objur- 
gation. His  action  as  government  probably  caused  the  failure 
of  President  Taft,  a  century  later,  to  win  Canada  for  reci- 
procity in  trade.  Their  children  remembered  and  reciprocated 
in  sentiment. 

Into  the  vacuums  created  here  and  there  by  the  fortunes  of 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  217 

changing  war,  after  1775,  a  new  element  poured.  For  all  the 
battling  and  other  guarreling,  America  became  a  seductive 
word.  The  migration  from  Europe  that  had  ceased  after  the 
founding  of  Philadelphia, — to  be  revived  but  briefly  when 
Georgia  was  founded, — began  again  after  1 776 ;  and  grew  and 
grew  after  the  French  treaty  of  1778.  New  families  came 
from  England  itself,  from  Ireland  and  Scotland,  from  France, 
from  Holland  and  Germany,  from  Canada.  Thousands  of 
King  George's  Hessian  hirelings  either  stayed  or  went  to  Ger- 
many and  then  returned, — they  liked  the  land  and  the  people 
against  whom  they  had  been  hired  as  war-slaves.  Thousands 
of  the  free  soldiers  of  King  Louis  of  France  stayed ;  or  going 
back  dutifully,  when  released  from  service,  returned  with 
wives,  sometimes  with  children.  This  new  element  totalled  in 
all  likelihood, — we  have  no  accurate  statistics, — six  hundred 
thousand,  perhaps  three-quarters  of  a  million.  And  a  million 
and  more  little  new  children  were  born  in  an  age  still  of  pro- 
lific births.  It  was  a  prosperous  time, — though  men  "talked 
poor." 

Why  Not  King. — The  Whigs  of  1770  had  become  the 
Patriots  of  1776  and  the  Americans  of  1788.  Legally  child- 
less leaders  do  not  favor  royal  dynasties.  Everyone  who  knew 
Washington, — and  in  1 788  he  was  by  far  the  best  known  man 
in  the  United  States, — knew  that  he  had  outgrown  the  idea  of 
an  American  empire.  He  regarded  no  man  as  fit  to  be  a  king. 

Ancestry. — George  Washington  was  born  February  22, 
1732,  at  Bridges  Creek  on  the  south  side  of  the  Potomac,  half 
a  hundred  miles  below  what  is  now  the  city  that  bears  his 
name.  His  great-grandfather  had  come  over  from  England 
in  1657,  after  the  overthrow  of  King  Charles  the  First,  and 
it  is  abundantly  established  that  he  was  a  Cavalier  and  King's 
supporter.  The  Washingtons  were  plantation-owners  and 
among  the  wealthiest  of  the  colonials  in  America,  where  they 
bore  themselves  with  something  of  the  stiff  pride  and  all  of 
the  rude  vigor  of  their  English  ancestors,  who  were  knights 
and  gentlemen  and  yeomen  of  indisputable  Norman  stock. 
George  was  the  first  child  of  his  father's  second  wife,  Mary 
Ball,  and  was  one  of  ten  children.  The  father  died  in  1743 
at  the  age  of  forty-nine  years ;  and  much  of  his  property  de- 
scended by  primogeniture  to  his  oldest  son  Lawrence,  half- 
brother  of  George.    But  even  so,  the  widow's  resources  were 


218  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

ample,  and  all  the  children  were  good  friends.  Lawrence  mar- 
ried a  daughter  of  William  Fairfax,  landed  proprietor  and 
owner  or  agent  of  the  vast  Fairfax  family  estates  mainly 
beyond  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains. 

The  Fairfax  Family. — In  1747  George  went  to  visit  his 
brother  Lawrence  at  a  time  when  Thomas  Lord  Fairfax  of 
England  was  living  in  Virginia.  Lord  Fairfax  was  a  man  of 
the  world,  a  bachelor  of  sixty  years,  who  immediately  fancied 
the  fifteen-year-old  lad  for  a  friend.  Next  year  he  sent  the 
youth  out  to  survey  his  properties. 

In  this  period,  George  Washington  was  already  nearly  six 
feet  tall,  with  light  blue  eyes  and  light  brown  hair,  and  with 
a  square  and  heavy  jaw.  They  called  him  "big,  fair  and  florid." 

Woodcraft. — With  the  lad  upon  this  adventure  into  the 
wilderness  went  George  Fairfax,  brother  of  Mrs.  Lawrence 
Washington.  They  surveyed  the  Shenandoah  valley  and  the 
Potomac  in  the  vicinity, — sleeping  in  tents  or  under  the  stars, 
meeting  with  Indians  and  a  few  stray  settlers,  and  learning 
woodcraft.  In  work  of  this  adventurous  character  as  a  public 
surveyor,  Washington  spent  his  time  for  three  years.  In  it  he 
acquired  yet  more  robust  muscular  strength,  physical  hardi- 
hood and  industrious  habits.  At  this  business  he  earned  from 
a  "doubloon  to  six  pistoles  a  day,"  as  the  young  man  proudly 
wrote  to  a  friend. 

Such  was  the  foundation  of  George  Washington ;  but  he  saw 
also  during  this  period  the  lighter  and  brighter  and  darker 
sides  of  life, — fox-hunting,  dancing  at  Greenaway  Court,  the 
Fairfax  manor-house,  roystering  in  the  backwoods  nights  and 
book-reading  in  bad  weather. 

Visits  Barbadoes. — In  1751  George  went  with  his  half- 
brother  Lawrence  to  Barbadoes  in  the  West  Indies,  where  he 
took  smallpox,  being  ill  for  a  month.  A  year  later  Lawrence 
died  of  consumption,  leaving  his  daughter  to  George  as  guar- 
dian and  protector  of  her  estates.  George  was  now  a  major 
of  militia,  well  taught  in  the  manual  of  arms  and  also  in  fenc- 
ing and  sword-play. 

In  I753»  when  but  twenty-one  years  of  age,  Washington 
was  sent  to  the  Ohio  river  country  by  Governor  Dinwiddie  to 
discover  the  plans  of  the  French  and  the  bearing  of  the  Indians. 
On  this  expedition,  he  and  his  sole  companion,  a  famous  fron- 
tiersman, Christopher  Gist,  once  tried  to  cross  a  river  on  a 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  219 

raft ;  Washington  fell  into  the  water  amid  floating  ice,  and  in 
his  frozen  clothes  passed  the  night  afterward  on  an  island. 

Fort  Necessity. — May  27,  1754  saw  Washington  in  his 
first  fight  with  the  French  and  Indians.  His  company  slew 
ten  of  them  and  took  twenty-one  prisoners,  and  official  France 
was  soon  in  an  uproar  over  the  battle  at  Great  Meadows. 
After  this  fight,  Washington,  now  become  a  colonel  through 
the  death  of  the  commander  of  the  expedition,  built  Fort 
Necessity.  And  there  at  Great  Meadows,  July  4,  1754,  sur- 
rounded by  a  force  four  times  as  great  as  his  own,  in  a  drench- 
ing rain  that  made  his  muskets  useless,  he  surrendered, — 
upon  a  parole  not  to  fight  for  a  year, — and  with  his  arms  re- 
turned to  the  Capital  of  Virginia,  Williamsburg.  Let  us  not 
praise  the  young  man  too  highly.  The  Seneca  chief,  Half- 
King,  Thanacarishon,  said  of  the  Fort  Necessity  affair,  that 
"The  French  acted  like  cowards,  the  English  like  fools." 

Indian  Fighter. — Like  a  Norseman  of  old,  the  young 
man  loved  fierce  fighting  and  great  danger.  He  had  to  learn 
discretion.  And  we  never,  never  get  great  men  the  other  way 
about.  No  heroic  great  man  begins  by  being  discreet  and  pro- 
ceeds to  have  courage,  none. 

Fretted  by  the  insolence  of  the  King's  orders  and  officers, 
and  in  bad  health,  Washington  then  withdrew  from  military 
affairs  for  a  brief  season  of  agricultural  direction  upon  his 
mother's  and  his  own  lands. 

Braddock's  Defeat. — The  year  1755  brings  us  to  Colonel 
Washington  as  the  right-hand  man  of  General  Edward  Brad- 
dock.  All  the  world  knows  of  that  affair  of  July  8th,  of  the 
ambush,  the  death  of  Braddock,  the  saving  of  a  remnant  of 
the  army  by  the  unflinching  courage  and  brilliant  leadership 
of  Washington  in  the  battle  and  in  the  retreat;  he  was  but 
twenty-three  years  old  even  now !  Two  horses  were  shot  under 
him.  Four  bullets  went  through  his  coat.  It  was  an  extra- 
ordinary affair  beyond  melodrama  and  other  fiction.  Four 
days  later,  they  laid  in  -his  grave  the  body  of  the  British  regular 
who  could  not  take  advice  either  from  the  mature  Franklin  or 
the  youthful  Washington;  who  solemnly  read  the  funeral  ser- 
vices for  the  dead,  there  in  the  primitive  wild. 

It  was  a  lesson  to  him, — the  British  disciplined  troops  could 
be  beaten  even  by  Indians. 

Visits  Boston. — George  Washington  was  now  the  first 


220  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

military  man  in  Virginia,  the  only  man  who  could  save  its 
towns  and  plantations  from  ravage  and  ruin  by  the  French 
and  Indians.  Year  after  year,  ill-supplied  with  money,  ill- 
supported  by  soldiery,  in  a  world  of  panic  and  fear,  upon  the 
farthest  edges  of  the  frontier,  Washington,  now  a  general  but 
almost  without  an  army,  kept  back  the  invaders  along  a  line 
of  three  hundred  and  fifty  miles. 

At  one  time,  he  must  go  in  rather  braggadocio  style  on  fine 
horses  all  the  way  to  Boston  to  see  Governor  Shirley  and  get 
a  matter  righted;  a  captain  with  the  King's  commission  had 
set  himself  up  to  rule  over  the  Virginia  general  of  volunteers. 
In  this  epoch,  Washington  wrote  scathing  letters  and  alto- 
gether conducted  himself  precisely  as  we  should  expect  such  a 
young  soldier,  rich,  healthy  and  brave,  to  conduct  himself 
when  betrayed  by  scoundrels,  insulted  by  pompous  nobodies, 
and  baffled  by  circumstance.  Early  in  1758,  the  health  even 
of  Washington  again  broke  down,  and  he  went  home  to 
Mount  Vernon  to  get  well.  Later  in  the  year,  he  led  the  van- 
guard for  the  invalid  General  Forbes,  sent  out  by  William 
Pitt.  They  took  Fort  Duquesne  and  named  the  new  defences 
Fort  Pitt. 

Marriage. — Of  the  early  love  and  other  affairs  of  Wash- 
ington, there  are  many  traditions  and  some  documents,  appar- 
ently of  his  own  writing.  The  latter,  if  true,  should  be  believed ; 
if  spurious,  should  be  bought  by  decent  patriots  of  means  and 
burned.  He  wras  notoriously  susceptible  to  feminine  charms ; 
and  yet  several  excellent  young  ladies  rejected  his  ardent  woo- 
ing. One  brave  and  gallant  claimant  upon  his  paternity  was 
an  aide  upon  his  own  military  staff.  But  posterity  has  chosen 
to  ignore — for  awhile — even  the  question  about  Washington, 
and  to  accept  the  truth  about  Franklin. 

Though  fair  young  well-born  maidens  turned  away  from 
his  wooing,  at  last  Washington  won  the  widow  of  Daniel 
Parke  Custis,  born  Martha  Dandridge;  and  became  step- 
father to  her  two  children  and  sharer  in  her  estates  and  goods, 
which  were  beyond  his  own.  She  was  three  months  his 
junior,  and  looked  petite  at  the  side  of  his  immense  figure. 
She  needed  a  husband,  her  children  needed  a  father,  and  her 
estates  needed  a  manager. 

There  was  a  brilliant  wedding  at  which  Washington  grati- 
fied to  the  limit  his  love  of  fine  clothes    The  bridegroom  wore 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  221 

blue  and  silver  trimmed  with  scarlet,  with  gold  buckles  at  his 
knees  and  on  his  shoes ;  the  bride,  silk,  satin,  lace  and  brocades 
with  pearls  on  her  neck  and  in  her  ears.  British  officers  in 
redcoats  and  goldlace  adorned  the  scene. 

Silent  of  Tongue. — Three  months  later,  Washington, 
being  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  became  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses.  The  Speaker  spoke  eloquently  of  his 
services,  and  the  youthful  general  rose  to  reply  but  failed, 
whereupon  the  graceful  Mr.  Robinson  relieved  his  confusion 
by  saying,  "Sit  down,  Mr.  Washington ;  your  modestly  equals 
your  valor,  and  that  surpasses  the  power  of  any  language  I 
possess!"  And  we  who  read  of  this  occurrence  recall  that 
George  Washington  presided  over  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention in  1787  for  four  months  and  never  made  a  single 
speech  nor  said  anything  save  what  was  absolutely  necessary 
in  the  way  of  parliamentary  ruling. 

Silent!  George  Washington  goes  down  into  history  as  a 
man  who  loved  to  talk  with  his  friends  at  table  and  who  wrote 
many,  many  letters, — perhaps  more  than  any  other  American 
until  the  days  of  expert  stenographers  and  typewriters, — but 
who  never  made  a  speech.  In  public,  he  was  a  doer  of  the 
word,  not  a  teller,  not  an  exhorter.  History,  however,  is 
obliged  to  record  that  he  early  lost  all  his  teeth  and  did  not 
acquire  even  the  famous  uncomfortable  hinged  false  teeth  of 
ivory  until  he  was  President. 

Inherits  Fortune  of  Brother. — Upon  the  death  of  the 
daughter  of  his  brother  Lawrence,  Washington  inherited  all 
her  estates.  His  wife  brought  to  the  family  in  gold  a  quarter 
of  a  million  dollars.  And  it  is  well  to  understand  that  with- 
out his  great  wealth,  Washington  with  his  measure  of  ability 
could  not  have  put  the  Revolutionary  War  through  to  final 
success.  No  Sam  Adams,  dependent  upon  the  charity  of 
friends  for  new  suits  of  clothes,  could  have  led  the  Patriot 
Army  through  seven  years  of  struggle  and  vicissitude. 

His  Slaves. — George  Washington  now  set  out  to  become 
a  successful  planter.  His  wheat  flour  became  prominent  in 
the  London  market.  He  raised  large  quantities  of  good 
tobacco.  His  horses  were  thoroughbred.  But  his  farming 
was  all  done  with  slave-labor ;  his  milling  likewise.  It  is  said, 
in  his  defence,  perhaps  not  with  literal  truth,  that  he  "never 
bought  or  sold  one  slave."    Over  his  negroes,  he  maintained 


222  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

military  discipline;  but  tradition  says  that  he  gave  far  more 
than  ordinary  care  to  their  shelter,  clothing  and  food. 

Mount  Vernon. — This  is  the  first  Mount  Vernon  home 
period  of  his  life, — when  he  enjoyed  his  beautiful  house 
and  estate  with  its  broad  vista  over  the  Potomac  river,  with 
his  family  and  guests  and  with  a  steady  hope  that  the  troubles 
threatening  upon  the  horizon  would  all  blow  over.  He  was 
considered  the  first  military  man  in  all  the  colonies  and  by 
many  in  the  North  regard  as  the  first  of  American  gentlemen. 
His  hard,  adventurous  youth  and  early  manhood  were  passed ; 
and  he  had  risen  to  the  calmer,  less  passionate,  more 
methodical  days  of  mature  life.  What  the  future  contained, 
he  did  not  in  the  least  see  or  suspect.  He  was  not  a  moral  or 
social  reformer  but  quite  ready  to  take  life  as  he  found  it 
and  to  make  it  as  successful  as  possible. 

Much  of  his  time,  he  spent  in  fox-hunting,  often  with  his 
stepson  "Jacky"  Custis  as  his  sole  companion.  In  all  his 
delight  in  good  living  and  in  social  gayety  upon  his  estate 
and  with  his  friends  among  the  country  neighbors  and  at 
Williamsburg,  the  Colonial  Capital,  the  fighter  in  him  was 
only  asleep,  not  dead. 

The  Episode  of  the  Poacher. — We  read  of  one  entirely 
characteristic  adventure.  He  had  warned  a  poacher  off  his 
lands.  One  day,  he  found  him  again  shooting  his  canvas- 
back  ducks  in  the  water  courses  along  the  Potomac  river 
front.  When  the  trespasser  levelled  his  gun  at  Washington 
to  drive  him  away,  the  latter  urged  his  horse  into  the  water, 
seized  the  man,  boat  and  gun,  dragged  them  ashore,  and  then 
gave  the  poacher  a  beating.  The  poacher  troubled  Washing- 
ton no  more.  The  incident  displays  his  good  qualities;  and 
shall  we  say  some  of  his  bad?  Washington  loved  property 
and  intended  to  maintain  his  property  rights;  he  was  totally 
devoid  of  fear  and  laughed  at  danger — What  cared  he  for  a 
poacher's  gun  ?  His  temper  was  hot.  The  fact  that  the  man 
was  landless,  penniless  and  desperate  did  not  stay  his  hand. 
He  was  the  justly  angry  lord,  the  trespasser  a  rascal  deserving; 
chastisement;  and  Washington  was  policeman  enough  per- 
sonally to  attend  to  the  matter. 

Member  House  of  Burgesses. — The  county  sent  Wash- 
ington to  the  House  of  Burgesses  where  he  had  great  in- 
fluence from  his  wealth,  his  reputation,  his  personal  bearing 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  223 

and  his  vigorous  character.  He  heard  there  the  Tarquin 
speech  of  slender  Patrick  Henry,  four  years  his  junior;  and 
assented  heartily,  soon  becoming  a  leader  of  the  Virginia  non- 
importation party,  which  vigorously  supported  the  radicalism 
of  Samuel  Adams. 

Rebel,  yet  Polite. — When  the  Burgesses  appointed  June 
1,  1769,  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  and  of  considera- 
tion of  the  direful  Boston  Port  Bill,  Washington  had  fasted 
and  prayed  and  considered;  but  the  very  day  that  the  Bur- 
gesses so  voted,  he  could  not  resist  the  fascination  of  an 
invitation  to  dine  with  Governor  Dunmore  and  to  dance  at 
the  ball  with  Lady  Dunmore.  He  had  the  delight  of  the  ever- 
rising  man  in  being  called  into  the  company  of  the  yet  greater; 
and  he  loved  dinners  and  dances — with  or  without  his  wife. 

In  the  fateful  last  days  of  the  colonial  period,  Washington 
wrote  to  his  old  friend  Bryan  Fairfax  characterizing  General 
Gage  of  Massachusetts  as  a  "Turkish  bashaw,"  and  his  course 
as  "unexampled  testimony  of  the  most  despotic  system  of 
tyranny  ever  practiced  in  a  free  government."  No  "whining" 
for  relief,  no  "supine"  sitting  for  George  Washington,  even 
if  his  logic  about  tyranny  and  free  government  was  a  little 
mixed.  Upon  August  1,  1774,  he  stands  right  up  in  meeting 
at  Williamsburg  and  thus  delivers  himself, — "I  will  raise  a 
thousand  men,  subsist  them  at  my  own  expense,  and  march 
them  to  the  relief  of  Boston." 

Truthful  history  is  obliged  to  record  that  at  this  time, 
Washington  was  a  claimant  of  the  King's  government  in 
London  for  a  perfected  title  to  30,000  acres  of  land  in  the 
West,  and  that  his  agents  were  being  balked  exasperatingly 
by  pettifogging  legalists  and  red  tape  officials  and  clerks. 

In  Congress  in  Full  Dress  Uniform. — George  Wash- 
ington was  a  delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress  of  1774, 
with  its  interesting  membership  of  shipowners,  merchants, 
lawyers,  and  planters.  When  the  sessions  were  over,  he  made 
Mount  Vernon  a  rendezvous  for  the  friends  and  acquaint- 
ances of  the  French  and  Indian  wars.  He  went  to  the 
revolutionary  convention  at  Richmond  and  heard  Patrick 
Henry  cry, — "Give  me  liberty,  or  give  me  death !"  And  again 
answered  "Yea"  by  beginning  to  organize  companies  of  sol- 
diers. 

Next  spring  Washington  heard  the  news  of  Lexington  and 


224  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Concord,  and  went  up  to  Philadelphia  resolved  upon  his 
course.  He  wrote  to  his  now  aged  friend  George  Fairfax 
in  England,  "The  plains  of  America  are  either  to  be  drenched 
in  blood  or  inhabited  by  slaves.  Sad  alternative!  But  can  a 
virtuous  man  hesitate  in  his  choice  ?" 

The  critical  question  was:  "Would  Congress  declare  for 
peace  or  for  war?"  Washington  was  for  war.  And  he  sat 
there  in  the  Second  Continental  Congress  with  his  blue  and 
buff  uniform  of  the  Virginia  colonel  upon  him  as  if  to  say, — 
"I'm  ready."  When  on  June  15,  1775,  Jonn  Adams,  intend- 
ing to  persuade  the  Continental  Congress  to  adopt  officially 
the  militia  of  New  England  and  Long  Island  about  Boston, 
arose  to  nominate  him  commander-in-chief, — rich  John  Han- 
cock was  his  only  rival, — Washington  withdrew  from  the 
hall.  Six  days  later,  he  set  forth  upon  his  second  journey  to 
Boston;  to  meet  twenty  miles  out  a  messenger  bearing  the 
great  news  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  "Did  the  militia 
fight?"  he  asked. 

"Yes." 

And  he  replied,  "Then  the  liberties  of  the  country  are  safe." 

Commander-in-Chief. — Washington  was  now  forty-three 
years  of  age.  For  all  his  good  eating  and  drinking,  he  had 
kept  his  muscles.  He  had  seen  the  country, — he  had  been  to 
the  Ohio  river  three  times,  to  Boston  once,  to  Philadelphia 
often.  He  knew  the  sea.  He  could  ride  horseback  incom- 
parably well;  yet  was  never  to  learn  how  to  organize  and 
to  handle  cavalry  in  action.  He  could  walk  and  run  cross- 
country, swim,  fence,  shoot.  He  understood  accounting  and 
surveying,  and  had  read  about  engineering,  finance  and  war- 
strategy.  He  was  familiar  with  the  colonial  great  men,  and 
himself  lorded  it  over  the  lesser, — a  manner  and  a  notion  that 
he  was  to  outgrow  with  experience.  And  now  he  must  com- 
mand soldiers  who  elect  their  own  captains  and  make  out  of 
militia  an  army  to  drive  the  British  out  of  Boston.  He  is  the 
gentleman  aristocrat  who  will  help  a  whole  land  escape  from 
monarchy  and  bureaucracy  into  representative  democracy. 

The  story  of  George  Washington,  the  Patriot  General, 
from  his  taking  command  under  the  elm-tree  at  Cambridge 
until  the  sword  of  Cornwallis  is  gracefully  handed  back  at 
Yorktown  is  material  enough  for  many  books.  The  world 
will  never  tire  of  its  main  features.     From  Cambridge  he 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  225 

writes  home, — "I  have  made  a  pretty  good  slam  amongst 
such  kind  of  officers  as  the  Massachusetts  government 
abounds  in,  since  I  came  into  this  camp,  having  broke  one 
colonel  and  two  captains  for  cowardly  behavior  in  the  action 
on  Bunker  Hill,  two  captains  for  drawing  more  pay  and 
provisions  than  they  had  men  in  their  company,  and  one  for 
being  absent  from  his  post  when  the  enemy  appeared. 
Besides  these,  I  have  at  this  time  one  colonel, 
one  major,  one  captain  and  two  subalterns  under  arrest  for 
trial.  In  short,  I  spare  none;  and  yet  fear  it  will  not  all  do, 
as  these  people  seem  to  be  too  attentive  to  everything  but 
their  own  interests." 

Many  of  them  stood  for  all  that  he  was  and  did;  they  knew 
what  his  performances  had  been  at  Braddock's  defeat.  And 
yet  more  than  half  of  them  soon  were  home  again.  Through- 
out the  war,  Washington  must  deal  with  a  Congress  of  talkers 
and  theorists  and  in  too  many  instances  cheap  politicians,  with 
Governors  of  States  in  their  political  infancy,  with  factionaries 
and  traitors  in  his  army,  with  inadequate  supplies  and  muni- 
tions of  war,  with  alien  elements  and  every  manner  of  incom- 
petence and  ill-will.  Four  things  carried  him  through;  first, 
his  own  indomitable  fortitude;  second,  the  pride  of  his  faith- 
ful soldiers  in  the  high  and  valiant  way  in  which  their  general 
carried  himself;  third,  the  unwillingness  of  the  Howes,  Gen- 
eral and  Admiral,  Whigs,  to  help  the  Tories  too  much,  being 
themselves  also  lazy  and  happy  with  their  wine  and  women; 
and,  finally,  the  coming  of  the  French. 

Under  the  conditions,  Washington  was  a  good  field-com- 
mander, improving  with  practice;  and  he  was  more  than 
simply  a  soldier.  He  saw  the  war  in  its  larger  relations,  send- 
ing Arnold  to  win  Canada,  who  lost,  however,  by  a  fluke 
upon  the  Plains  of  Abraham. 

Washington  was  keen  for  those  little  details  which  delight 
soldiers'  hearts  but  drive  away  the  weaklings  and  the 
fractious.  Every  man  knew  that  he  preferred  to  lead  in  front, 
not  to  direct  from  the  rear.  Perhaps,  he  held  too  many 
councils  of  war  with  his  subordinates,  in  the  fashion  of 
American  "levelling";  but  often  he  overruled  them,  for  he 
knew  that  one  good  mind  alone  is  better  than  one  good  mind 
submerged  by  several  lesser  ones.    He  preferred  battle  to  siege 


226  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

and  to  delay.  And  he  understood  perfectly  the  pomp  and  cir- 
cumstance of  war;  and  dressed  to  look  his  chief  part. 

But  limitations  of  space  forbid  us  to  follow  General  Wash- 
ington from  Dorchester  Heights  to  New  York  and  Long 
Island, — to  New  Jersey  and  Trenton, — to  Philadelphia, — to 
Valley  Forge, — to  Monmouth, — to  Morristown,  until  he 
swoops  down  upon  the  British  at  Yorktown  where,  shut  in 
from  the  sea  by  the  French  ships  of  Count  de  Grasse,  the 
13,000  British  surrendered  to  the  15,000  Americans  and 
French. 

At  Boston,  he  had  14,000  soldiers;  after  the  defeat  at  the 
Long  Island  battle  scarcely  4000;  even  less  at  Valley  Forge 
after  the  failures  at  Germantown  and  the  Brandywine ;  nearly 
thirteen  thousand  at  Monmouth.  Generally,  the  British  out- 
numbered him  two  to  one.  In  1781,  they  had  120,000  men  in 
America,  and  spent  upon  the  war  one  hundred  million  dollars. 

It  is  sometimes  said  that  the  Patriots  could  not  have  won 
but  for  the  assistance  of  the  French.  It  might  have  been  added 
that  the  British  could  not  have  fought  but  for  their  thirty 
thousand  Hessian  hirelings  and  twenty-five  thousand  Ameri- 
can Loyalists,  for  this  was  a  civil  war. 

There  are  several  features  of  the  story  of  George  Wash- 
ington during  the  Revolution  that  are  noteworthy,  some  in- 
trinsically, some  because  of  their  bearing  upon  his  policies  as 
President  of  the  United  States. 

His  Physical  Strength. — There  is  a  well  authenticated 
story  that  tells  of  his  physical  strength.  In  the  early  morning 
of  that  memorable  Christmas  at  Trenton,  he  came  upon  three 
soldiers  trying  to  lift  some  tent  equipment  into  a  wagon  and 
unable  to  do  so.  He  leaned  over,  seizing  all  the  stuff  in  his 
very  long  arms  and  with  one  mighty  swing  heaved  the  para- 
phernalia into  the  wagon.  Small  wonder  that  such  soldiers 
as  he  could  keep  together  admired,  worshipped,  idolized  the 
amazing  man.  When,  from  Valley  Forge,  he  wrote,  "I  feel 
for  them  superabundantly,"  he  wrote,  as  always  in  mature 
life,  the  truth  as  he  saw  it.    Often  he  wept  among  the  slain. 

The  winter  at  Morristown  two  years  after  Valley  Forge 
was  quite  as  trying  as  the  misery  of  the  huts  on  the  bleak  hill- 
sides by  the  Schuylkill,  where  Aaron  Burr  stood  as  first 
sentry  toward  Germantown.    The  General  would  sit  at  dinner 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  22^ 

usually  over  nuts  and  wine  for  hours  and  hours  chatting  with 
his  officers  and  guests. 

Hard  Worker. — Perhaps  the  most  absurd  of  all  the  ab- 
surd notions  that  prevails,  by  a  false  tradition,  regarding 
Washington  is*  that  he  was  not  intellectually  clever.  Great- 
ness is  conceded  to  him,  but  not  "smartness."  He  wrote  a 
prodigious  number  of  letters  usually  in  his  own  hand.  Often 
for  weeks  and  weeks  in  camp,  he  wrote  letters  for  six,  ten, 
fifteen  hours  every  day.  Some  day,  his  letters  will  all  be 
printed,  unless  "piety"  continues  to  conceal  such  as  are  un- 
printable for  ordinary  circulation.  He  wrote,  wrote,  wrote 
the  nation  into  being.  He  persuaded  the  American  people  to 
let  him  convert  the  militia  into  an  army.  Let  the  British  have 
their  towns, — let  them  have  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Charles- 
ton. A  Patriot  Army  will  win  in  the  end :  if  only,  it  can  be 
secured.  To  get  this  army,  he  must  convince  men  everywhere. 
Therefore,  he  writes  letters  everywhere. 

Prodigious  Letter-Writer. — Many  of  these  letters  are 
phrased  in  terms  that  in  a  literary  man  would  be  accounted 
clever. 

When  we  read  of  the  naked,  starving  soldiers  at  Valley 
Forge  and  again  at  Morristown,  it  is  hard  to  credit  the  fact 
that  many  other  Americans  were  getting  rich.  Of  these, 
Washington  wrote  his  friend  Benjamin  Reed,  a  Philadelphia 
lawyer,  in  December,  1778, — "It  gives  me  sincere  pleasure 
to  find  that  the  assembly  (of  Pennsylvania)  is  so  well  dis- 
posed to  second  your  endeavors  in  bringing  these  murderers 
of  our  cause,  the  monopolizers,  forestallers  and  engrossers, 
to  condign  punishment.  It's  much  to  be  lamented  that  each 
State,  long  ere  this,  has  not  hunted  them  down  as  pests  to 
society  and  the  greatest  enemies  we  have  to  the  happiness  of 
America.  I  would  to  God  that  some  one  of  the  most  atro- 
cious in  each  State  was  hung  in  gibbets  upon  a  gallows  five 
times  as  high  as  the  one  prepared  for  Haman.  No  punish- 
ment, in  my  opinion,  is  too  great  for  the  man  who  can  build 
his  greatness  upon  his  country's  ruin." 

Severe  Critic  of  Speculators. — At  the  same  time,  he 
wrote  to  Benjamin  Harrison, — "Idleness,  dissipation,  and 
extravagance  seem  to  have  laid  fast  hold  of  most  of  them; 
speculation,  peculation,  and  an  insatiable  thirst  for  riches 
seem  to  have  got  the  better  of  every  other  consideration." 


228  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

This  is  not  the  language  of  a  man  weak  in  thought  or  in 
expression  and  strong  only  in  action. 

It  is  indeed  interesting, — in  a  population  of  two  and  a  half 
millions, — a  half  million  being  adult  males, — only  a  few  thou- 
sand dare  and  care  to  bear  arms  for  liberty;  and  their  leader, 
almost  the  richest  man  of  them  all  but  so  short  of  cash  that 
often  for  months  he  cannot  even  for  himself  buy  some 
common  articles  of  diet — while  some  other  natives  are  getting 
rich  and  yet  richer  by  staying  at  home  and  grabbing  dollars. 

Let  us  look  at  it  straight :  do  we  wonder  that  George  Wash- 
ington was  never  very  enthusiastic  over  John  Hancock  ?  And 
abhorred  the  Loyalists  and  the  time-servers?  And  loved 
Robert  Morris,  who  went  forth  one  Christmas  day  and  begged 
$50,000  in  gold  out  of  the  pockets  of  his  Philadelphia  neigh- 
bors for  the  army  of  Washington? 

Brilliant  Benedict  Arnold. — Washington  probably  saw 
through  Benedict  Arnold.  He  admired  his  bravery  but  he 
never  trusted  his  character.  Arnold  had  been  married  but 
was  a  widower  with  three  sons  early  in  the  war.  He  had 
also  two  natural  sons.  In  this  shape,  he  paid  court  to  the 
beautiful  Tory  girl  Margaret  Shippen.  Washington  had  a 
friendly  sympathy  for  Arnold  until  the  treason  resulted  from 
personal  grievances  and  from  desire  for  wealth.  It  was  a 
different  age.  Save  in  the  highest  circles,  it  was  more  of  a 
disgrace  for  a  woman  to  be  childless  than  to  be  an  unwedded 
mother.  And  Mistress  Margaret,  in  the  highest  circles,  led 
Benedict  Arnold  on  to  his  ruin  because  every  girl  must  marry, 
and  few  refused  any  offers  of  marriage.  But  how  terrible 
was  the  wrath  of  Washington  over  the  attempt  to  betray  West 
Point! 

The  Sincerity  of  Washington. — The  entire  war,  the 
entire  social  revolution  may  have  been  a  mistake.  We  paid 
high  prices  for  independence — learning  brutality,  seeing  cor- 
ruption, losing  the  better-born,  tearing  loose  from  the  strong- 
est nation  on  earth.  But  whatever  else  we  may  think  of 
Washington,  to  him  belongs  admiration  for  the  sincerity  of  a 
passion  for  freedom  and  an  equal  love  for  the  soldiers  and 
supporters  of  freedom.  It  may  be  that  he  saw  his  chance  to 
be  greatest  of  all ;  but  at  least  he  risked  life,  limb  and  estate 
for  the  chance. 

The  Commander-in-Chief  organized  the  victories  of  Gates 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  229 

at  Saratoga  and  of  Greene  in  the  South.  He  set  the  the 
privateersmen  upon  their  victories  on  the  high  seas.  He 
selected  those  useful  adventurers  from  beyond  seas, — Hamil- 
ton, Steuben,  and  above  all,  LaFayette, — and  rejected  or  sub- 
ordinated all  the  rest  of  the  free  lances  who  flocked  to  the 
international  battle-field. 

When  in  going  up  the  Potomac,  a  British  fleet  was 
turned  aside  by  Lund  Washington  from  burning  down  the 
Mount  Vernon  house,  George  Washington  wrote  indignantly 
that  he  wished  that  the  house  of  the  Commander-in-chief  had 
been  burned — to  hearten  the  Patriots. 

And  when  at  Yorktown,  the  crisis  came,  he  must,  in  Brad- 
dock  field  fashion,  stand  where  the  cannon  balls  roar  and  the 
bullets  hit,  and  lead  the  fight.  When  victory  at  last  is  seen 
to  have  been  won,  he  turns  to  Knox,  and  in  the  triumphant 
hour  that  ends  six  terrible  years  says, — "The  work  is  done, 
and  well  done.    Bring  me  my  horse." 

Resigns  and  Asks  for  Money  Due. — In  June,  1781, 
George  Washington  was  forty-nine  years  of  age;  and  one  of 
the  two  most  famous  generals  in  the  world,  the  other  being 
Frederic  the  Great  of  Prussia.  There  stood  to  his  credit 
several  military  achievements, — the  clever,  even  brilliant,  ex- 
ploits at  Trenton  and  Princeton,  the  terrific  fighting  at  Mon- 
mouth where  his  personal  heroism  won  the  victory,  and  the 
long  strategy  of  the  Yorktown  campaign.  For  two  years 
longer,  he  had  to  hold  on  while  his  army  was  neglected.  He 
feared,  properly,  that  England  might  renew  vigorous  warfare. 
He  feared  and  hated,  for  good  cause,  as  he  believed,  the 
Loyalists  and  time-servers  and  the  Indians.  There  were  en- 
counters in  one  region  and  another  that  history  has  been  too 
lazy  to  emphasize.  But  finally  the  day  of  release  came.  And 
before  Congress,  assembled  at  Annapolis,  to  which  it  had 
retreated  from  its  own  weakness,  late  in  1783,  General  Wash- 
ington formally  presented  his  resignation  and  his  bill  of 
expenses. 

At  Mount  Vernon. — The  second  Mount  Vernon  period 
lasted  five  years.  In  it  Washington  repaired  his  properties, 
started  new  enterprises,  renewed  his  social  ties,  in  a  measure 
recovered  the  health  that  he  had  almost  lost  in  the  eight  weary, 
vexatious  years,  and  counselled  the  new  nation  regarding  its 
future.     He  was  easily  first  among  surviving  Americans,  a 


230  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

world-figure,  a  hero  for  all  ages.  He  saw  himself  as  "Gen- 
eral Washington"  and  conducted  himself,  his  correspondence 
and  his  social  relations  accordingly.  He  had  redeemed  him- 
self from  many  errors  of  the  past.  Some  things  that  he  had 
hitherto  enjoyed  with  a  zest  beyond  most  men,  he  was  too  old 
for  now, — one  was  fox-hunting  to  hounds.  But  he  rode 
hours  daily  in  the  saddle.  In  two  striking  ways,  his  character 
was  changed.  He  had  grown  cautious  without  growing  hesi- 
tant or  timid  or  indolent ;  but  he  measured  notions,  impulses, 
words,  actions  more  carefully.  And  he  had  grown  into  a 
deeper  sympathy  with  poor  and  plain  persons ;  especially  with 
his  soldiers. 

Land  Purchases  in  the  West. — With  the  war-interests 
now  but  matters  of  memory,  the  foresightedness  that  in  him 
was  always  his  first  quality  was  widely  displayed.  Alone  of 
all  prominent  Americans,  he  saw  the  meaning  of  the  Western 
country.  There  he  saw  also  the  increase  of  his  own  riches. 
More  than  any  other  American,  he  saw  the  advantage  of  a 
national  government.  He  was  the  moving  spirit  in  the  con- 
vention at  Annapolis  in  the  special  interest  of  Maryland  and 
Virginia  to  which  all  the  States  were  invited. 

President  of  the  Federal  Constitutional  Convention. 
— George  Washington  was  sent  unanimously  as  a  delegate  to 
the  Federal  Convention  at  Philadelphia  in  1787  and  was 
chosen  unanimously  as  its  President.  Through  the  four 
months  of  summer  and  early  fall,  he  was  present  at  every 
meeting  and  left  the  chair  but  once  to  speak;  this  was  to  urge 
the  reduction  of  the  minimum  of  population  for  Congressional 
Districts  in  electing  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
from  forty  thousand  to  thirty  thousand.  He  was  the  first  to 
sign  the  new  Constitution.  Tradition  declares  that  as  he  stood 
at  the  table  with  the  quill-pen  in  his  hand  to  write,  he  said, — 
"Should  the  States  reject  this  excellent  Constitution,  the  prob- 
ability is  that  opportunity  will  never  be  offered  to  cancel 
another  in  peace;  the  next  will  be  drawn  in  blood.,,  It  is  a 
sentence  that  sounds  like  a  soldier  and  a  statesman.  That  it 
was  the  truth,  no  man  can  doubt.  Nor  can  any  man  doubt 
that  the  Constitution  saved  Washington  himself  from  being 
made,  against  his  own  will,  King. 

We  of  later  generations  forget  how  strong  that  monarchical 
movement  was.    For  all  that  most  of  "the  King's  friends"  in 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  231 

America  had  been  exiled  and  the  others  reduced  to  poverty, 
there  were  hundreds  of  thousands  who  were  full  of  the  Euro- 
pean traditions  of  monarchy  and  aristocracy  and  nobility.  In 
1783  Washington  had  but  to  say  the  word;  and  the  Army 
would  have  marched  to  Philadelphia  to  make  him  King.  He 
had  to  resist  strenuously  the  efforts  of  army  leaders  to  set  up 
a  monarchy  even  against  his  will. 

In  truth,  however,  George  Washington  had  one  objection 
to  the  Constitution.  He  thought  that  it  was  not  strong 
enough.  Just  what  he  would  have  liked  to  see  changed  in  it  we  do 
not  know.  He  told  no  one.  But  neither  he  nor  anyone  else 
foresaw  how  powerful  the  Supreme  Court  would  be  made 
through  the  acumen  and  strength  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall. 
But  he  desired  the  National  Government  to  be  strong  for  the 
landed  citizen's  self-government,  not  for  a  king's  govern- 
ment. He  was  no  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  no  Julius  Caesar,  no 
Oliver  Cromwell  even.  He  was  a  new  kind  of  conqueror  and 
rebel;  and  he  made  the  name  George  Washington  uniquely 
glorious,  so  glorious  as  completely  to  hide  his  faults  in  its 
overwhelming  light  For  practical  purposes,  who  cares  for 
the  spots  on  the  sun? 

The  Verdict  of  History. — The  man  who  had  methodi- 
cally kept  accounts  of  all  his  expenditures,  and  who  in  a  busi- 
ness manner  after  giving  up  his  commission  as  General  to 
Congress  and  hearing  its  praise,  had  then  risen  and  calmly 
presented  his  bill, — sixty-nine  thousand  dollars, — was  a  new 
man  in  world-history.  If,  as  was  charged,  he  had  "grafted'5 
as  Commander-in-Chief,  no  one  believes  it  now.  If  he  de- 
sired national  independence  that  he  might  be  free  to  acquire 
immense  areas  of  land,  no  one  believes  it  now.  He  comes 
down  in  American  history  as  a  patriotic  rich  man,  an  intelli- 
gent good  man,  an  heroic  soldier,  a  statesman  with  big  ideas 
and  yet  minute  interest  in  details,  a  just  man  able  to  consider 
and  to  balance,  and  yet  capable  of  prompt  and  vigorous  deci- 
sion. Such  a  Washington  may  be  partly  mythical,  but  there 
is  a  deal  of  truth  in  the  myth.  There  is  none  righteous — per- 
fectly righteous, — none  wise — perfectly  wise,  no,  not  one. 

Elected  President  of  the  People  of  the  United 
States  Unanimously. — When  the  enfranchised  125,000 
citizens  of  the  United  States  cast  about  for  a  President  to 
set  up  the  executive  and  judicial  departments  of  the  new 


232  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

government,  they  unanimously  chose  George  Washington. 
175,000  men  and  300,000  women  of  adult  years  could  not 
vote.  But  of  the  privileged  classes,  almost  none  were  opposed 
to  him,  not  even  the  surviving  Loyalists. 

In  a  sense,  we  already  had  a  legislative  department  and 
a  legislative  tradition.  Of  courts,  there  was  nothing.  Of 
administrators,  there  were  but  few;  and  these  were  failures 
whether  officers  or  clerks  of  the  inefficient,  though  by  1787 
well-meaning,  Congress  of  the  Confederation. 

Under  President  Washington,  affairs  did  not  drift;  he 
drove  them.  From  the  time  that  his  election  was  certain, 
until  the  last  davs  of  his  second  term,  he  directed,  and  in  a 
large  measure  controlled,  events  and  issues.  Unquestionably, 
he  was  one  of  the  most  vigorous  of  our  Chief  Magistrates. 
Between  the  difficulties  that  beset  George  Washington  and 
those  besetting  Abraham  Lincoln,  there  is  no  choice.  But 
Washington  had  two  great  personal  advantages, — private 
wealth  and  its  ease  and  prestige,  and  a  large  measure  of  public 
confidence  from  the  start. 

Within  a  month  of  his  inauguration  in  New  York,  Wash- 
ington had  a  serious  illness, — a  carbuncle  of  the  thigh.  But 
with  his  usual  self-control,  he  went  bravely  on — guiding  af- 
fairs from  his  sick  room  daily.  It  is  by  no  means  true  of 
most  Presidents  but  it  is  true  of  him  that  his  own  history  is 
the  history  of  his  country.  He  was  the  wheel-horse  of  the 
whole  new  National  Government. 

Rise  of  Two  Parties. — Notwithstanding  the  personal  as- 
cendancy of  the  President,  the  country  was  already  divided, 
from  the  old  days  of  the  Confederation,  into  the  Federalists 
and  anti-Federalists  of  various  degrees.  The  same  struggle 
has  run  through  American  political  history  to  this  day.  We 
may  use  various  other  names, — centralization  and  localization, 
nationalism  and  sectionalism,  federalism  and  State's  rights, 
socialism  and  individualism ;  but  they  all  set  up  the  same  dis- 
tinctions, differences,  controversies.  George  Washington 
was  forced  to  take  Federalists  or  probable  Federalist  converts 
for  all  offices  high  and  low.  The  opposition  men  declined  all 
his  proffers  of  office.  He  had  meant  to  make  one  nation  out 
of  thirteen  colonies  in  the  days  of  war.  He  now  meant  to 
make  one  nation  out  of  all  the  States  and  parties  and  interests. 
All  that  he  did  was  done  in  the  light  of  this  guiding  purpose, 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  233 

but  he  wished  to  get  into  the  service  both  the  friends  and  the 
opponents  of  the  existing  new  government.  The  latter  de- 
clined, and  Federalist  and  one-party  government  came  in  so 
that  we  had  a  two-party  people.  This  probably  saved  us  from 
apparent  unity  with  real  factionalism  and  cliquism.  As  Presi- 
dent, he  had  at  last  learned  to  act  upon  principles  carefully  de- 
termined and  thoroughly  applied. 

Reads  His  First  Message  to  Congress. — Upon  consid- 
eration, President  Washington  decided  to  read  his  message  to 
Congress.  He  rode  up  to  the  Hall  of  Congress  in  a  coach  and 
four  with  outriders  and  footmen,  and  went  through  a  simple, 
stately,  and  thoroughly  characteristic  ceremonial.  Jefferson 
did  away  with  this  personal  appearance  before  Congress — 
in  the  interest  of  "Republican  simplicity,"  so  he  said;  but  in 
reality  because  he  was  a  poor  public  speaker  and  a  vain  man. 
Washington  was  no  public  speaker  at  all  but  though  dignified 
and  impressive,  not  at  all  vain,  being  essentially  modest.  He 
understood  well  the  value  of  personal  display  as  a  means  of 
influencing  men's  opinions;  and  he  liked  to  meet  people  be- 
cause he  had  justifiable  confidence  in  his  own  personality. 

His  Cabinet. — He  sent  for  all  the  records  of  the  Con- 
federation and  familiarized  himself  with  the  state  of  public 
affairs.  So  far  as  he  had  any,  he  formed  his  theories  from  his 
facts.  While  doing  this  arduous  work,  he  organized  the 
executive  branch  into  three  departments, — war,  treasury,  and 
state,  to  rank  in  that  order, — with  an  attorney-general  to  ad- 
vise in  all  affairs,  and  he  chose  men  of  high  talents  whom  he 
knew. 

For  war  he  designated  Henry  Knox  of  Massachusetts;  for 
treasury,  Alexander  Hamilton  of  New  York;  for  state 
Thomas  Jefferson  of  Virginia;  for  justice  Edmund  Randolph 
of  Virginia.    The  country  had  no  better  available  material. 

The  selections  for  the  Supreme  Court  were  not  so  for- 
tunate,— for  Chief  Justice,  John  Jay;  for  the  five  associate  jus- 
tices, fairly  good  lawyers.  Jay  was  then  forty- four  years  old ; 
he  had  sat  in  the  Continental  Congress,  being  President  in 
1779,  had  been  Chief  Justice  of  New  York,  minister  to  Spain, 
signer  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  and  secretary  of  foreign  af- 
fairs for  the  Confederation.  He  had  written  five  of  the 
articles  in  "The  Federalist"  and  had  worked  with  Hamilton 
in  New  York  State  for  the  ratification  of  the  Constitution,  the 


234  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

first  vote  in  the  New  York  State  Convention  stood  1 1  for,  46 
against,  but  the  Federalists  finally  won,  being  32  for  to  30 
against.  He  was  ardent  yet  restrained,  discontented,  large- 
minded,  foresighted,  in  manners  by  birth  and  breeding  an 
aristocrat,  and  in  theory  a  Nationalist. 

An  Incident  with  John  Hancock. — Washington 
thought  best  to  proceed  early  in  his  administration  upon  a  tour 
to  Boston  in  order  to  confirm  the  New  Englanders  in  Federal- 
ism. In  Boston,  he  taught  old  John  Hancock  an  important 
social  lesson  in  official  etiquette;  the  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts must  call  upon  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
whether  or  not  the  Governor  has  gout  and  more  or  less  ner- 
vous prostration. 

Indian  Affairs. — Having  trouble  with  the  Creek  Indians 
of  the  South,  Washington  persuaded  twenty-nine  chiefs  to 
visit  him  in  New  York  where  he  gave  them  wampum  and 
tobacco  and  secured  with  their  tribe  a  peace  on  fairly  good 
terms.  When  General  St.  Clair  was  ambushed  out  in  Indiana 
by  the  Six  Nations,  Washington  sent  for  the  sick  general 
and  in  all  his  anger, — for  he  had  explained  Indian  fighting  to 
the  over-confident  man, — dealt  with  him  kindly;  but  sent 
"Mad"  Anthony  Wayne  to  recover  the  lost  territory,  a  wise 
and  somewhat  successful  measure.  Despite  British  intrigues 
in  the  North  and  Spanish  intrigues  in  the  South,  the  President 
greatly  improved  the  frontier  situations. 

The  All-Important  Compromise. — Gold  is  govern- 
ment; and  the  greatest  of  all  the  concerns  of  Washington  was 
getting  the  treasury  into  shape  for  govenmental  undertakings. 
Washington  was  an  "assumptionist,"  and  as  such  favored 
taking  over  the  war  debts  of  all  the  States.  Here  came  the 
first  log-rolling.  The  creditor  North  got  the  State  debts  taken 
over  by  the  National  Government  at  par,  making  an  enormous 
profit  contrary  to  common  sense;  and  the  South  got  the  site 
of  the  National  Capital,  at  a  point  on  the  Potomac  fifty  miles 
northeast  of  Mount  Vernon.  Both  features  in  the  com- 
promise pleased  Washington.  The  site  was  perhaps  well  enough 
in  the  days  when  a  location  on  tidewater  was  important;  but 
its  climate  always  was  about  the  worst  in  the  United  States, 
being  unendurable  from  heat  and  wet  in  the  summer,  and 
from  dampness  in  winter.  Its  location  proved  to  be  extremely 
perilous  in  the  War  of  181 2  and  again  in  the  Interstate  War. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  235 

From  the  far  height  of  more  than  a  hundred  years,  we  know- 
now  that  the  Capital  should  have  been  in  the  hill  country  of 
Maryland  or  of  southeastern  Pennsylvania. 

Alexander  Hamilton. — In  this  business  of  getting  credit 
and  a  revenue,  the  leader  was  the  youthful  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton, by  far  the  most  important  of  all  the  men  in  Washington's 
administrations.  Like  Jay,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was 
of  Huguenot  descent.  Born  in  1757,  he  wrote  blazing  politi- 
cal pamphlets  when  but  eighteen  years  of  age.  He  served 
brilliantly  in  the  battles  of  the  Revolution  and  in  1777  be- 
came Washington's  secretary.  He  led  a  battalion  at  York- 
town.  He  served  in  Congress  in  1782  and  '83.  At  this 
period,  he  began  to  practice  law  and  soon  became  a  member  of 
the  New  York  Legislature,  assisted  greatly  by  his  fortunate 
marriage  to  Eliza  Schuyler,  daughter  of  General  Philip 
Schuyler  of  Albany,  the  real  organizer  of  the  resistance  to  the 
invasion  of  Burgoyne,  whom  Howe  betrayed.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  and  wrote  most  of 
the  articles  of  "The  Federalist"  in  its  defence,  which  appeared 
first  in  the  "New  York  Gazette." 

"Assumption"  was  advocated  by  Hamilton  and  opposed 
by  Jefferson ;  the  former  won.  Next  the  New  Yorker  advo- 
cated a  national  bank,  which  Jefferson  said  would  be  uncon- 
stitutional; Hamilton  won.  Soon,  we  had  a  national  debt 
of  $75,000,000,  which  tended  to  the  security  of  the  central 
government.  Hamilton  urged  a  protective  tariff  in  the  inter- 
ests of  our  manufacturers,  and  Washington  supported  him  in 
his  urgency;  but  Congress  gave  to  the  subject  no  consistent 
attention.  To  get  funds  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  debt,  Ham- 
ilton urged  excise  taxation.  And  here  we  have  the  most  im- 
portant of  all  the  events  of  Washington's  administrations. 

The  Whiskey  Rebellion. — Western  Pennsylvania  like 
Vermont  and  North  Carolina  was  peopled  by  the  Scotch-Irish, 
so  named  perhaps  because  they  were  neither  Scots  nor  Irish 
but  Saxons  who  came  to  England  in  800  A.  D.,  moved  north 
into  Scotland  in  1200  A.  D.  and  west  into  north  Ireland  in 
1650  A.  D.  and  crossed  the  Atlantic  early  in  the  eighteenth 
century.  There  were  in  America  a  quarter  of  a  million  of 
these  Teutonic  adventurers  in  1792,  mostly  in  the  Appala- 
chians to  which  they  have  clung  now  for  two  centuries.  In 
Western  Pennsylvania,  by  1 792  they  had  overridden  the  En£- 


236  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

lish  Quakers  and  the  Dutch.  They  laughed  at  Hamilton's 
excise  laws;  and  went  on  making  whiskey  tax  free  despite 
Washington's  orders.  In  September,  1793,  the  President  sent 
15,000  soldiers  into  Western  Pennsylvania;  and  Hamilton 
went  with  them.  The  Rebellion  vanished  into  thin  air;  and 
the  nation  found  itself  in  secure  possession  of  a  large  and 
regular  income  from  perhaps  its  worst  vice  of  the  times, — 
excessive  consumption  of  alcoholic  beverages.  "He  touched," 
said  Daniel  W^ebster  of  Hamilton,  "the  rock  of  the  national 
resource  and  abundant  streams  of  revenue  gushed  forth."  But 
it  was  no  rock, — simply  a  whiskey  still.  It  was  not  a  national 
resource  but  at  best  a  wasteful  luxury.  The  revenue  came  not 
gushing  but  squeezed  under  the  feet  of  marching  soldiers ;  and 
Washington  was  sorry  not  to  lead  them,  sending  his  friend 
General  Lee  of  Virginia  instead. 

The  excise  tax  meant  a  respectable  and  a  respected  govern- 
ment. The  Whiskey  Rebellion  was  the  crisis  of  our  early 
national  history.  Jefferson  as  President  might  have  expostu- 
lated with  the  moonshiners,  and  Buchanan  have  mourned  over 
them.  Washington  went  after  them  as  he  did  after  the  poacher 
in  the  old  Mount  Vernon  days :  as  the  later  Presidents  Jackson, 
Lincoln,  Cleveland,  and  Roosevelt  would  have  done. 

The  Foreign  Policy. — The  same  fibre,  stamina  and  force 
went  into  the  conduct  of  foreign  relations.  France  had  helped 
America  in  the  War  of  Independence  and  now  demanded  a 
closer  familiarity  with  the  National  Government.  But  Wash- 
ington saw  two  things  with  intense  clearness.  First,  vo  nation 
ever  helps  another  nation  beyond  the  range  of  its  own  interests. 
Individuals  may  have  brotherly  kindness  even  to  self-sacrifice. 
LaFayette  was  such  an  individual.  But  monarchical  France 
was  dead :  in  her  place  stood  radical,  fantastic  raging  France, 
the  terror  of  the  world.  Every  instinct  of  Washington  was 
against  this  new  France,  now  seeking  to  find  herself,  and  to 
establish  herself  among  the  nations.  The  temper  of  Wash- 
ington was  that  neither  of  Burke  nor  of  Mirabeau ;  but  to  him 
Robespierre  was  abhorrent,  a  human  Satan. 

Citizen  Genet  of  France. — In  1792,  at  the  crisis  of  the 
French  Revolution,  George  Washington  was  again  unani- 
mously elected  President  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Capital 
was  moved  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia.  But  already 
Anti-Federalism  had  become  a  party,  and  John  Adams  was 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  237 

reelected  Vice-President  over  Anti-Federalist  George  Clinton 
of  New  York  by  but  77  electoral  votes  to  50.  The  President's 
proclamation  of  neutrality  in  the  war  between  France  and 
England  aroused  violent  objurgations  from  the  French  sym- 
pathizers because  he  was  not  pro-French  and  from  the  Anti- 
Federalists  because  he  assumed  the  right  to  issue  any  procla- 
mation at  all.  Then  came  the  affair  of  "Citizen"  Genet,  which 
tried  the  patience  of  Washington  almost  to  the  limit.  Genet 
represented  the  French  Republic  and  commissioned  privateers- 
men  out  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  These  captured  Brit- 
ish vessels ;  and  in  retaliation  British  cruisers  captured  Ameri- 
can merchantmen. 

Cabinet  Changes. — In  this  storm,  Thomas  Jefferson  re- 
signed from  the  Cabinet,  out  of  hatred  of  the  land  that  had 
caused  the  death  of  his  wife  and  an  equal  hatred  of  Hamilton, 
whom  he  called  a  "monocrat,"  meaning  thereby  one  who  meant 
to  establish  one-man  power.  Edmund  Randolph  of  Virginia 
was  then  given  the  portfolio  of  State.  Soon  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton was  out  of  the  Treasury,  and  Oliver  Wolcott  of  New 
York  took  his  place.  The  War  Department  came  to  Timothy 
Pickering  of  Massachusetts,  who  soon  went  to  the  State  De- 
partment. At  the  end  of  his  administrations,  Washington  had 
James  McHenry  of  Maryland  in  the  War  Department,  and 
Charles  Lee  of  Virginia  as  Attorney-General,  where  William 
Bradford  of  Pennsylvania  had  been  one  year  following  Knox. 
Three  different  men  were  the  Postmaster  Generals,  but  the 
Department  did  not  have  full  Cabinet  rank.  These  were 
Samuel  Osgood  of  Massachusetts,  Pickering  and  Joseph 
Habersham  of  Georgia.  Pickering,  a  very  plain  man,  thus 
saw  three  different  Departments.  These  many  changes  showed 
the  times.  They  explain  in  part  why  Washington  would  not 
take  a  third  term. 

Jay's  Treaty. — In  April,  1 794,  Washington  sent  John  Jay 
as  envoy  to  England.  There  he  had  a  deal  of  strife.  In  the 
end  after  great  effort,  he  managed  to  get  a  treaty  that  might 
easily  have  been  much  worse,  but  was  so  far  from  being  satis- 
factory to  American  public  sentiment  that  the  land  was  soon 
aflame  with  resentment.  His  treaty  secured  just  three  good 
things, — the  surrender  of  the  forts  upon  the  Western  frontier, 
ten  million  dollars  (ultimately)  for  damages  to  merchant 
ships,  and  open  ports  in  the  West  Indies  to  vessels  under  sev- 


238  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

enty  tons.  But  it  failed  in  all  other  of  the  American  claims, 
including  damages  for  negroes  carried  off  in  1783.  We  sur- 
rendered in  two  important  matters, — agreeing  to  pay  debts  due 
to  Englishmen  prior  to  the  War,  and  also  not  to  take  the 
products  of  the  West  Indies  to  Europe  for  sale. 

The  excitement  of  the  country  was  reflected  in  the  Senate 
where  the  nominee  of  the  President,  John  Rutledge,  a  member 
of  the  Court  and  former  Chief  Justice  of  South  Carolina,  to 
succeed  John  Jay  as  Chief  Justice,  who  resigned,  was  rejected. 
In  1796,  after  a  struggle  of  two  years,  Washington  sent  in  the 
name  of  United  States  Senator  Oliver  Ellsworth  of  Connecti- 
cut, who  was  confirmed  by  his  former  colleagues. 

The  Farewell  Address. — In  the  meantime,  Hamilton, 
impoverished  by  trying  to  live  in  official  Philadelphia  upon 
the  always  meagre  salary  of  a  high  public  office,  and  by  politi- 
cal expenses  and  other  costs,  had  left  the  Cabinet.  It  was  a 
serious  loss  to  Washington,  and  it  would  have  been  quite  as 
serious  for  him  to  have  had  Hamilton  stay  longer  in  his  official 
household.  As  time  passed,  and  as  European  character  un- 
folded itself,  the  season  for  electing  a  President  drew  near. 
The  leading  spirits  of  the  country  turned  to  Washington,  ask- 
ing him  to  take  a  third  term.  In  1796  he  issued  his  "Farewell 
Address,"  perhaps  the  most  beautiful  yet  vigorous  communi- 
cation ever  written  by  a  public  officer  in  church  or  in  state  to 
his  constituents.  Hamilton  probably  wrote  most  of  its  phrases. 
The  ideas  were  Washington's.  In  the  Address,  he  gave  sage 
counsel,  direct  warning  and  noble  maxims  in  the  serene  tones 
of  a  .good  man  whose  useful  life  is  about  to  end.  In  December 
of  the  same  year,  he  appeared  before  a  joint  session  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress  and  spoke  briefly.  He  had  come  to  the 
laying-down,  so  he  felt,  of  all  the  burdens  of  life. 

Threatened  War  with  France. — July,  1798,  found 
Washington,  at  sixty-six  years  of  age,  commander-in-chief  of 
the  American  armies  in  the  threatened  war  with  France,  with 
Hamilton  second  in  command.  But  month  succeeded  month, 
and  on  December  14,  1799,  before  hostilities  were  declared, 
George  Washington  died  suddenly. 

His  Death. — The  circumstances  of  his  death  were  these : 
a  hard  ride  on  the  12th,  rain  and  snow  and  a  cold  of  the  throat 
on  the  13th;  bloodletting  on  the  morning  of  the  14th;  and  at 
eventide  strangulation  by  oedematous  laryngitis  for  which  the 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON  239 

only  known  modern  cure  is  tracheotomy  and  special  diet  for 
the  restoration  of  the  physical  strength.  In  short,  three  things 
conspired  to  finish  suddenly  a  no  longer  hale  old  man, — hard 
exercise,  bad  winter  weather  on  Virginia  tidewater,  and  medi- 
cal ignorance.  It  may  be  suggested  that  Washington's  habit 
of  drinking  hot  rum  before  rising  in  the  morning, — a  habit 
contracted  in  the  army  camp, — had  weakened  a  throat  never 
strong  at  best. 

A  resolution  in  Congress  pronounced  George  Washington 
"first  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow- 
citizens."  And  General  Lee  in  his  funeral  oration  pronounced 
him  "First  in  war,  first  in  peace,  first  in  the  hearts  of  his 
countrymen."  The  phrases  have  rung  and  echoed  about  the 
world  for  four  generations. 

His  Great  Private  Fortune. — The  estate  of  Washington 
amounted  to  $800,000  in  value,  and  descended  to  his  widow, 
who  survived  him  three  years.  The  great  increase  was  due 
in  part  to  the  coming  of  settlers  upon  lands  shrewdly  chosen 
in  the  Mohawk  valley  and  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  In 
part,  it  was  the  saved  profit  of  years  and  years  of  selling  of 
flour  and  other  plantation  products  in  the  markets  of  London, 
for  except  in  the  deepest  years  of  the  War,  Washington  was 
a  merchant  as  well  as  planter.  It  was  the  largest  estate  left 
by  any  American  up  to  that  time.  The  thousand  slaves  at 
Mount  Vernon,  themselves  mostly  born  there,  were  a  consid- 
erable part  of  this  fortune.  Inevitably  criticism  has  followed 
the  general  and  statesman  beyond  the  grave.  Two  other 
patriots,  Robert  Morris  and  Thomas  Nelson,  died  penniless. 
Nor  does  so  vast  an  accumulation  comport  with  modern  views 
of  public  servants  in  our  highest  offices  or  in  any  offices.  So 
much  of  land  frauds,  of  money  and  banking  thefts  and  of  army 
corruption  has  been  unearthed  regarding  these  early  patriot 
days,  so  much  of  the  efforts  of  capitalists  to  start  with  woman's 
and  child's  labor  factories  and  mining  enterprises,  so  much  is 
definitely  known  of  the  frauds  and  vices  of  certain  of  Wash- 
ington's friends  that  every  lover  of  heroes  instinctively  turns 
away  from  too  deep  inquiry.  Critics  have  raised  the  question 
as  to  why  the  stepchildren  turned  out  badly,  why  Martha 
Washington  was  kept  so  much  in  the  background,  why  the 
President  condoned  at  least  one  admitted  large  defalcation. 
The  answers  do  not  wholly  satisfy.     The  stepchildren  had  too 


240  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

much  money  and  bad  blood  and  worse  associations.  Wash- 
ington really  was  too  busy  with  great  affairs  to  be  a  good 
husband.  And  he  considered  it  so  necessary  to  have  perfect 
respect  on  the  part  of  the  people  for  the  new  government  that 
he  preferred  to  hide  a  crime. 

We  are  left,  even  at  the  worst,  with  glory  enough  for  one 
man,  for  even  the  "father  of  his  country."  He  was  a  mighty 
figure  striding  audaciously  and  unflinchingly  athwart  the 
destiny  of  the  greatest  empire  of  the  world,  ending  its  hope 
of  being  another  Roman  Empire,  and  himself  coming  out 
serenely  upon  the  winning  side. 

George  Washington  turned  in  its  course  the  history  of  man- 
kind toward  greater  human  liberty.  Upon  his  tremendous 
physical  strength  and  endurance,  upon  his  flawless  courage 
and  upon  his  fortunate  possession  of  private  property  in  an 
epoch  of  change,  as  upon  a  fulcrum,  pressed  by  the  lever  of 
man's  will  to  freedom,  the  political  world  was  shifted  in  its 
orbit.  Whence  came  results  that  would  have  astonished  and 
dismayed  himself. 


CHAPTER  II 

John  Adams 

i 797-1801 
1735-1826 

16  States  1800 — Population  5,308,483 

Politics  changed  by  death  of  Washington — early  life — educated  at  Har- 
vard— Latin  teacher — student  of  theology  and  of  law — married  Abigail 
Smith,  a  remarkable  woman — the  Stamp  Act — defended  British  sol- 
diers of  Boston  Massacre — member  of  Massachusetts  General  Court — 
member  of  Continental  Congress — floor  leader — Chief  Justice  of 
Massachusetts — peace  commissioner — other  diplomatic  services — Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States — heir-apparent  and  strong  supporter 
of  Washington — President — opposed  both  France  and  England — un- 
popularity of  Hamilton — the  French  troubles — spoke  in  person  in 
Congress — X.  Y.  Z.  letters — war  afoot  and  Federalists  split — Alien 
and  Sedition  Acts — Adams  Gallican  rather  Anglican — Hamilton  caused 


JOHN  ADAMS  241 

defeat  of  Adams  for  reelection  and  let  Jefferson  in — appointed 
John  Marshall  Chief  Justice  of  Supreme  Court — a  very  bitter  old 
age — envious  even  of  Washington's  fame — wholly  right  in  opposition 
to  Hamilton — an  able  man  though  defeated. 

Politics  Changed  by  Death  of  Washington. — The 
sudden  death  of  George  Washington  changed  the  face  of 
American  politics.  The  mentor  of  public  men  was  gone. 
John  Adams,  but  three  years  his  junior,  was  destined  to  sur- 
vive him  twenty-seven  years;  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  eleven 
years  his  junior,  also  twenty-seven  years.  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton, most  trusted  of  Washington's  subordinates,  was  to  last 
but  four  years  after  his  chief.  What  might  have  been,  these 
facts  suggest :  Had  Adams  died  and  Washington  lived !  Had 
Jefferson  died  and  Hamilton  lived !  After  all,  had  not  Wash- 
ington really  worked  hardest? 

John  Adams  was  the  choice  of  Washington  as  his  successor, 
rather  than  Hamilton,  in  much  the  same  way  and  for  much 
the  same  reason,  as  in  1908  Roosevelt  preferred  Taft  to  Elihu 
Root  Hamilton  was  not  available,  being  personally  unpopu- 
lar. John  Adams,  however,  was  not  elected  unanimously.  In 
this  period,  the  State  Legislatures  chose  the  electors,  and  in 
1796  the  verdict  of  the  electoral  college  was  seventy-one  votes 
for  Adams  to  sixty-eight  for  Thomas  Jefferson.  Such  a 
political  situation  is  certainly  food  for  reflection.  How  dif- 
ferent would  the  history  of  the  country  have  been,  had  the 
three  majority  been  for  Jefferson  in  1797!  It  was  before  the 
time  of  party  conventions.  In  Congressional  elections  and 
on  the  floor  of  Congress,  Federalism  and  Anti-Federalism 
fought  out  the  question  of  Presidential  nominations.  By  so 
narrow  a  margin,  Washington  was  spared  seeing  his  keenest 
critic  become  President. 

Early  Life. — John  Adams  was  born  October  30,  1735,  at 
Braintree,  Massachusetts,  not  in  that  part  of  the  town  which 
afterwards  became  Quincy.  As  a  boy,  he  was  a  near  neighbor 
of  John  Hancock  and  but  a  year  older.  His  great-grandfather 
was  also  grandfather  of  Sam  Adams,  "the  famous  Adams," 
with  whom  this  younger  second  cousin  was  often  confused 
both  in  America  and  in  Europe.  Though  the  father  of  John 
Adams  was  but  a  poor  farmer,  not  a  well-to-do  maltster  like 
the  father  of  Samuel  Adams,  he  contrived  to  send  his  son  to 


242  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Harvard,  where  he  was  graduated  as  bachelor  of  arts  at  the 
age  of  nineteen,  being  in  the  class  next  after  that  of  John 
Hancock.  Despite  great  unlikeness  in  fortune  and  equally 
great  unlikeness  in  character,  these  three  were  closely  asso- 
ciated from  early  manhood  until  death. 

Educated  at  Harvard. — Upon  graduation,  young,  stocky, 
industrious  John  Adams  went  forty  miles  west  of  Worcester 
and  set  up  as  a  "grammar  school"  teacher, — that  is,  as  a 
teacher  of  Latin  and  Greek.  Like  so  many  other  men  before 
and  since,  he  looked  upon  teaching  as  a  stepping-stone,  and 
out  of  school  hours  and  on  holidays  and  vacation,  for  more 
than  two  years,  studied  law  diligently.  Here  was  no  Patrick 
Henry  to  crowd  into  law  upon  six  weeks'  cramming  and  with 
no  substantial  foundation  of  academic  study.  On  the  con- 
trary, John  Adams  studied  not  only  law  but  also  theology  and 
only  two  things  determined  him  in  choosing  the  bar  rather 
than  the  church  as  a  career, — the  first,  his  convinced  opposition 
to  the  orthodoxy  of  the  times,  and  the  second,  thrift,  for  he 
saw  no  pecuniary  gains  in  what  was  to  him  the  more  fasci- 
nating field.  Adams  would  have  been  glad  to  be  the  minister 
of  a  church  in  those  days  of  ministerial  primacy.  He  would 
have  been  glad  to  be  a  theological  scholar  in  those  days  of 
closet-study.  But  the  pay  was  poor,  and  the  gateway  strictly 
barred  against  heresies.  Adams  came  to  the  bar  in  1758,  cele- 
brating his  admission  in  Boston  by  a  fine  dinner  to  his  elders, 
and  then  going  home  to  practice  at  Braintree.  Like  Patrick 
Henry,  he  quickly  gained  a  large  practice  in  small  cases.  Three 
years  later,  he  heard  James  Otis  in  that  magnificent  declara- 
tion over  the  writs  of  assistance,  "Taxation  without  represen- 
tation is  tyranny." 

Marriage. — In  1764,  being  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  and 
contrary  to  the  advice  of  the  Nestor  of  the  Boston  bar, — his 
friend  Jonathan  Sewall, — John  Adams  took  to  himself  a  wife, 
by  name  Abigail  Smith,  a  lady  of  nineteen  years  of  the  already 
famous  Quincy  family  and  a  minister's  daughter,  like  Elizabeth 
Checkley,  first  wife  of  his  cousin  Sam  Adams.  It  was  to  be 
no  ordinary  marriage. 

We  read  but  little  of  the  wife  of  that  marvellous  orator, 
Patrick  Henry,  other  than  that  she  was  the  devoted  mother  of 
his  six  children  and  his  admiring,  worshipful  consort.  The 
second  wife  of  Sam  Adams  and  the  common  law  wife  of 


JOHN  ADAMS  243 

Franklin  did  not  greatly  influence  their  careers.  The  case  of 
Martha  Washington  was  different.  She  gave  to  her  husband 
the  largest  of  the  three  fortunes  that  made  his  great  career 
financially  easy;  she  did  more,  she  managed  his  estates  and 
his  household  and  his  social  affairs  with  a  skill  and  success 
that  notably  contributed  to  his  own  immense  services  to  his 
nation  and  thereby  to  mankind.  She  was  his  seconder  every- 
where save  on  the  field  of  battle.  The  fact  that  her  second 
marriage  was  childless,  much  as  both  lamented  it,  gave  to  Mrs. 
Washington  the  more  time  and  energy  to  help  her  husband  in 
domestic  and  social  affairs.  She  never  concerned  herself  in 
politics.  Without  her,  George  Washington  might  still  have 
been  an  important  man;  but  he  would  have  been  far  less 
successful. 

His  Wife  a  Remarkable  Woman. — But  the  case  of 
Abigail  Smith,  wife  of  John  Adams,  is  different.  She  was  the 
mother  of  John  Quincy  Adams  and  of  four  other  children. 
She  lived  until  181 8  to  die  of  typhus  fever.  And  she  had  little 
property  of  her  own.  What  she  was,  however,  in  herself  as 
intellect  and  character  greatly  concerns  American  history.  She 
belongs  to  that  select  and  glorious  company  of  wives  who  have 
inspired  their  husbands  to  great  enterprises, — such  a  wife  as 
James  Russell  Lowell  had  in  Maria  White,  Abraham  Lincoln 
in  Mary  Todd  for  all  her  eccentricities  (doubtless  exaggerated 
by  report)  and  Grover  Cleveland  (who  deserved  less  well)  in 
Frances  Folsom. 

From  the  days  of  the  courtship  to  those  of  her  last  illness, 
Abigail  Smith  kept  teaching  John  Adams  many  things;  and 
was  his  confidant  in  all  matters,  public  and  private,  often 
beyond  discretion.  She  turned  a  bristling,  money-getting, 
eager,  narrow  "business  man's  lawyer"  first  into  a  patriot  and 
then  into  a  statesman,  ranking  at  least  in  the  first  half-dozen 
of  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  And  it  was  both 
fight  and  work  to  achieve  this  end,  for  the  original  instincts 
of  John  Adams  were  mere  activity,  pride  in  personal  success, 
property-acquirement,  fame  and  power.  His  faults  were  many, 
— vanity,  short-sightedness,  uncharitableness,  parsimony,  im- 
petuosity, pugnacity.  The  correspondence  of  John  and  Abigail 
Adams  is  a  veritable  mine  of  information  with  many  ores, — 
among  them  wifely  counsel,  large-mindedness,  patience,  and 


244  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

other  good  qualities.  John  Adams  had  married  above  his 
class. 

The  Stamp  Act. — The  first  important  public  appearance 
of  Adams  was  in  1765  when  he  persuaded  his  town  to  adopt 
resolutions  against  the  Stamp  Act.  At  this  same  period,  John 
Hancock  employed  him  and  paid  him  handsomely  in  that 
famous  matter  of  the  sloop  "Liberty," — ominous  name  to 
alleged  tyrants!  He  had  now  become  important  enough  for 
Hutchinson  and  the  Tories  to  try  to  bribe  him  by  an  offer  of 
the  post  of  advocate-general.  But  Mrs.  Abigail  would  have 
none  of  it.  In  1770,  having  removed  to  Boston,  he  defended 
the  British  soldiers  who  had  taken  part  in  the  Boston  Mas- 
sacre; and  seconded  the  acquittal  of  all  but  two  who,  taking 
"benefit  of  clergy,',  escaped  with  branding  upon  the  hand.  This 
action,  entirely  professional,  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the 
Liberals ;  and  brought  him  the  paltry  fee  of  nineteen  guineas 
and  no  word  of  thanks  from  the  soldiers.  In  the  same  year, 
through  the  political  maneuvers  of  that  astute  cousin  of  his, 
Sam  Adams,  master  of  Boston  town-meeting,  John  Adams  be- 
came, however,  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  General 
Court. 

Until  1774,  he  is  primarily  the  lawyer  and  manages  to 
accumulate  through  his  litigious  neighbors'  quarrels  a  compe- 
tence, no  more.  By  the  same  age,  Benjamin  Franklin  had 
acquired  wealth  and  Patrick  Henry  a  comfortable  property. 
Samuel  Adams  had  become  poor.  These  are  essential  facts  in 
the  resultant  situation.  Franklin  was  in  a  position  to  live 
abroad  as  a  diplomat,  Henry  grew  isolated  and  independent, 
Sam  Adams  had  to  keep  in  the  background,  and  John  Adams 
for  all  his  self-assertiveness  must  defer  to  the  rich  men  in 
Congress, — to  Hancock,  Dickinson,  Mifflin,  Lee,  Livingston, 
the  Morrises,  and  Washington.  The  Adamses  were  compara- 
tively poor  men.  Most  of  the  members  of  the  Continental 
Congress  were  rich  or  at  least  well-to-do. 

In  the  Continental  Congress. — The  great  years  of  John 
Adams  were  1774,  1775,  1776,  and  1777.  ^n  tne  ^TSt  Con- 
gress, he  was  dined  and  wined  beyond  good  sense  by  the  Phila- 
delphians ;  and  he  kept  back  in  his  soul  his  pressing  desire  to 
act.  In  order  to  hold  the  South,  Massachusetts  must  defer  to 
Virginia.    In  the  second  Congress,  Sam  and  John  worked  to- 


JOHN  ADAMS  245 

gether, — Sam  quietly  in  conversations  and  John  openly  in 
speeches, — to  make  George  Washington  commander-in-chief 
and  thereby  to  adopt  the  New  England  army  as  the  affair  of 
Congress.  The  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  though  a  defeat,  helped 
their  plan,  and  the  Virginia  Colonel  was  set  over  Yankee 
troops.  Next  year,  the  Adamses  worked  for  the  Declaration. 
Richard  Henry  Lee  of  Virginia  was  their  ablest  coadjutor.  To 
which  of  the  four, — Thomas  Jefferson,  Sam  Adams,  John 
Adams,  and  Lee, — belongs  most  of  the  credit  of  the  Declara- 
tion affords  opportunity  for  argument.  The  first  man  wrote 
it;  Sam  Adams  persuaded  Congress  to  have  the  committee 
appointed  and  directed  to  write  it ;  John  made  by  far  the  most 
eloquent  speech  in  favor  of  it;  and  Lee  moved  the  original 
resolution  for  independence.  There  is  glory  enough  for  all  of 
them ;  glory  enough  for  the  entire  fifty-seven  men  who  signed 
it  unanimously. 

In  1774  John  Adams  had  written  to  his  friend  Sewall, — 
"Sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,  survive  or  perish  with  my  country, 
is  my  unalterable  determination/'  And  now,  July  2,  1776, 
he  was  in  as  great  peril  as  General  Washington  himself.  They 
were  all  to  live  or  to  die  together.  Conciliation  was  a  dead 
issue. 

Peace  Commissioner. — In  1777,  after  two  strenuous  years 
in  which  he  had  served  on  ninety  committees  of  a  Congress 
weltering  in  folly  and  been  chief  justice  of  Massachusetts, 
Adams  was  sent  as  a  commissioner  of  peace  and  commerce  to 
France,  with  the  especial  business  of  trying  to  end  the  war 
with  Great  Britain.  Through  vast  troubles  and  petty  squabbles, 
for  more  than  ten  years,  he  remained  abroad  in  one  capacity 
and  another  as  American  representative.  He  had  to  learn 
slowly  and  painfully  what  Washington  had  divined  at  once, — 
that  official  France  was  using  America  as  an  instrument  for 
the  ruin  of  England.  With  John  Adams,  American  "shirt- 
sleeves" diplomacy  began ;  and  as  against  Count  de  Vergennes, 
French  minister,  it  began  ill.  Adams  wished  to  end  the  war. 
Both  England  and  France  sought,  for  complementary  reasons, 
to  prolong  it ;  England  hoping  against  hope  to  wear  down  the 
colonies,  as  she  still  called  them,  until  France  tired  of  helping 
them,  France  hoping  with  great  hope  to  keep  the  war  alive  for 
the  wearing  down  of  England  and  caring  nothing  for  the 
Patriots  beyond  their  still  keeping  the  field. 


246  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Other  Diplomatic  Services. — For  all  his  errors,  of  which 
the  worst  was  his  almost  total  inability  to  understand  the  use- 
fulness of  Franklin  and  his  consequent  discourtesy  to  that 
wisest  of  men,  John  Adams  rendered  several  signal  services 
to  America.  He  negotiated  the  treaty  with  Holland  in  1781 
and  secured  loans.  He  negotiated  the  treaty  of  peace  in  1782 
and  1783  and  deserves  the  credit  of  saving  the  fishing-rights 
in  Newfoundland.  Returning  home  with  fame,  he  was  elected 
Vice-President.  This  first  Congress  with  him  as  President  of 
the  Senate  upon  twenty  tie  votes  supported  the  policies  of 
President  Washington.  He  spoke  upon  the  floor  freely  as 
Senator-at-large.  It  was  "as  heir  apparent,"  so  he  wrote  to 
his  wife,  in  1796,  that  he  succeeded  Washington  as  President. 
Upon  the  Federalism  of  John  Adams,  the  destiny  of  the  nation 
turned. 

Vice-President. — The  story  of  his  eight  years  as  Vice- 
President  is  not  dull,  but  much  of  it  is  disagreeable.  He  was 
in  controversy  both  with  Hamilton  and  with  Jefferson  not 
because  he  took  middle  ground  between  centralization  and 
localization  of  governmental  functions  but  mainly  because  he 
took  ground  against  both  France  and  England,  accepting  liter- 
ally and  vigorously  the  warning  of  Washington  against  en- 
tangling foreign  alliances.  His  vigorous  hostility  to  France 
was  due  not  only  to  the  change  of  its  government  to  the 
Directory  and  later  to  the  Consulship  of  Napoleon  but  also  to 
his  thorough  understanding  that — strange  though  it  sounds — 
America  might  and  did  owe  gratitude  to  such  individuals  as 
LaFayette  and  Rochambeau  and  D'Estaing  and  the  soldiers 
and  sailors  who  risked  and  in  many  instances  lost  their  lives 
in  her  patriot  cause,  and  yet  did  not  owe  much  gratitude  to 
the  French  nation  or  people.  His  equally  vigorous  hostility 
to  England  was  due  partly  to  a  grudge  against  her  for  insolent 
treatment  of  himself  as  commissioner  of  peace  and  later  as 
accredited  minister  at  her  Court  but  mainly  to  his  knowledge 
that  by  economic  measures  she  was  trying  to  ruin  the  sea  trade 
of  her  former  colonies. 

Reputed  an  Unsuccessful  President. — The  administra- 
tion of  President  Adams  is  commonly  accounted  unsuccessful ; 
and  various  explanations  are  set  forth.  One  explanation  is 
that  Hamilton,  who  was  the  real  leader  of  the  Federalist  party 
was  hostile  to  him.     Hamilton  himself  could  not  be  elected 


JOHN  ADAMS  247 

President.  He  had  been  born  and  reared  in  his  youth  in  the 
West  Indies,  and  he  never  acquired  sufficiently  popular  man- 
ners to  overcome  the  consequent  prejudice.  Even  in  1797  he 
was  but  forty  years  old,  and  to  this  day  no  man  but  forty  years 
old  ever  has  made  enough  friends  to  win  the  Presidency. 
Hamilton  was  popularly  considered  a  New  York  city  man,  a 
local  man  till  his  death,  a  corrupt  representative  of  narrow 
commercial  interests,  for  all  the  fact  that  his  statesmanship  was 
on  a  larger  order  than  that  of  any  other  man  save  Jefferson 
and  Adams  only. 

Another  explanation, — not  too  lightly  to  be  cast  aside, — is 
that  Adams  had  lived  abroad  for  the  last  ten  years  and  in  con- 
sequence had  lost  sight  of  the  domestic  situation  and  failed  to 
understand  the  now  rising  politicians  and  political  questions. 
Still  another  is  that  he  had  grown  censorious,  arrogant,  ego- 
tistic, and  opinionated,  which,  despite  his  wife's  counsel,  was 
measureably  the  case.  Moreover,  though  naturally  equal  and 
levelling  in  his  conduct  and  social  notions,  he  had  learned 
abroad  how  strong  is  the  vulgar  respect  for  uniforms  and 
ceremonials;  and  he  had  become  overbearing  not  only  out- 
wardly but  also  in  spirit.  Perhaps  the  influence  of  Washing- 
ton in  this  respect  had  been  unfavorable. 

A  fourth  explanation  is  that  in  fact  he  was  always  essentially 
right  and  that  the  verdict  of  history  will  approve  nearly  every- 
thing that  he  did  and  nearly  everything  that  he  advocated 
doing.  It  was  indeed  a  sorely  troublous  time,  as  the  history 
of  his  administration  shows.  Perhaps,  Washington  in  a  third 
term  might  have  done  better;  yet  few  other  Presidents  have 
done  as  well  in  their  great  difficulties. 

A  fifth  explanation  is  illness  in  his  family  that  kept  him 
home  at  Quincy;  and  the  mails  were  slow. 

Let  us  see  what  one  of  the  great  difficulties  was. 

Rich  Gouverneur  Morris  of  Revolutionary  fame  and  of  bril- 
liant memory  to  this  day  as  French  minister  had  opposed  the 
Revolutionary  movement  in  France  so  strongly  that  the  Direc- 
tory forced  his  recall.  Then  poor  James  Monroe  was  sent, 
and  he  became  so  Jacobinical  that  in  self-defence  the  adminis- 
tration recalled  him.  Then  magnificent  General  C.  C.  Pinck- 
ney  was  sent, — a  former  aide-de-camp  of  Washington  and  a! 
signer  of  the  Constitution.  France  would  have  none  of  him : 
he  had  been  educated  in  Oxford,  England,  though  a  South 


24#  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Carolinian  by  birth.  Adams  wished  to  send  clever  Thomas 
Jefferson  who  would  be  acceptable,  but  he  had  just  been  elected 
Vice-President,  Pinckney  receiving  the  third  number  of  votes, 
according  to  the  system  of  the  time  in  the  Electoral  College 
whereby  the  electors  each  voted  for  two  men,  the  first  and 
second  becoming  President  and  Vice-President  respectively. 
The  judicious  Madison  declined  the  mission.  And  now  because 
Jefferson  could  not  go,  the  Directory  chose  to  assume  that  the 
hated  Adams  would  not  send  him;  and  launched  a  new  com- 
mercial measure  to  teach  America  a  lesson. 

Appears  Before  Congress. — On  May  15,  1797,  President 
Adams  convened  Congress  in  special  session,  himself  making 
a  speech  in  person.  He  advocated  a  strong  navy;  he  was  the 
man  who  had  put  George  Washington  in  possession  first  of  an 
army  and  next  of  a  navy  in  the  War  of  Independence.  This 
proposition  was  laughed  at.  But  at  last,  in  early  September, 
two  envoys  were  dispatched, — John  Marshall  who  now  comes 
forward  for  the  first  time  prominently  and  that  Elbridge  Gerry 
who  was  one  of  the  three  members  of  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention to  withdraw  at  the  end  and  to  oppose  its  ratification 
by  their  States.  They  joined  Pinckney  in  France.  The  French 
minister  Talleyrand  demanded  large  bribes  for  himself  and 
various  of  the  Directory  before  he  would  formally  recognize 
their  mission.  In  January,  upon  the  refusal  of  this  infamous, 
though  perhaps  not  unusual,  proposal,  another  decree  was 
launched  against  American  shipping  and  trade.  Marshall  took 
his  passports.  Pinckney  withdrew  from  Paris.  Gerry,  the 
Anti-Federalist,  alone  remained. 

The  X.  Y.  Z.  Letters.— Then  through  the  W.  X.  Y.  Z. 
letters  came  the  exposure  in  Congress  of  the  attempt  to  compel 
the  payment  of  bribes ;  and  the  country  boiled  over  in  wrath. 
"Hail  Columbia"  was  sung  in  the  streets  of  the  towns  and 
cities.  Gerry  was  recalled.  It  was  a  dreadful  time  for  Vice- 
President  Jefferson,  a  partisan  pro-Gallican.  Congress  passed 
and  the  President  signed  the  Alien  Act.  This  authorized  the 
President  to  banish  foreigners  who  were  making  trouble ;  but 
none  were  ever  banished.  Congress  passed  also  the  Sedition 
Act,  which  directed  the  fining  and  imprisonment  of  publishers 
of  false  and  malicious  charges  against  the  President  or  other 
officers  of  government,  or  against  government  itself.  Several 
offenders  were  fined,  and  one  was  imprisoned.     Jefferson  led 


JOHN  ADAMS  249 

Kentucky  to  answer  with  resolutions  which  in  a  modified  form 
were  passed  also  by  the  Virginia  Legislature  with  the  support 
of  Madison.  These  announced  the  doctrine  that  the  States 
might  annul  Acts  of  Congress.1 

War  Afoot  and  Federalists  Split. — To  the  actions  of 
France  the  American  Government  replied  by  making  George 
Washington  commander-in-chief  of  the  army;  and  prepara- 
tions for  war  on  land  and  on  sea  went  on  actively.  Several 
French  ships  were  actually  captured.  Here  arose  the  final 
Hamilton-Adams  cause  of  feud.  Washington  desired  Hamil- 
ton for  second  in  command.  Adams  did  not,  but  in  time 
yielded, — and  Hamilton  never  forgave  him.  This  quarrel  now 
completely  split  the  Federalist  Party ;  and  thereby  helped  Jef- 
ferson who  was  getting  on  with  his  new  Democratic  Republi- 
can Party.  A  fierce  storm  raged  for  months  over  a  new  em- 
bassy to  France.  At  last  three  commissioners  were  dispatched 
in  November,  1799,  by  which  time  Talleyrand  was  out  of 
office.  Adams  had  saved  the  country  from  actually  declaring 
war  against  France,  and  in  so  doing  had  enraged  the  political 
leader  of  the  Federalist  party,  Alexander  Hamilton.  National 
patriotism  and  sound  humanity  had  been  political  suicide  for 
the  President.  In  181 5  he  wrote:  "I  desire  no  other  inscrip- 
tion over  my  grave  than  this:  'Here  lies  John  Adams,  who 
took  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  the  peace  with  France 
in  the  year  1800.'  " 

Cabinet  Changes. — For  his  Cabinet,  John  Adams  in  1797 
had  taken  all  of  the  Secretaries  of  Washington.  His  notion 
was  that  the  Cabinet  should  be  a  relatively  permanent  body. 
Its  membership,  however,  for  his  administration  was  as  fol- 
lows, viz. : 

State, — Timothy  Pickering  of  Massachusetts  (three  years), 
John  Marshall  of  Virginia. 

Treasury. — Oliver  Wolcott  of  Connecticut  (brief  term), 
Samuel  Dexter  of  Massachusetts   (nearly  four  years). 

War, — James  McHenry  of  Maryland  (brief  term),  John 
Marshall  (three  years),  Samuel  Dexter  (brief  term),  Roger 
Griswold  of  Connecticut  (brief  term). 

Attorney-General, — Charles  Lee  of  Virginia  (nearly  four 
years),  Theophilus  Parsons  of  Massachusetts  (brief  term). 

Postmaster-General, — Joseph  Habersham  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  flurry  of  the  proposed  war  with  France  is  shown  in  the 

1See  p.  284,  infra. 


250  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

changes  in  the  War  Department;  and  that  of  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  Acts  in  the  office  of  the  Attorney-General. 

Hamilton  Breaks  Adams. — During  his  administration, 
because  of  illness  in  his  family,  Adams  was  repeatedly  away 
from  Washington,  one  year  for  seven  months  continuously. 
The  Secretaries  did  about  as  they  pleased.  In  a  way,  it  is  true 
that  the  climate  of  the  lower  Potomac  valley  was  responsible 
for  his  ruin  since  it  was  intolerable  to  his  family.  Perhaps, 
the  new  White  House  had  something  to  do  with  this.  There 
was  no  adequate  drainage  in  that  morass  in  1797  or  for  long 
years  thereafter. 

But  the  outcome  of  all  his  Cabinet  and  Congressional 
troubles  was  that  Adams  had  to  force  some  of  his  chief  ad- 
visers (and  should  have  forced  others)  to  resign.  He  sus- 
pected their  loyalty  to  himself,  a  suspicion  that  we  now  know 
was  fully  warranted.  They  served  Adams  but  obeyed  Hamil- 
ton. So  furious  was  the  real  Federalist  leader  against  Adams 
that  he  intended  to  force  Washington  to  come  back  for  a  third 
term ;  but  the  broken  chieftain  suddenly  died.  Hamilton  wrote 
a  scathing  diatribe  against  Adams,  to  be  circulated  confiden- 
tially among  the  party  leaders.  But  Aaron  Burr  got  a  copy 
and  printed  it,  sending  it  broadcast.  This  ended  Federalism 
in  the  executive  branch. 

In  the  Electoral  College  in  February,  1801,  the  votes  stood, 
Jefferson  73,  Burr  73,  Adams  65,  Pinckney  75. 

The  hatred  of  Hamilton  had  carried  too  far.  Those  who 
desire  to  measure  him  accurately  should  add  this  item  to  such 
other  facts  as,  for  example,  that  while  enriching  the  capitalist- 
speculators  by  assuming  the  State  debts,  by  his  advice  and 
influence  the  new  government  repudiated  the  $100,000,000  of 
paper  currency  omitted  as  a  forced  loan  during  the  days  of 
the  War  and  of  the  Confederation,  thereby  robbing  every  poor 
man  in  the  land.  Multiplying  many  fold  the  wealth  of  capi- 
talists and  finally  wiping  out  the  assets  of  the  poor  may  have 
been  good  finance;  but  at  this  distance,  it  does  not  seem  in 
accord  with  justice. 

John  Marshall,  Federalist,  Becomes  Chief  Justice  op 
the  Supreme  Court. — The  last  important  single  official  act 
of  President  John  Adams  was  to  name  his  Secretary  of  State, 
John  Marshall,  as  head  of  the  Supreme  Court.     This  skilful 


JOHN  ADAMS  251 

reasoner  and  determined  centralizationist,  this  supporter  of 
land-getters  and  of  capitalists,  was  to  make  Federalism  part 
and  parcel  of  the  practice  of  the  National  Government  and  to 
convert  the  Supreme  Court  into  a  Constitutional  Convention 
with  absolute  and  final  power. 

So  bitter  was  the  feeling  of  Adams  against  Jefferson  that 
he  left  Washington  the  morning  of  inauguration  day.  He 
felt  "disgraced,"  so  he  said.  The  world  was  all  wrong.  He 
had  deserved  a  second  term. 

In  Unhappy  Old  Age. — With  this  scene,  John  Adams 
practically  dropped  out  of  public  life.  He  spent  his  many 
remaining  years  at  the  home  that  he  had  purchased  in  early 
manhood  in  Quincy.  He  lived  to  see  his  brilliant  son,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  elected  sixth  President  of  the  United  States. 
In  his  early  life,  he  had  been  valetudinarian  in  health,  and  in 
his  old  age,  he  was  fretful  and  despondent.  In  1814,  he  wrote 
to  Rufus  King,  "Can  there  be  any  deeper  damnation  in  this 
universe  than  to  be  condemned  to  a  long  life  in  danger,  toil  and 
anxiety :  to  be  rewarded  with  abuse,  insult  and  slander ;  and  to 
die  at  seventy,  leaving  to  an  amiable  wife  and  to  five 
amiable  children  nothing  for  inheritance  but  the  contempt, 
hatred  and  malice  of  the  world?  How  much  prettier  a  thing 
it  is  to  be  a  disinterested  patriot  like  Washington  and  Franklin, 
live  and  die  among  the  hosannas  of  the  multitude,  and  leave 
half  a  million  to  one  child  or  to  no  child!" 

On  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, July  4,  1826,  John  Adams,  being  ninety  years  old,  died. 
His  last  words  were:  "Thomas  Jefferson  still  survives."  A 
few  hours  earlier,  at  Monticello,  in  Virginia,  the  man  who 
wrote  the  Declaration  and  who  defeated  him  for  the  second 
term  as  President,  also  died.  It  is  a  coincidence  that  all  his- 
tory reports  with  a  strange  sense  of  nearness  of  the  Power 
who  manages  us  all. 

Patriotic  and  Able  Though  Often  Mistaken  and  En- 
vious.— But  for  one  serious  fault,  John  Adams  would  be 
known  as  a  great  though  considerably  mistaken  statesman. 
He  could  not  divine  the  motives  of  men.  He  was  no  politi- 
cian. The  great  statesman  is  always  something  of  a  politi- 
cian. 

It  is  well  to  note  here  that,  after  the  War,  Washington 


252  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

would  have  been  the  first  citizen  of  the  land  whether  Presi- 
dent or  not.  How  great  the  handicap  of  Adams  was  for 
Washington  to  survive  until  the  time  of  settling  the  question 
of  the  nomination  for  second  term,  the  President  understood 
better  than  any  of  his  contemporaries.  Hamilton,  who  de- 
generated miserably  in  his  later  days,  being  found  out  for 
what  he  really  was,  used  the  prestige  of  Washington  to  help 
effect  the  political  ruin  of  Adams.  Of  all  the  serious  disad- 
vantages of  the  American  short-term  Presidency,  this  is  the 
most  unfortunate, — that  greater  or  supposedly  greater  pre- 
decessors have  willingly  or  unwillingly  contributed  to  the 
undoing  of  the  men  actually  in  office.  In  the  case  of  George 
Washington,  it  was  Adams  alone  who  was  at  fault  from 
jealousy,  for  he  had  an  absolutely  loyal  friend  in  the  retired 
hero.  Probably  John  Adams  was  right.  The  mischief-maker 
was  Alexander  Hamilton,  whom  Adams  so  long  outlived  yet 
never  could  forgive.  He  did  forgive  Thomas  Jefferson  and 
died  at  amity  with  him.  But  it  is  so  much  harder  to  for- 
give an  enemy  in  one's  own  household.  Between  them, 
Adams  and  Hamilton  ruined  the  Federalist  Party. 


CHAPTER  III 
Thomas  Jefferson 

1801-1809 
1 743- 1 826 

16-17  States  Population  6,000,000 

Admitted:   Ohio. 

Four  orders  of  mankind — early  life — educated  at  William  and  Mary — 
marriage — wealth — Dabney  Carr — Monticello  and  the  Italian  garden — 
the  real  nature  of  the  struggle  between .  England  and  America — the 
colonial  position — member  House  of  Burgesses — "A  Summary  View" 
published — member  Second  Continental  Congress — "Declaration  of 
Independence" — member  Virginia  Assembly — the  Virginia  social  revo- 
lution— recorded  in  statutes — church  and  state  separated — primogeni- 
ture abolished — Governor  of  State — army  of  Cornwallis  raids  his 
property — a  note  regarding  Thomas  Nelson,  a  patriot — Dr.  Benedict 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  253 

Arnold  raids  Virginia — Jefferson  impeached  for  incapacity — wife  died 
— "Notes  on  Virginia" — scandals — Annapolis  Convention — member  of 
Congress — decimal  money — Virginia  gives  to  nation  the  Northwest 
Territory — visits  Boston — proceeds  to  France  as  diplomat — sends 
sculptor  to  make  bust  of  Washington — the  French  Revolution — con- 
vent experience  of  his  daughters — Secretary  of  State — bargain  with 
Hamilton — National  Bank — Genet — argument  against  alliance  with 
France — retires  to  Monticello — as  farmer  and  scientist — debts — Vice- 
President— a  letter-writer,  not  a  speaker — elected  President  by  one 
vote,  brought  to  him  by  the  Sedition  Act — Aaron  Burr,  Vice-Presi- 
dent— his  Cabinet — government  policies — an  economist,  decentraliza- 
tionist,  peace-at-any-price  man — the  Louisiana  Purchase— destroyed 
Barbary  pirates — Lewis  and  Clarke — reelected  under  changed  statutes 
—George  Clinton,  Vice-President — the  Embargo  Acts — Burr  killed 
Hamilton,  both  bad  men — alleged  "treason"  of  Burr  in  the  Mississippi 
Valley — acquitted — President  foiled  Supreme  Court — house  at  Monti- 
cello — founded  University  of  Virginia — sold  his  library  to  Congress — 
most  popular  man  in  all  American  history — faults — compared  with 
Washington — amiable,  brilliant — teacher  of  Americanism — first  com- 
plete democrat. 

Birthplace. — The  third  President  of  the  United  States 
was  born  April  13,  1743,  at  Shadwell,  Virginia.  The  Univer- 
sity of  Virginia  at  Charlottesville  is  but  a  few  miles  distant. 
Shadwell  included  in  its  limits  what  is  now  Monticello.  The 
heart  of  Thomas  Jefferson  always  centered  at  this  spot. 

Four  Orders  of  Mankind. — Mankind  may  be  classified 
in  four  orders, — lords,  mechanics,  helots  and  poets.  The 
lords  rule,  the  mechanics  construct,  the  helots  serve,  the 
poets  create.  Thomas  Jefferson  was  a  poet;  in  this  sense, 
that  with  high  imagination,  he  saw  visions  and  dreamed 
dreams.  It  is  a  rude  and  arbitrary  classification, — few  men 
belong  wholly  to  any  one  of  these  orders.  Washington  was 
the  lord,  and  Adams  the  mechanic.  The  pity  of  it  is  that  we 
have  had  some  Presidents  virtually  but  helots. 

It  was  this  high  imagination  of  Jefferson  that  has  given  to 
him  his  splendid  rank  not  only  in  America  but  everywhere. 
It  also  gave  to  him  nearly  all  of  his  errors  and  failings,  sev- 
eral of  which  were  indeed  serious.  Though  in  action  inferior 
to  Washington,  history  ranks  Jefferson  above  both  earlier 
Presidents,  not  indeed  for  definite  services  rendered  but  for 
the  brilliant  exposition  of  a  political  and  social  philosophy  that 


254  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

has  had  a  profound  influence  upon  men  and  nations  and  for 
the  organization  of  a  party  to  profess  and  to  maintain  it. 

History  judges  men  mainly  by  the  quality  of  their  best 
achievements,  partly  by  the  quantity  of  their  achievement, 
and  very  little  by  their  personal  virtues  and  sins  except  in  so 
far  as  their  virtues  and  sins  affected  the  total  of  their  per- 
formance. 

Educated  at  William  and  Mary. — In  the  early  lives  of 
some  great  men,  there  have  been  situations  by  no  means 
normal.  Ben  Franklin  virtually  ran  away  from  home  and 
took  to  adventures  in  towns  here  and  abroad.  George  Wash- 
ington lost  his  father  early  and  went  to  live  away  from  home. 
While  still  but  a  lad,  he  was  brought  into  personal  relations 
with  great  men  and  set  to  great  undertakings.  Like  Wash- 
ington, Thomas  Jefferson  lost  his  father  when  but  fourteen 
years  old.  At  seventeen,  he  went  to  the  college  of  William  and 
Mary  at  Williamsburg  and  remained  there  seven  years,  asso- 
ciating in  familiar  scholarly  and  social  relations  with  its  lead- 
ing citizens,  the  governor  of  the  colony,  the  professor  of 
mathematics  and  philosophy  in  the  college  and  George  Wythe, 
destined  to  become  the  foremost  jurist  of  America,  with  whom 
later  shrewd  John  Marshall  read  law  and  brilliant  Henry  Clay 
served  as  secretary. 

In  physique,  Jefferson  was  slightly  taller  even  than  Wash- 
ington, being  six  feet  two  and  a  half  inches  in  height.  But 
otherwise,  physically,  he  was  inferior  to  Washington.  He 
had  reddish  hair,  hazel  eyes,  and  a  slender  body.  His  mother 
was  a  Randolph.  As  the  eldest  son,  both  from  his  father  and 
from  his  mother  he  inherited  fair  estates,  lifting  him  above  the 
financial  struggle  of  poor  Patrick  Henry.  Though  his  wealth 
was  far  less  than  Washington's,  yet  in  social  position  Jef- 
ferson was  rather  his  superior  because  of  the  Randolph  blood 
and  characteristic  intellectual  distinction. 

His  early  law  practice  was  large  and  profitable  beyond  that 
of  Patrick  Henry  in  his  own  colony,  or  that  of  John  Adams  in 
Massachusetts.  Yet  he  had  no  gifts  of  elocution  or  public 
address;  and  won  and  held  his  clients  as  an  office  consulting 
lawyer  and  business  expert. 

Marriage. — On  New  Year's  Day,  January,  1 772,  at  twenty- 
eight  years  of  age,  Jefferson  took  to  wife  a  childless  widow  of 
twenty-four  years,  Martha  ( Wayles)  Skelton.   Scarcely  a  year 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  255 

later  her  father  died,  and  Jefferson,  who  already  owned  two 
thousand  acres  of  land  and  fifty  slaves,  found  himself  in  pos- 
session of  forty  thousand  more  acres  and  a  hundred  and 
twenty-five  slaves,  and  a  debt  of  nineteen  thousand  dollars 
due  in  gold  in  England.  He  had  become  what  John  Adams 
called  "a  baron  of  the  South."  Not  being  a  business  man  like 
Washington,  he  carried  the  debt  instead  of  selling  enough 
land  to  pay  it ;  and  the  debt  carried  him  into*  financial  misery  in 
his  old  age. 

Dabney  Carr. — His  own  sister  Martha  married  his  yet 
more  brilliant  neighbor  and  friend  Dabney  Carr;  and  life 
opened  up  all  its  blessings  to  him.  His  wife  was  a  beautiful 
woman,  blonde,  cheerful,  a  good  singer.  Children  came  to 
make  the  home  complete.  The  Jefferson  lands  included  a  fine 
round  hill, — in  a  way,  a  mountain, — and  there  Jefferson,  buoy- 
ant, artistic,  constructive,  hospitable,  began  at  once  to  build 
the  house  and  to  clear  and  fashion  in  landscape  style  the 
estate  that  he  called  Monticello.  The  Jefferson  lands  in- 
cluded also  the  Natural  Bridge  of  rock  with  a  river  running 
through  its  archway;  up  that  rock  the  lad  Washington,  wan- 
dering a  hundred  miles  from  home,  had  clambered  to  carve  his 
immortal  name  in  its  enduring  stone. 

At  Monticello. — Dabney  Carr  set  afoot  the  intercolonial 
committees  of  correspondence  that  foreran  the  Continental 
Congress.  Carr  was  a  bright  and  shining  light  in  these  days. 
And  when,  being  not  quite  thirty  years  of  age,  he  died  sud- 
denly, Jefferson  must  face  his  second  sorrow, — the  first  being 
the  death  of  his  own  father.  The  brothers-in-law  had  been  the 
closest  of  companions ;  and  this  death  made  great  changes  in 
the  situation  of  Jefferson.  He  took  the  widow  Carr  and  his 
nieces  and  nephews  into  his  own  home  to  stay  as  members  of 
the  family.  He  now  had  a  great  domestic  establishment  upon 
his  hands, — there  were  thirty-four  whites  and  eighty-three 
blacks  upon  the  home  estate.  Jefferson  had  an  Italian  gar- 
dener and  a  French  cook.  He  set  out  trees,  experimented 
in  grains  and  berries,  knew  the  name  of  every  horse,  cow,  pig 
upon  his  farms,  and  put  up  building  after  building.  He  rode 
and  walked  fox  exercise  and  read  for  amusement  and  for  in- 
struction. Often  of  an  afternoon  or  evening,  he  played  upon 
the  violin  while  his  wife  played  the  spinet. 


256  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

The  Nature  of  the  Struggle  Between  England  and 
America. — "Is  he  discontented  and  set  on  reform?"  The 
cynic  asks  next,  "Is  he  ill  ?"  and  next,  "Has  he  made  a  failure 
of  his  private  business ?"  And  last,  "Is  he  unhappy  at  home?" 
Thomas  Jefferson  was  set  on  reform  and  discontented;  but 
he  was  in  superb  health  and  his  private  business  was  flourish- 
ing, both  his  law  practice  and  his  planting.  His  home-life 
was  ideal.  The  reason  why  he  was  discontented  and  set  upon 
reform  was  because  certain  matters  needed  reforming,  and 
he  was  great  enough  to  see  the  discrepancies  between  existing 
facts  and  eternal  right  and  justice  and  strong  enough  to  dare 
to  try  to  correct  the  evils  in  which  he  and  his  neighbors  and 
all  Americans  were  apparently  becoming  trapped  and  snared 
and  enmeshed. 

Our  Colonial  Position. — The  British  Empire  belonged 
to  the  Crown  and  was  governed  in  every  part  by  a  Parlia- 
ment of  two  Houses,  one  consisting  of  hereditary  lords  and  the 
other  of  elected  commoners,  all  residents  of  the  British  Isles. 
It  was  but  human  nature  that  the  King  and  Parliament  should 
think  of  the  immediate  welfare  first,  and  perhaps  almost 
solely,  of  themselves  and  of  the  British  Isles.  The  Islanders 
were  superior,  the  colonials  inferior.  And  it  was  but  human 
nature  that  the  colonials  should  resent  both  the  airs  of  su- 
periority and  the  actions  designed  to  enforce  the  assumed 
superiority.  A  discussion  of  details, — the  suppression  of 
colonial  manufactures,  the  repression  of  colonial  trade  and 
commerce,  the  taxes,  the  bureaucracy  of  haughty  rulers,  the 
isolation  through  six  weeks'  average  distance  across  the  ocean, 
— is  outside  of  the  scope  of  this  work. 

Parliament  could  not  successfully  rule  America.  At  first, 
the  hope  was  that  Parliament  would  cease  to  try  to  rule 
America  and  would  allow  the  colonial  legislatures  to  rule  the 
several  colonies,  but  that  America  would  remain  under  the 
protection  of  the  British  Crown  and,  of  course,  ready  in  war 
to  defend  the  interests  of  the  Crown.  As  this  hope  died  out, 
some  preferred  to  endure  the  known  evils  and  became  ardent 
Loyalists,  while  others  began  to  dream  of  and  to  work  for 
independence  as  a  nation.  Of  all  these  latter,  Sam  Adams 
of  Massachusetts  was  foremost  to  act.  Not  much  behind  him 
in  time  and  not  at  all  in  energy  were  Patrick  Henry,  Dabney 
Carr,  and  Thomas  Jefferson. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  257 

Member  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses. — In  1769,  Jef- 
ferson became  a  member  of  the  dignified  Virginia  House  of 
Burgesses.  In  1774  he  drew  up,  for  the  enlightenment  and 
guidance  of  the  Virginia  Convention  to  choose  delegates  to 
the  proposed  Continental  Congress,  one  of  his  most  famous 
papers  "A  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British  America." 
Edmund  Burke  in  England,  perhaps  the  greatest,  certainly 
the  most  profound,  of  her  statesmen,  revised  it  and  pushed  it 
to  a  wide  circulation  in  England.  In  1775,  Jefferson  became 
a  member  of  the  Second  Continental  Congress  and  served 
with  success  and  favor  upon  important  committees.  He 
drafted  several  of  those  eloquent  papers  which  were  sent  per- 
severingly  to  the  King  in  the  desire  to  persuade  him  to  a 
wiser  and  a  gentler  course. 

Writes  the  Declaration  of  Independence. — In  1776, 
Jefferson  was  chairman  of  the  committee  to  write  the  Declara- 
tion,— the  other  members  being  Franklin,  John  Adams,  Sher- 
man of  Connecticut  and  R.  R.  Livingston  of  New  York.  His 
literary  skill,  his  zeal,  eloquence,  perfect  mastery  of  all  the 
facts,  and  unquestionable  patriotism  led  the  other  members 
to  ask  him  to  write  the  draft.  His  colleagues  of  the  com- 
mittee changed  it  slightly,  Congress  changed  it  considerably, 
John  Adams  argued  for  it  brilliantly,  and  Sam  Adams  steered 
it  through.  On  July  4th  Congress  passed  it,  and  Hancock  as 
President  and  Charles  Thomson  as  Secretary  signed  it.  On 
August  2,  the  officers  and  most  of  the  others  signed  a  new 
copy  engrossed  on  parchment.  The  last  signature, — that  of 
a  new  member  of  Congress,  Thornton  of  New  Hampshire, — 
was  attached  in  November.  It  is  only  in  a  technical  sense  that 
it  was  signed  unanimously.  Several  delegates  left  Congress 
rather  than  sign  it;  but  their  colonies  immediately  replaced 
these  men  with  enthusiastic  patriots,  who  did  sign  it.  The 
Declaration  is  neither  the  wisest  nor  the  ablest  of  the  produc- 
tions of  Thomas  Jefferson;  but  it  drove  home  at  once  to  the 
mark,  and  had  at  once  and  has  to  this  day  a  wonderful  influ- 
ence upon  the  hearts  of  men. 

Like  much  of  the  philosophy  of  Jefferson,  it  overshot  the 
mark  by  overstatement;  but  mankind  has  always  admired 
hyperbole  that  emphasizes  truth.  It  may  be  stretching  truth 
to  say  that  "all  men  are  created  equal,"  and  that  they  have 
"certain  unalienable  rights,"  to  "life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit 


258  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

of  happiness."  The  Pennsylvanians  had  put  it  more  ex- 
plicitly, affirming  that  all  men  have  the  right  to  own  property 
and  to  work  for  adequate  wages.  Jefferson  cut  out  the 
Quaker  certitudes  and  put  in  his  own  poetry,  but  the  essential 
truth  is  in  his  fine  phrases.  Eloquence  that  moves  men  does 
not  specify,  or  hedge,  or  limit  its  terms. 

The  Virginia  Political  and  Social  Revolution. — 
Jefferson,  under  a  rule  against  reflections,  soon  left  Congress 
to  serve  for  two  and  a  half  years  in  the  State  Assembly;  he 
himself  considered  this  position  pleasanter  and  more  honor- 
able. The  Assembly  then  proceeded  to  abolish  entail  of  real 
estate  and  to  release  lands  thereby,  to  abolish  primogeniture 
and  to  make  all  children  equal  heirs,  to  set  aside  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Church,  and  to  create  a  complete  free  common 
elementary  and  collegiate  educational  system.  This  was  every 
whit  the  work  of  a  true  statesman  and  wise  humanitarian;  it 
redeemed  Virginia  from  a  fixed  aristocracy  and  an  equally 
fixed  theocracy. 

Governor  of  Virginia. — In  1779,  Jefferson  succeeded 
Patrick  Henry  as  Governor  of  the  State.  It  was  for  Vir- 
ginia the  gloomiest  period  of  the  Revolution. 

In  January,  1781,  while  Jefferson  was  still  Governor,  the 
person  of  whom  George  Washington  wrote  these  terrible 
words,  "So  hackneyed  in  villainy  and  so  lost  to  all  sense  of 
honor  and  shame  that  while  his  faculties  will  enable  him  to 
continue  his  sordid  pursuits,  there  will  be  no  time  for  re- 
morse. .  .  .  He  wants  feeling,"  the  traitor  Benedict 
Arnold  invaded  Virginia  from  the  seacoast.  In  June,  came 
the  Cornwallis  raid  under  Tarleton  from  North  Carolina. 
And  Jefferson  was  impeached  for  incapacity. 

In  April,  he  lost  a  daughter,  the  third  of  his  children  to 
die.  He  resigned  and  went  home  to  his  family  and  friends. 

Two  days  after  his  resignation,  a  detachment  of  raiders 
from  the  army  of  Cornwallis  destroyed  much  of  his  property, 
cut  the  throats  of  his  thoroughbred  colts,  and  carried  away 
many  of  his  slaves,  to  die  in  British  prison  ships.  Mrs.  Jef- 
ferson and  himself  barely  escaped  capture.  Their  escape 
saved  King  George  from  answering  an  ugly  question, — for 
the  author  of  the  Declaration  was  now  as  hateful  to  him  as 
Sam  Adams. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  259 

The  Terrible  Cost  to  Jefferson. — At  Yorktown,  Corn- 
wallis  occupied  as  headquarters  the  finest  of  its  mansions — 
that  of  Thomas  Nelson  who  had  succeeded  Jefferson  as  Gov- 
ernor.    The  American  artillery  destroyed  it. 

By  getting  himself  elected  a  member  of  the  Virginia  As- 
sembly, Jefferson  defeated  the  impeachment  charges  against 
himself  as  former  governor,  wherein  he  was  fortunate. 
Nelson  ended  a  bankrupt. 

But  the  strain  of  life  was  proving  too  hard  for  Mrs.  Jef- 
ferson, who  broke  down  completely.  In  September,  1782, 
at  forty-three  years  of  age,  she  died,  with  but  three  of  her 
six  children  surviving.  The  death-rate  tells  volumes  of  the 
turmoil  and  anxiety  of  the  times,  for  Mrs.  Jefferson  was  by 
nature  a  vigorous  woman. 

"Notes  on  Virginia." — In  the  dark  years  of  his  impeach- 
ment, of  his  watching  his  failing  wife,  of  his  sorrow  over  her 
death,  Jefferson  found  distraction  in  the  most  charming  of 
the  products  of  his  pen,  "The  Notes  on  Virginia,"  which, 
however,  he  did  not  publish  until  1787. 

It  is  pitiful  that  there  cling  to  George  Washington  and  to 
Thomas  Jefferson  in  the  common  tradition  that  passes  from 
mouth  to  ear  and  from  memory  to  mouth  again  scandals, — 
pitiful  that  certain  Virginia  families  pride  themselves  upon 
bar  sinisters  in  their  ancestry. 

The  scandals  are  facts  that  affected  their  careers  and  their 
social  standing ;  but  the  truth  is  as  yet  undetermined.  Scandal 
like  death  loves  the  shining  mark. 

Member  of  Congress. — In  that  fateful  year  when  his  wife 
died,  Thomas  Jefferson  was  thirty-nine  years  old.  He  never 
married  again.  Within  a  few  months,  he  left  Monticello 
and  its  sad  associations,  and  went  to  Philadelphia  to  qualify 
as  commissioner  to  France.  But  destiny  determined  that  he 
should  become  a  member  of  Congress  instead.  Until  May, 
1784,  he  attended  its  sessions  at  Annapolis.  When  Wash- 
ington solemnly  handed  back  his  commission  as  Commander- 
in-Chief,  it  was  Jefferson  who  wrote  the  address  in  teply 
read  by  the  President  of  Congress.  What  emotions  Jefferson 
felt  when  Washington  then  asked  for  the  refunding  of  all 
his  military  expenses  may  not  be  presented  here.  Most 
patriots  took  their  losses  and  expenses  as  final,  and  Jefferson 
had  lost  not  only  property  but  also  children  and  wife.    There 


26o  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

is  everything  in  character.  Scarcely  any  man  in  America 
needed  money  less  than  Washington;  but  they  paid  him  in 
full. 

Decimal  Money. — To  Jefferson  in  the  same  Congress, 
we  owe  our  system  of  money, — the  gold  eagle,  the  gold  or 
silver  dollar,  the  dime  and  the  cent.  He  hated  British  guineas 
because  he  hated  the  British ;  they  together  had  bought  Bene- 
dict Arnold,  who  had  destroyed  his  home  and  killed  his  wife. 

To  this  Congress,  upon  his  insistence,  Virginia  ceded  her 
vast  Northwest  Territory. 

Diplomat  in  France. — Then  as  third  minister  plenipoten- 
tiary, Jefferson  set  out  for  Europe  to  negotiate  commercial 
treaties.  In  June,  he  sailed  from  Boston  with  his  daughters. 
They  had  never  seen  New  England  before. 

In  Paris,  French  aristocracy  received  Jefferson  as  a  peer. 
La  Fayette  knew  him.  French  counts  and  barons  had  visited 
him  in  princely  Monticello.  He  was  a  savant  and  a  litterateur. 
He  knew  how  to  entertain  guests  at  dinner.  He  was  a  grace- 
ful dancer,  a  good  seat  on  horseback,  something  of  a  violinist 
and  musician.  He  was  a  spendthrift  and  set  up  a  fine  estab- 
lishment. He  read  many  languages,  though  he  never  spoke 
French  well.  All  Paris  was  almost  as  happy  over  Jefferson 
the  revolutionaire  as  it  had  always  been  over  Franklin  the 
scientist ;  gay  Paris  was  even  happier. 

The  Houdon  Bust  of  Washington. — Jefferson  bought 
the  best  watch  to  be  had  in  France  and  sent  it  to  James  Madi- 
son ;  lamps  for  Richard  Flenry  Lee ;  books  for  George  Wythe 
and  James  Monroe.  One  thing  he  did  among  unusual  things 
was  with  Dr.  Franklin  to  order  for  the  new  Virginia  State 
house  a  portrait  bust  of  George  Washington  from  the  sculp- 
tor Jean  Antoine  Houdon,  displaying  the  great  general's  per- 
sonal appearance  far  better  than  the  equally  famous  picture  by 
Gilbert  Stuart.  One  who  looks  upon  that  marble  verisimili- 
ture, — the  extraordinary  width  between  the  eyes,  the  mighty 
neck,  the  stern  set  of  the  heavy  jaws, — gets  suggestions  of 
force  and  strength  far  beyond  the  possibilities  of  representa- 
tion upon  a  plane  surface.  The  artist  came  all  the  way  to 
America  to  get  a  model  in  plaster  from  Washington  himself. 

Jefferson  aided  many  Americans  then  travelling  or  living 
abroad,  including  certain  prisoners  of  "the  Barbary  pirates." 
He  sent  plants,  nuts  and  seeds  home  to  agricultural  societies 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  261 

for  trial  planting, — these  including  heavy  Italian  rice.  And 
he  imported  from  America  to  France  the  pecan-nut.  He  kept 
in  touch  with  scientific  discoveries  and  technical  inventions. 

Unfortunately  in  Paris,  Jefferson  so  fractured  his  right 
wrist  that  he  never  played  the  fiddle  again  and  had  to  learn  to 
write  with  his  left  hand. 

The  French  Revolution. — While  all  these  things  are 
happening,  the  French  Revolution  approaches  and  arrives. 
The  States-General  of  the  realm  meet.  Mirabeau  thunders. 
The  Bastille  falls.  Jefferson  sees  the  King  brought  forcibly 
from  Versailles  to  Paris.  He  sits  with  sages  and  doctrinaires 
and  extremists  when  the  new  Constitution  is  written.  We 
suspect,  though  we  cannot  know,  for  all  his  letters  of  the 
period  are  lost,  that  he  saw  Robespierre  and  Marat,  Viscount 
Beauharnais  and  Josephine,  and  perhaps  even  the  youth 
Napoleon  Bonaparte. 

In  1785,  the  youngest  of  the  surviving  daughters  of  Jeffer- 
son died,  and  soon  he  placed  his  two  living  children,  Martha 
and  Mary,  in  a  convent  school  in  Paris.  They  were  beautiful 
girls,  much  like  their  mother.  In  1 788,  he  made  a  trip  through 
Belgium,  Holland  and  the  Rhine  valley,  seeing  all  the  famous 
spots,  incidentally  attending  to  the  business  of  refunding  a 
million  florins  of  the  American  debt  to  Holland.  Late  next 
year,  with  his  daughters,  he  came  home  to  Monticello,  a 
cultivated,  finished,  in  a  sense,  lonely  man  of  the  world. 

Secretary  of  State. — Already,  Washington  was  Presi- 
dent and  had  asked  Jefferson  to  be  his  Secretary  of  State.  In 
March,  1790,  he  entered  upon  his  duties,  a  fact  that  shows 
how  slow  was  the  early  business  of  organizing  our  National 
Government.  Alexander  Hamilton  had  already  preempted 
the  citadel.  Their  first  collision  was  an  immediate  victory  for 
Hamilton,  who  secured  for  the  bankers  and  speculators  of  the 
North  the  boon  of  the  assumption  of  the  State  war  debts, 
while  Jefferson  took  for  the  South  the  apparently  empty  honor 
of  the  National  Capital.  For  all  its  costs,  to  this  day  it  is  but 
a  paradise  in  a  wilderness  of  swamps  and  rocky  hillocks  upon 
tidewater,  sweating  wet  hot  in  summer,  damp  and  chill  in 
winter,  full  of  typhoid  and  malaria  and  pneumonia.  But  in 
the  long  years,  Jefferson  had  all  the  best  of  the  bargain,  for 
the  Potomac  location  of  the  Capital  has  been  a  critical  feature 
of  American  history  and  highly  valuable  to  the  South. 


262  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

The  National  Bank. — The  next  collision  between  Hamil- 
ton and  Jefferson  was  over  the  National  Bank.  Hamilton 
won,  thereby  laying  up  trouble  for  Jackson  and  Van  Buren 
and  for  all  other  Americans  but  helping  his  Northern  friends 
at  the  time. 

Then  came  the  astonishing  Genet  episode.  Even  Jefferson, 
though  pro-Gallic,  could  not  endorse  Genet  and  France.  Jef- 
ferson really  wished  to  help  France.  Circumstances  com- 
pelled them  to  rebuke  and  to  reduce  Genet — to  what?  To 
private  citizenship  and  a  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Gov- 
ernor George  Clinton  of  New  York.  The  young  Republican 
enthusiast  Edward  Charles  Genet  saw  vicissitudes  fast.  He 
was  a  younger  brother  of  that  famous  Madame  Jeanne  Genet 
Campan,  who  was  lady-in-waiting  to  Marie  Antoinette  and 
later  the  teacher  of  the  younger  sisters  of  Napoleon,  Emperor 
of  the  French. 

The  Proposed  Alliance  with  France. — Whether  or 
not  America  broke  her  treaty  with  France  in  declining  in 
1792  to  help  her  against  Great  Britain  is  a  question  whose 
negative  answer  is  one  of  the  refinements  of  casuistry  that 
history  forever  debates.  The  mother-country  with  her  im- 
pressment of  seamen  on  the  ocean  and  with  her  encourage- 
ment of  Indian  aggressions  on  the  land  deserved  no  favor  at 
our  hands.  She  waited  to  reduce  Napoleon  before  forcing  a 
second  war  upon  us. 

If  we  had  helped  France,  and  if  France  had  defeated  Great 
Britain,  the  Napoleonic  dynasty  might  have  become  to  West- 
ern Europe  what  the  Hapsburgs  are  to  Central  Europe;  it 
is  an  "if"  fraught  with  meaning  to  democracy  in  America. 
George  Washington  refrigerated  the  hot  ebullient  first  enthu- 
siasm of  grateful  America  into  his  own  stern  and  selfish, 
necessarily  selfish,  determination  to  establish  a  new  nation. 
For  a  nation  is  a  family,  and  with  nations  as  well  as  families, 
charity  begins  at  home. 

Retires  to  Monticello. — Dissatisfied  with  the  course  of 
these  great  events,  December  31,  1793,  Jefferson,  against  the 
wishes  of  Washington,  retired  from  the  Cabinet.  Yet  the 
President  would  not  dismiss  Hamilton;  and  one  or  the  other 
had  to  go.  When  Jefferson  reached  Monticello,  he  found  his 
estate  seriously  dilapidated.  His  ten  thousand  remaining 
acres  sustained  but  three  sheep!      He  set  out  to  repair  his 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  263 

fortunes  as  best  he  might.  Both  his  daughters  were  now 
Well  married — to  men  who  later  served  terms  in  Congress, 
and  one,  with  her  husband  and  children,  came  to  live  with 
him. 

In  this  period,  he  finished  the  building  of  his  house,  intro- 
duced rotation  of  crops,  and  set  out  fruit  trees.  But  the  dif- 
ferences between  his  financial  affairs  and  those  of  such  a 
man  as  Washington  were  great.  Jefferson  had  been  away 
from  America  for  several  years,  and  no  wife  with  abundant 
cash,  like  Martha  Washington,  had  protected  his  interests. 
Death  again  and  again  had  invaded  his  household.  Forever, 
debt  clung  upon  his  skirts.  He  was  remote  from  markets  and 
not  upon  tidewater;  his  $30,000  wheat-mill  had  no  wheat  to 
grind. 

His  hospitality  had  been  unbounded.  In  1794,  he  had 
ninety-three  slaves  and  raised  fifty-four  bushels  of  wheat! 
And  he  loved  books  and  correspondence  and  the  conversation 
of  friends.  Moreover,  he  was  building  up  the  first  and  only 
party  of  consistent  principles  that  this  country  ever  saw ;  and 
he  wrote  all  his  letters  now  with  an  unskilful  left  hand. 

Becomes  Vice-President. — In  such  circumstances,  Jeffer- 
son was  glad  that  in  1797  the  Vice-Presidency  and  a  small 
salary  came  to  him.  He  had  been  a  candidate  for  President 
but  had  lost  by  three  votes.  He  made  this  office  a  strictly  im- 
partial one  of  presiding;  John  Adams  as  Vice-President  had 
considered  himself  as  senator-at-large  for  the  whole  nation 
and  had  debated  freely  and  daily.  Jefferson  who  was  quiet 
and  who,  like  Washington,  preferred  to  put  what  he  had  to 
say  in  black  and  white,  never  debated.  Throughout  the  turbu- 
lent administration  of  Adams,  Jefferson  who  was  invariably 
suave  and  discreet,  bided  his  time.  In  1801,  he  ran  again  for 
President ;  but  as  luck  would  have  it,  tied  for  that  office  with 
Aaron  Burr,  the  candidate  of  his  own  party  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. It  was  a  situation  unforeseen  by  the  makers  of  the  Con- 
stitution who  had  thought  that  each  elector  would  cast  his 
vote  for  any  man  that  he  chose.  Already,  public  opinion  and 
party  fealty  tied  the  elector's  hands.  Congress  decided  by  one 
vote  for  Jefferson.  That  one  vote  came  to  him  through  the 
Vermont  Congressman  Matthew  Lyon  who  had  personally 
suffered  grievously  from  the  Sedition  Act,1  and  had  persuaded 
his  colleague  to  change. 

*See  pp.  97,  248,  249,  supra. 


264  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Wins  Presidency  by  One  Vote. — It  will  not  serve  to  an 
understanding  of  the  situation  as  it  actually  existed  in  1801  to 
think  of  Aaron  Burr  as  we  think  of  him  to-day.  Burr  was  the 
rival  of  Hamilton,  a  New  York  State  politician,  founder  of 
Tammany  Hall,  able,  magnetic,  unscrupulous,  surpassingly 
adroit,  immensely  ambitious,  with  no  other  stain  upon  his 
reputation  than  loose  relations  with  women.  The  future  was 
to  disclose  his  inferiority  to  Jefferson  and  his  essential  evil. 

An  Extreme  Economist. — As  President,  Jefferson  learned 
a  lesson  from  the  errors  of  Adams,  who  had  continued  the 
Cabinet  of  Washington,  and  promptly  organized  a  new  one, 
with  James  Madison  as  Secretary  of  State  and  with  Albert 
Gallatin  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  He  stopped  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts,  which  was  wise,  and 
through  his  supporters  in  Congress  undertook  to  do  away  with 
internal  revenue  duties,  which  was  unwise,  and  with  all 
direct  taxation,  which  again  was  unwise  for  a  different 
reason. 

Direct  taxation  is  honest  and  public  and  the  only  right  taxa- 
tion in  a  democracy.  He  proposed  to  rely  solely  upon  a  cus- 
toms tariff  for  revenue  only.  This  also  was  a  mistake.  By 
reducing  the  amounts  of  salaries  and  the  number  of  positions, 
he  cut  down  government  expense.  The  former  was  wrong, 
the  latter  right.  Cheap  service  is  never  good.  By  the  total 
saving,  he  reduced  the  national  debt,  which  was  also  right, 
for  hereditary  bondholders  make  a  caste  of  snobs.  But  though 
he  did  some  things  financial  well,  he  never  understood  finance, 
public  or  private.  Not  a  few  other  Presidents  have  been 
equally  lost  at  sea  in  matters  of  national  finance — among  them 
Lincoln,  Grant  and  Roosevelt. 

Louisiana  Purchased,  Without  Legal  Warrant. — It 
was  in  1803  that  Jefferson  accomplished  his  greatest  achieve- 
ment— the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  He  sent  James  Monroe, 
whom  Frenchmen  loved,  to  aid  R.  R.  Livingston,  then  min- 
ister to  France,  in  negotiating  the  purchase.  Napoleon  needed 
money.  He  had  recently  acquired  Louisiana  from  Spain ;  but 
he  had  armies  and  navies  to  finance.  And  he  sold  Louisiana 
for  $15,000,000.  With  this  and  other  funds,  he  won  the 
war  that  he  declared  twelve  days  after  settling  the  nego- 
tiation. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  265 

The  purchase  of  Louisiana  was  entirely  beyond  any  Con- 
stitutional authority  or  Congressional  statute;  but  public 
opinion,  outside  of  New  England,  was  almost  unanimous  in 
approval  of  the  action.  If  any  other  man  of  that  day  had 
been  President,  with  the  possible  exception  of  Monroe, 
Louisiana  would  have  remained  French  until  181 4.  There- 
after like  Canada,  it  would  have  belonged  to  Great  Britain. 
Our  United  States  might  have  been  a  little  nation  like  Argen- 
tina or  German.  But  Jefferson,  in  this  instance,  was  the  vis- 
ionary who  performs, — in  other  words,  an  immortal  statesman. 

It  is,  of  course,  true  that  Louisiana  might  have  fallen  to 
us  by  the  luck  of  war.  Without  our  $15,000,000,  Napoleon 
would  not  have  fought  at  Austerlitz.  Without  Louisiana  in 
our  hands,  there  might  have  been  not  a  Monroe  Doctrine  but 
a  line  of  forts  on  either  side  of  the  Mississippi;  and  a  North 
America  like  South  America  or  Europe. 

The  Cabinets  of  Jefferson. — The  story  of  Jefferson  as 
President  is  partly  disclosed  by  the  history  of  his  Cabinet, 
which  was  this : 

State — James  Madison  of  Virginia. 

Treasury — Samuel  Dexter  of  Massachusetts,  succeeded  by 
Albert  Gallatin  (Swiss)  of  Pennsylvania,  who  served  nearly 
all  of  the  eight  years  of  Jefferson. 

War — Henry  Dearborn  of  Massachusetts. 

Attorney-General — Levi  Lincoln  of  Massachusetts,  four 
years ;  Robert  Smith  of  Maryland,  brief  term ;  John  Breckin- 
ridge of  Kentucky,  two  years;  Caesar  A.  Rodney  of  Dela- 
ware, two  years. 

Postmaster-General — Joseph  Habersham  of  Pennsylvania, 
brief  term;  Gideon  Granger  of  Connecticut,  nearly  eight 
years. 

Navy — Benjamin  Stoddart  of  Maryland,  brief  term; 
Robert  Smith  of  Maryland,  four  years;  Jacob  Crowninshield 
of  Massachusetts,  four  years. 

This  last  new  Department,  talked  of  by  Washington  and 
by  Adams,  was  developed  by  the  war  with  Barbary  pirates. 
Hitherto,  our  few  ships  were  cared  for  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment. But  the  new  Department  was  capable  of  the  ridiculous 
land  gunboat  idea. 

Handsomely  Re-elected. — In  the  year  1803,  the  war  ships 
of  America  silenced  the  pirates  of  Tripoli  and  Algiers  and 


266  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Morocco.  In  1804,  Lewis  and  Clarke  explored  the  Louisiana 
Territory — at  a  cost  in  all  to  us  of  $2,500.  In  this  same 
year,  following  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  establish- 
ing the  present  manner  of  electing  the  President  and  the 
Vice-President,  Jefferson  was  reelected  by  a  vote  of  162  to  14 
for  C.  C.  Pinckney.  Clinton  of  New  York  became  Vice-Presi- 
dent, winning  over  Rufus  King.  It  was  the  second  defeat  of 
General  Pinckney,  for  all  that  he  had  been  conspicuous  for 
gallant  service  at  Brandywine  and  Savannah.  No  Southern 
Federalist  ever  got  very  far  in  national  politics.  Federalism, 
Whiggism  and  Republicanism  have  been  discreditable  in 
Southerners  since  Washington  retired  in  1797. 

The  Embargo  Acts. — The  second  term  of  his  administra- 
tion was  concerned  mainly  with  that  long  chain  of  circum- 
stances leading  to  the  Embargo  Acts  for  which,  by  later  states- 
men and  publicists,  Jefferson  has  been  so  greatly  blamed.  But 
the  truth  seems  to  be  both  that  an  embargo  may  have  certain 
temporary  values  and  that  embargoes  had  long  been  standard 
measures  of  international  struggle.  The  temporary  values  of 
keeping  one's  merchantmen  at  home  are  two :  First,  the  pur- 
chasing nations  are  deprived  of  customary  merchandise  that 
may  include  necessaries  of  life  and  are  thereby  shocked  into 
a  partial  realization  of  the  presence  of  a  crisis  in  international 
affairs;  and,  second,  the  merchant  ships  are  safe  at  home 
pending  the  building  or  purchase  of  cruisers  to  protect  them 
when  next  they  do  venture  upon  the  high  seas. 

The  familiar  assertion  that  in  respect  to  the  embargoes  Jef- 
ferson persisted  too  long  is  totally  erroneous.  The  price  of 
flour  rose  in  England  to  $19  a  barrel,  and  so  great  was  the 
popular  clamor  that  in  181 2  she  was  forced  to  revoke  her 
"Orders  in  Council."  But  it  is  true  that  Jefferson  opposed 
a  navy.  For  a  time,  his  policy  impoverished  the  country. 
In  a  measure,  he  played  into  the;  hands  both  of  England 
and  of  France, — of  England  in  that  he  quieted  the  Yankee 
traders  who  were  the  rivals  of  her  merchants,  and  of  France 
in  that  he  raised  the  price  of  the  merchandise  need  by  Eng- 
land at  home.  But  he  angered  New  England  and  indeed  all 
the  coast  cities ;  and  his  conduct  has  been  misrepresented  ever 
since.  He  was  perhaps  too  much  the  agriculturist  and  the 
theorist  to  see  commercial  interests  truly;  and  he  was  never 
deeply  interested  in  manufactures. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  267 

Burr  Kills  Hamilton. — Aaron  Burr,  grandson  of  the 
Reverend  Jonathan  Edwards,  and  hero  of  several  Revolu- 
tionary battles,  sought  the  governorship  of  New  York  State. 
Hamilton,  his  rival  at  the  bar,  accomplished  his  defeat;  and 
then  called  him  a  "despicable"  character.  Burr  challenged  him 
to  a  duel.  Both  were  immoral  men,  both  were  insolvent. 
Hamilton  had  eight  children,  one  of  his  sons  had  been  killed 
in  a  duel  in  1802.  Burr  had  one  beautiful  and  brilliant  daugh- 
ter, Theodosia.  If  both  had  been  killed  that  July  day  in 
1804,  history  would  have  called  them  fairly  matched.  Burr 
was  just  a  year  older  than  Hamilton.  Each  had  enjoyed  the 
confidence  of  Washington.  Undoubtedly,  Burr  was  the  abler 
soldier,  though  not  braver.  Undoubtedly,  Burr  was  the  abler 
politician.  And  almost  undoubtedly,  Hamilton  was  the  more 
gifted  statesman  and  the  shrewder  judge  of  men.  Burr  killed 
Hamilton,  escaping  unscathed ;  and  was  ruined  by  his  triumph. 
That  duel  nearly  ended  duelling  in  America.  It  made  Hamil- 
ton at  once  a  martyr  and  Burr  ultimately  an  outcast 

The  Alleged  Treason  of  Aaron  Burr. — Driven  by 
criminal  prosecutions  into  the  Ohio  valley,  Aaron  Burr 
conceived  the  great  scheme  of  seating  his  dynasty  on  "the 
throne  of  the  Montezumas"  in  Mexico.  Many  persons 
thought  that  he  meant  to  include  in  his  empire  the  Louisiana 
Territory  that  Jefferson  had  just  bought  from  France.  One 
of  his  fellow-conspirators,  a  vile  creature  in  high  office,  Gen- 
eral Wilkinson,  betrayed  him;  and  the  former  United  States 
Senator  from  New  York  and  Vice-President,  who  had  lost 
the  Presidency  itself  by  but  one  vote  in  Congress  after  a  tie 
in  the  Electoral  College,  was  tried  for  treason  before  the 
Supreme  Court  in  1807. 

It  is  one  of  the  curious  things  of  history  that  Burr,  a  Demo- 
crat like  Jefferson,  should  have  been  supported  in  this  trial 
by  the  Federalists.  Even  Chief  Justice  Marshall  made  rulings 
in  his  favor  that  are  not  supported  to-day  by  impartial  critics. 
Federalism  so  hated  Jefferson  that  it  loved  Burr  even  in  this 
terrible  hour  of  his  reputed  treason.  The  Supreme  Court 
acquitted  him.  But  Ohio  immediately  rearrested  him.  He 
jumped  bail  and  fled  to  Europe.  Years  later,  he  came  back 
from  his  wanderings,  tried  to  recover  his  law  practice, — his 
first  wife  being  long  dead, — married  for  his  second  wife  a 
widow  like  the  first,  quarrelled  with  her,  and  died  in  poverty 


268  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

in  1836.  And  the  strange  thing  about  the  affair  is  that  a 
Burr  Empire  in  Mexico  might  have  been  a  good  proposi- 
tion for  all  concerned.  At  any  rate,  rich  John  Jacob  Astor 
thought  so,  for  he  had  furnished  money  to  Burr  and  Blenner- 
hasset. 

President  Foils  Chief  Justice. — It  is  a  tremendous  and 
a  romantic  story  that  greatly  concerned  Thomas  Jefferson. 
In  his  effort  to  get  Burr  punished,  Jefferson  defied  the  orders 
of  the  Supreme  Court  and  made  the  Presidency  absolutely 
above  any  and  all  judges.  Ascendant  Federalism  had  been 
defeated  politically  by  Jefferson  in  1800.  Now  in  1807,  the 
Federalist  judiciary  finds  its  high- water  mark  a  little  lower 
than  the  Presidency.  The  Supreme  Court  cannot  summon  a 
President  as  a  witness  in  any  case  whatsoever.  Not  yet  had  it 
undertaken  to  declare  any  act  of  Congress  null  and  void  for 
want  of  constitutionality.  For  years,  the  three  departments 
would  struggle  for  primacy. 

Home  at  Monticello. — Thomas  Jefferson  was  an  old 
man,  nearly  sixty-six,  when  he  laid  down  the  cares  of  office. 
He  had  named  his  successor,  and  went  back  gladly  to  Monti- 
cello.  There  he  lived  for  seventeen  years  to  come, — in  a  rich 
insolvency.  He  had  to  borrow  $7,000  to  leave  Washington 
with  all  his  debts  to  tradesmen  paid.  Home  at  last  to  stay, 
he  gathered  literally  multitudes  of  friends  and  relatives  about 
hirn,  guests  unnumbered,  transient  visitors,  mere  callers.  He 
read  books  and  replied  to  every  letter.  He  counselled  later 
Presidents,  often  wisely.  He  wrote  his  bitter  "Anas"  about 
his  contemporaries.  In  a  cabinet  drawer,  he  kept  and  tenderly 
handled  the  mementoes  of  his  wife  and  dead  children.  He 
tried  to  organize,  under  State  approval,  a  lottery  by  which  he 
could  work  off  most  of  his  lands  and  all  his  debts.  Year  after 
year,  he  labored  to  build  the  University  of  Virginia;  and  at 
last,  from  Monticello,  he  watched  the  first  buildings  rise  in 
Charlottesville.  He  was  the  first  rector  of  that  institu- 
tion. In  his  last  days  he  sold  to  Congress  his  library  for 
$23,000. 

For  nine  months  before  his  end  he  knew  that  he  was  dying. 
He  was  glad  to  go.  Senility,  poverty,  and  unwillingness  to 
struggle  were  upon  him.  At  eighty-three  years  of  age, 
Thomas  Jefferson  died  July  4,  1826,  leaving  one  daughter  and 
ten  grandchildren.     His  executor  settled  his  estate,  paying 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  269 

every  dollar  of  its  debts  by  generously  contributing  to  the 
creditors  some  twenty  thousand  dollars  of  his  own.  Such 
was  the  financial  status  of  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  the  purchaser  of  the  Louisiana  Territory,  and 
the  founder  of  American  democracy  with  its  separation  of 
religion  and  government  and  its  creation  of  universal  educa- 
tion. 

The  Most  Popular  Man  in  American  History. — No 
other  President  ever  was  so  popular  with  Congress  and  the 
people  as  was  Thomas  Jefferson — He  was  in  truth  the  most 
generally  popular  man  whom  this  country  ever  had;  from 
1800  to  1826,  Jefferson  was  continuously  our  first  citizen. 

The  people  forgot  his  rival  John  Adams  of  Massachusetts 
and  looked  upon  Jefferson  of  Virginia  as  the  successor  in  their 
hearts  of  George  Washington.  No  New  England  man  ever 
was  a  popular  hero  in  America.  For  the  main  matter,  Jef- 
ferson really  believed  in  the  people.  His  democracy  was  sin- 
cere. Questions  might  come  and  go.  Democracy  itself  might 
answer  them  wrongly.  But  "let  the  majority  rule"  was  Jef- 
fersonianism  in  its  essence.     "Vox  populi  vox  Dei." 

For  a  third  and  lesser  matter,  Jefferson  had  great,  at  times 
grandiose  ideas.  And  the  generality  like  the  man  of  big 
ideas. 

Again,  Jefferson  was  personally  of  charming  manners.  He 
liked  to  please.  He  was  quite  feminine  in  this  quality  as  in 
certain  others.  He  could  efface  himself.  He  was  not  aggres- 
sively egotistical ;  and  though  his  conceits  were  many,  he  never 
forced  them  upon  others.  He  was  naturally  genial,  and  his 
residence  in  France  made  him  polite  without  being  ceremo- 
nious. His  early  rival,  John  Adams,  had  grown  ceremonious 
without  being  polite. 

But  with  these  engaging  qualities  went  at  least  one  other 
not  admirable.  Jefferson  was  self -protective  and  adroit.  He 
lived  in  the  upper  air  of  philosophic  statesmanship,  and  let  his 
followers  down  in  the  arena  take  the  sword.  This  was  con- 
spicuous in  his  assault  upon  the  Federalist  Supreme  Court 
Justice  Chase  of  Maryland,  in  his  first  administration,  and  it 
cost  him  the  support  of  that  brilliant  leader,  John  Randolph, 
who  resented  being  set  to  a  fight  with  the  terrible  Luther 
Martin  and  then  coolly  dropped  when  he  lost.  Jefferson  had 
another  quality  still  meaner;  he  spoke  ill  of  certain  rivals 


270  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

falsely.  His  overdrawn  account  of  the  early  life  of  Patrick 
Henry  is  thoroughly  discreditable  to  himself;  nor  was  this  the 
only  instance.  Jefferson  was  a  speculative  scientist,  careless 
of  facts;  he  aimed  at  goals,  and  was  not  too  scrupulous  of  his 
paths. 

Compared  with  Washington. — Inevitably,  we  compare 
Thomas  Jefferson  with  George  Washington.  In  a  few  points, 
he  is  the  superior;  in  most,  he  is  the  inferior;  in  some,  he  is 
incomparable. 

Jefferson  helped  win  for  us  the  region  from  Pittsburg  to 
St.  Louis  by  various  acts  in  early  days;  and  wholly  won  for 
us  the  region  from  New  Orleans  to  Helena,  Montana.  Wash- 
ington won  for  us  the  region  from  Maine  to  Georgia.  Jeffer- 
son was  rich  when  he  began  life,  poor  when  he  died.  Wash- 
ington was  richer  than  Jefferson  when  he  began  life,  and  died 
far  richer.  We  feel  with  and  for  the  thriftless  philosopher, 
not  for  the  thrifty  soldier-statesman.  Jefferson  suffered  many 
personal  sorrows  all  his  life.  Providence  gave  Washington 
no  family  of  children,  and  his  widow  survived  him.  His  was 
the  narrower  domestic  life. 

Teacher  of  Americanism. — Jefferson  conceived  a  con- 
sistent political  and  social  philosophy.  He  violated  each,  how- 
ever, in  his  own  acts.  Washington  had  no  philosophy;  but  a 
not  too  dull  man  can  be  consistent  in  action. 

In  the  record  of  George  Washington,  there  are  no  "Anas." 
There  is  the  imperishable  story  of  the  capture  of  the  Hessians 
on  Christmas  morning.  There  is  the  valor  at  Monmouth,  and 
the  far-sighted  strategy  of  Yorktown.  There  is  the  endur- 
ance, however  stolid,  at  Valley  Forge. 

Set  them,  side  by  side,  these  early  heroes  and  statesmen, — 
Jefferson  is  more  like  Franklin  than  he  is  like  Washington. 
Careless,  if  not  worse,  in  some  personal  habits,  erratic,  free- 
handed, often  balked  and  despairing,  Jefferson  never  set  him- 
self above  or  apart  from  common  human  nature,  never  was 
petty,  never  arrogant.  It  was  solidity  and  force  set  over 
against  brilliance  and  bigness.  Neither  was  ideal  or  nearly 
ideal.  Yet  in  his  total  service  to  America  each  one  comes 
down  to  us  above  Sam  Adams,  above  Patrick  Henry,  above 
John  Adams,  far  above  Hamilton  and  Hancock,  challenging 
first  place  in  the  mind  of  later  posterity  with  Madison  and 
Franklin.     Later  ages  will  study  these  four, — astonished  at 


JAMES  MADISON  271 

Franklin's  genius,  loving  Jefferson,  thinking  through  the  wis- 
dom of  Madison,  and  awed  to  silence  by  the  serene  dignity  of 
the  matured  Washington. 


CHAPTER  IV 

James  Madison 

1809-1817 
1751-1836 

17-19  States  1810— Population  7,329,881 

Admitted :    Louisiana,  Indiana. 

Heir  of  Thomas  Jefferson — early  home — educated  at  Princeton — born  a 
philosopher — became  a  general  scholar — the  Virginia  Convention  of 
1776 — member  Assembly — member  Governor's  Council — member  Con- 
tinental Congress  in  1780 — the  three-fifths  rule  as  to  slaves — mem- 
ber Virginia  Assembly  again — Annapolis  Convention — navigation  of 
the  Mississippi — arduous  and  competent  service  in  Federal  Constitu- 
tional Convention — slavery  debated — the  coming  factory  system — 
bicameral  legislature  agreed  upon — partly  national,  partly  federal — 
items  about  important  members — George  Mason — James  Wilson — 
Robert  Morris — Alexander  Hamilton — Luther  Martin — checks  and 
balances — a  triune  government — "The  Federalist" — the  struggle  for 
ratification  by  Virginia — Madison  against  Henry,  Mason,  Lee  and 
Randolph — a  statesman — member  of  Congress — tax  on  slaves  proposed 
— the  Ten  Amendments — Madison  and  the  Hamilton- Jefferson  bar- 
gain— the  poor  site  of  the  Capital — the  coming  race-struggle — the 
Franklin  abolition  petition — a  strict  constructionist  and  State's  Rights 
man — "The  National  Gazette" — married  Dolley  Payne  Todd,  social 
leader — the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions — our  referendums — 
Secretary  of  State — a  clerk  to  Jefferson — President — the  Napoleonic 
Wars — Clay  forces  war — Washington  burned — New  Orleans  victory — 
domestic  manufactures — a  slightly  protective  tariff  adopted — regent 
University  of  Virginia — his  temperament  and  character — a  Constitu- 
tional  President. 

Heir  of  Thomas  Jefferson. — The  Jeffersonian  dynasty 
was  a  succession  of  three  men  to  the  Presidency, — Thomas 


272  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Jefferson,  James  Madison,  and  James  Monroe, — and  harsh 
critics  have  often  styled  it  a  painful  decrescendo.  Madison 
inherited  from  Jefferson  a  theory  of  government — "the  least 
government  is  the  best  government" — and  an  inevitable  war. 

Not  until  Washington  died  in  1799,  could  John  Adams  be 
the  first  citizen  of  the  land;  and  his  term  of  office  was  too 
far  gone  for  him  ever  to  become  that  first  citizen.  By  1799 
Hamilton,  in  his  own  party,  and  Jefferson  and  Burr,  then 
"Republican  Democrats,"  disputed  that  distinction  with  him. 
As  for  Madison,  his  predecessor  survived  the  close  of  his 
second  term;  and  the  President  was  never  better  than  next 
to  the  first  citizen  of  the  land. 

His  Home  at  Montpelier. — James  Madison  belonged 
from  birth  to  death  in  beautiful  Montpelier,  Virginia.  He 
happened  to  be  born  at  Port  Conway  March  16,  1751,  where 
his  mother  was  on  a  visit  at  her  father's  home.  She  was 
Nelly  Conway,  and  James  was  the  first  born  of  her  seven 
children. 

Educated  at  Princeton. — The  Madisons  were  indepen- 
dent planters,  as  were  also  the  Conways.  They  had  means 
enough  to  provide  a  good  college  preparation  for  their  oldest 
son ;  and  sent  him  not  to  William  and  Mary  but  up  north  to 
Princeton  College,  presumably  to  widen  his  horizon.  At 
college,  he  was  a  prodigiously  hard  student,  adding  even  He- 
brew and  theology,  in  true  Princeton  style,  to  his  other  studies. 
Then  he  came  home  to  Montpelier  and  set  himself  to  teach  his 
younger  brothers  and  sisters.  For  years,  his  health  suffered 
from  over  application  to  books,  or  was  it  from  the  climate,  or 
from  poor  eyesight  in  an  age  of  incorrect  lenses  in  spectacles? 
At  first,  he  probably  intended  to  become  a  minister;  but  the 
existing  state  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  Virginia  deterred  him. 
He  was  no  enthusiast  for  an  established  church  nor  for  any 
union  of  altar  and  throne. 

Member  Virginia  Convention  of  1776. — Because  he  was 
a  sober-minded,  socially  well-connected  scholarly  young  man, 
— the  first-born  of  a  landed  family  in  an  age  of  primogeniture, 
— in  1774  his  county  made  James  Madison,  at  twenty-three 
years  of  age,  a  delegate  to  the  Committee  of  Safety;  and 
for  no  other  apparent  reason.  He  was  not  a  revolutionary 
enthusiast  but  rather  a  convinced  philosopher,  a  child  of  the 
light.    No  philosopher  is  ever  a  reformer  or  soldier. 


JAMES  MADISON  2/3 

In  1776,  Madison's  county  sent  him  to  the  Virginia  Conven- 
tion, and  he  made  what  he  called  his  first  real  "entrance  upon 
public  life." 

A  General  Scholar. — Graduated  at  Princeton  in  1771, 
Madison  had  turned  at  home  from  theology  to  law  and  was 
now  a  member  of  the  bar.  But  he  had  studied  more  than 
law, — beyond  any  other  American,  from  mysterious  sources 
not  yet  satisfactorily  accounted  for,  by  1776  he  had  become 
thoroughly  versed  in  the  history  of  law  and  of  jurisprudence, 
of  politics  and  of  social  development.  Virginia  planters  sent 
strange  orders  to  their  London  agents;  and  for  want  of  any 
other  reasonable  hypothesis,  historians  assume  that  James 
Madison,  senior,  ordered  for  James,  junior,  a  considerable 
number  of  unusual  books  to  be  charged  against  the  tobacco 
consignments.    It  is  purely  an  hypothesis :  no  one  knows. 

Member  of  Virginia  Assembly. — In  the  Virginia  Con- 
vention of  1776,  Madison  served  upon  the  committee  for  a 
new  Constitution;  and  when  the  Assembly  succeeded  to  the 
authority  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  he  was  elected  a  member. 
He  failed  of  reelection,  for  the  highly  interesting  reason  that 
contrary  to  custom,  he  declined  to  treat  the  voters  to  potations 
of  alcoholic  beverages.  But  the  Assembly  thereupon  immedi- 
ately elected  him  a  member  of  the  Governor's  Council.  In 
1 780,  he  was  made  a  delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress,  and 
was  its  youngest  member.  Within  a  year,  he  diagnosed  the 
true  cause  of  our  troubles  at  that  stage  of  the  conflict,  "One 
or  two  millions  of  guineas  properly  applied  would  diffuse 
vigor  and  satisfaction  throughout  the  whole  military  depart- 
ment, and  would  expel  the  enemy  from  every  part  of  the 
United  States."  It  was  the  clear-sighted,  naive  view  of  the 
book-scholar;  that  was  the  issue  of  the  struggle, — the 
control  of  the  taxing  power,  the  ownership  of  the  golden 
stream. 

In  1780,  Member  Continental  Congress. — For  a  time, 
Madison  spent  his  energies  upon  the  detail  work  of  those 
multitudinous  committees  into  which  the  Continental  Congress, 
both  legislative  and  executive  in  its  nature,  was  forced.  The 
government  needed  three  million  dollars  annually  for  running 
expenses,  and  got  barely  a  half  million.  The  delegates  were 
paid  by  their  home  constituencies.  How  to  apportion  the  costs 
of  government  was  the  serious  domestic  question.    In  particu- 


274  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

lar,  were  the  negro  slaves  men  or  real  estate  or  naught  for 
the  purposes  of  taxation? 

The  South  wished  the  negroes  counted  for  purposes  of 
representation,  and  either  omitted  or  scaled  down  in  respect  to 
taxation.  It  was  Madison  who,  backed  by  Hamilton,  pro- 
posed the  three-fifths  rule  that  later  was  carried  over  into 
the  Constitution. 

The  Annapolis  Convention. — In  1784,  Madison  retired 
from  Congress,  under  a  vicious  law  denying  reelections,  and 
at  once  became  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Assembly.  He  gave 
himself  almost  wholly  to  matters  of  Virginia  commerce, — 
especially  her  relations  with  Maryland  and  with  England. 
There  were  questions  of  ports  of  entry,  projects  for  deepen- 
ing the  upper  Potomac  for  navigation  and  for  a  canal  from 
the  Potomac  to  the  Delaware,  and  problems  of  the  relations 
of  the  State  with  the  Confederation.  In  1786,  Madison  was 
appointed  as  one  of  five  Virginia  delegates  to  a  convention  of 
the  States  at  Annapolis  to  consider  the  whole  situation.  Vir- 
ginia, Delaware,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey  and  New  York 
sent  delegates, — eleven  in  all.  North  Carolina,  Rhode  Island, 
Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  promised  delegates,  but 
none  came.  The  Convention  would  have  been  a  failure,  had  not 
the  eleven  agreed  to  issue  a  call  for  a  convention  in  May 
next  year  at  Philadelphia. 

The  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi. — There  was  more 
than  one  trouble  for  the  disturbed  country  to  worry  over. 
There  was  a  controversy  with  Spain  as  to  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi,  whose  mouth  and  western  shores  she  owned. 
John  Jay,  as  minister  to  Spain,  had  proposed,  as  a  compromise 
period,  twenty-five  years  and  sought  to  make  a  treaty  upon 
that  basis.  Congress  wavered  on  this  point,  and  Madison 
held,  with  Virginia,  that  navigation  must  be  free  forever. 
The  Southern  States  cared  more  to  have  New  Orleans  and 
lower  Louisiana  than  the  Northern  States  in  union  with  them. 
This  tremendous  issue  had  a  deal  to  do  with  the  purchase  of 
all  Louisiana  in  1803. 

Leader  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1787. — 
There  were  two  parties  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  of 
1787.  One  wished  to  fix  up  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
the  other  to  make  a  new  government.  And  there  were  two 
great  problems,  that,  in  a  sense,  were  part  and  parcel  of  one 


JAMES  MADISON  275 

another.  One  was  how  to  keep  the  States  in  equality  with  one 
another  in  a  federal  system,  and  the  other  was  how  to  keep 
the  citizens  in  equality  with  one  another.  The  smaller  States 
were  jealous  of  the  great, — Delaware  feared  that  Pennsyl- 
vania would  absorb  her ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  the  numerous 
citizens  of  Massachusetts,  Virginia,  and  Pennsylvania,  the 
thickly  populated  States,  saw  that  they  might  individually 
count  for  much  less  than  the  relatively  few  citizens  of  other 
States.  None  yet  foresaw  the  sectional  cleavage  of  North 
and  South. 

The  Two  Main  Issues. — The  other  problem  was  how  to 
count  the  enslaved  negroes.  Were  they  men  or  not?  It  was 
the  old  question  already  threshed  out  in  the  Continental  Con- 
gress. And  it  must  be  threshed  out  and  silenced,  not  solved, 
all  over  again.  The  South  wanted  power,  and  made  its  de- 
mand, and  stuck  to  it.  Every  slave  was  to  count  three-fifths 
as  much  as  a  man.  There  were  750,000  slaves.  Obviously, 
the  South  meant  to  get  an  extra  allowance  of  450,000  popula- 
tion. 

The  total  population  in  1790  was  4,000,000;  of  these 
one-third  were  in  the  South,  of  whom  700,000  were  slaves, 
for  there  were  still  50,000  slaves  in  the  Northern  States. 
In  other  words,  every  white  man  of  the  South  was  to  have  his 
own  vote  and  more  than  half  of  that  of  one  slave  at  his  dis- 
posal. It  requires  but  little  reflection  to  see  how  indignantly 
many  Northerners  viewed  the  situation.  No  abolition  view 
was  necessary  to  create  that  indignation.  If  one  man  could 
have  an  extra  vote  for  his  slave,  why  not  let  his  neighbor  have 
an  extra  vote  for  his  horse  or  for  his  sheep  ? 

Let  Charles  Cotes  worth  Pinckney  speak  for  the  South :  "If 
slavery  be  wrong,  it  is  justified  by  the  example  of  all  the 
world."  He  avowed  a  desire  to  raise  the  slave  States  to  an 
equality  with  the  other  States  and  struggled  hard  to  have  the 
voteless  negro  of  the  South  count  equally  with  all  white  voters 
for  the  purposes  of  the  apportionment  of  representatives  in 
Congress.  This  was  that  Pinckney  whose  fine,  strong  face 
and  magnificent  frame  made  him  in  appearance  comparable 
with  George  Washington,  and  who  later  ran  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  several  times  as  the  leader  of  the  Southern  Fed- 
eralists. 

And  let  Gouverneur  Morris,  who  also  in  appearance  closely 


276  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

resembled  Washington,  speak  for  the  North:  "If  this  [dis- 
tinction between  South  and  North  be  real],  instead  of  blend- 
ing incompatible  things,  let  us  at  once  take  friendly  leave  of 
each  other. "  He  was  bitter  in  his  railing  at  the  miserable 
condition  of  Southern  agriculture  and  denounced  slavery  as 
"a  nefarious  institution." 

Evidently,  they  must  compromise  or  part.  There  were 
abolitionists  among  the  Southern  delegates — among  them 
was  George  Mason.  There  were  pro-slavery  delegates  from  the 
North — among  them  Ellsworth  and  Sherman.  Madison 
forced  the  compromise.  And  any  compromise  helped  the 
South.  They  had  replied  to  the  question,  not  answered  it; 
silenced  conscience,  not  solved  the  problem.  And  all  the  while 
they  knew  that  the  capitalists  as  opposed  to  the  slaveowners 
were  trying  to  get  up  a  factory  system  to  employ  the  cheap 
labor  of  women  and  children  as  in  England  and  Scotland. 

The  Bicameral  Legislature. — The  other  and  larger 
problem  was  worked  out  to  a  solution.  Two  houses  they  must 
have  in  the  National  Legislature ;  let  the  higher  one  represent 
the  States,  the  lower  the  people.  The  South  desired  the  States 
to  elect  to  both  Houses ;  but  here  the  South  by  its  spokesman 
Pinckney  lost.  Madison  favored  proportional  representation 
in  both  Houses.  A  minor  compromise  gave  to  each  State  two 
Senators,  but  representation  in  the  lower  House  according  to 
population,  slaves  counting  at  three-fifths  according  to  the 
agreement. 

Such  were  the  famous  compromises;  there  were  many 
others;  Madison  engineering  most  of  them.  As  one  reads 
the  collected  journals  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  the 
greatness  of  his  service,  the  immensity  of  the  labor  that  he 
performed  through  that  long  summer  in  Philadelphia  grows 
upon  the  mind.  There  were  other,  and  apparently  abler  men 
present,  there  was  none  other  more  useful.  To  him  are  due 
more  of  the  features  of  the  resulting  National  Government 
than  to  any  other  one  man. 

The  Foremost  Men  in  the  Convention. — The  promi- 
nent men  of  the  Convention  were  these,  viz. : 

George  Mason  was  of  first-class  statesmen  timber ;  in  human 
probability  would  have  made  a  better  President  than  any  of 
the  early  Presidents  except  Jefferson.  He  would  not  have 
bought   Louisiana.      He   believed    in    localized    government, 


JAMES  MADISON  277 

thought  that  power  lodged  remotely  was  dangerous,  and  was 
quite  right  in  so  thinking. 

Charles  Pinckney  of  South  Carolina  was  then  but  twenty- 
nine  years  old,  standing  upon  the  threshold  of  a  long  and  bril- 
liant career.  C.  C.  Pinckney  was  a  duller  man,  but  not  so 
dull  that  he  could  not  strike  off  an  occasional  splendid  phrase, 
such  as  "Millions  for  defence,  not  a  cent  for  tribute."  He 
was  a  brave  soldier,  something  of  a  diplomat,  and  much  of 
a  politician. 

James  Wilson  of  Pennsylvania  later  became  a  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  He  was  a  canny  Scot  by  birth.  Roger  Sher- 
man, one  of  the  oldest  members,  was  a  Massachusetts  Yankee, 
resident  in  Connecticut.  He  soon  became  United  States  Sena- 
tor. John  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina  was  in  the  middle  of 
a  great  career.  Later  a  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Senate 
politics  prevented  his  confirmation  as  Chief  Justice — to  which 
position  Washington  had  nominated  him.  He  was  a  member 
of  Congress  at  the  time  of  his  death.  Edmund  Randolph  of 
Virginia  later  became  State  Governor  and  United  States  At- 
torney-General. 

Robert  Morris,  English  by  birth,  was  the  greatest  specula- 
tor in  lands  that  the  early  history  of  the  nation  developed. 
For  six  years,  he  was  United  States  Senator.  Washington 
real  estate  ventures  helped  his  financial  ruin.  Gouverneur 
Morris  had  a  splendid  career  as  diplomat  and  Senator,  banker 
and  fortune-maker.  He  was  audacious,  aristocratic,  and  very 
clever,  too,  too  clever  to  be  popular, — clever  and  not  too 
scrupulous.  Rufus  King,  Maine  Yankee,  moved  to  Massa- 
chusetts and  then  to  New  York.  He  was  a  Senator  for  three 
terms,  not  continuous,  however.  The  common  verdict  upon 
him  is  that  he  graded  nearly  as  high  as  George  Mason  in  char- 
acter and  in  ability. 

Elbridge  Gerry  rose  to  be  Governor  of  Massachusetts  in 
1 810  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  in  1813  :  he  was 
keen  and  radical  in  his  views.  Oliver  Ellsworth  of  Connecticut 
was  a  safe,  judicious  man,  who  was  our  Chief  Justice  for 
the  four  years  from  1796  to  1800. 

John  Dickinson  who  sojourned  in  Maryland,  Delaware  and 
Pennsylvania,  as  his  whim  and  worldly  occasion  led  him,  was 
a  singular  character, — smart,  independent,  tactful,  with  a 
ready  pen  and  a  ready  tongue.     The  Revolution  got  away 


278  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

from  him,  traveling  too  fast;  but  though  lukewarm,  he  re- 
mained a  Patriot  sympathizer.  Dickinson  College  bears  his 
name.  Membership  in  this  Convention  was  his  last  official 
service,  though  he  lived  far  into  old  age,  dying  in  1808.  His 
enemies  said  that  his  wealth  finally  made  him  timid  and  lazy. 

Pierce  Butler,  Irish  born,  was  brilliant  and  brave.  Later, 
he  became  Senator  from  South  Carolina. 

Alexander  Hamilton  was  a  native  of  the  West  Indies, — one 
of  the  astonishing  figures  of  our  history.  He  could  write 
admirably  well  and  speak  almost  as  well.  Brilliant,  insincere, 
unsound,  corrupt,  arrogant,  reckless,  Hamilton  made  a  great 
part  of  our  early  history.  In  an  era  of  universal  manhood 
suffrage,  he  would  have  been  less  powerful.  In  our  own  day, 
considered  politically  only,  such  United  States  Senators  from 
New  York  as  Chauncey  M.  Depew  and  Elihu  Root  are  of 
the  same  type,  though  their  private  lives  are  far  different. 
Hamilton  should  berth  with  Thomas  H.  ("Tom")  Piatt  in 
American  moral  public  opinion. 

Last,  Luther  Martin,  the  terrible,  who  being  disgusted  with 
the  "monarchical  nature"  of  the  Constitution  withdrew  from 
the  Convention.  Martin  became  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  of 
Thomas  Jefferson.  He  died  penniless  in  the  almost  penniless 
home  of  Aaron  Burr,  whose  acquittal  for  treason  he  had  se- 
cured. He  swung  about  for  domicile  from  New  Jersey  to 
Maryland  and  to  Virginia  and  then  to  New  York,  always  a 
free  soul,  strong,  and  valiant.  Drink  ruined  without  killing 
him.  Like  Martin  Luther,  this  Luther  Martin  was  a  born 
protestant  against  things  as  they  are  whatever  they  are, — full 
of  discontent,  to  his  friends  an  angel,  to  his  enemies  the  chief 
of  devils.  Loved  and  hated,  learned,  wonderfully  well 
learned,  yet  original,  Martin  is  worth  knowing.  To  know  him 
is  to  understand  the  inner  life  of  this  nation  from  1775  to 
1826.  (He  died  six  days  later  than  Adams  and  Jefferson.) 
Those  who  know  the  real  story  of  Luther  Martin,  the  forces 
that  he  fought,  his  own  sins,  his  great  and  necessary  legal  vic- 
tories for  Judge  Chase  and  for  Vice-President  Burr,  will 
never  again  tolerate  the  glossings  of  orthodox  history,  gloss- 
ings  that  make  it  so  far  false  and  non-standard. 

The  Contribution  of  Pelatiah  Webster. — These  men, 
most  of  whom  were  young,  created  a  government  of  divided 
powers, — a  system  of  checks  and  balances.     For  their  original 


JAMES  MADISON  279 

plan,  they  all  borrowed  directly  from  the  pamphlet  published 
in  1783  by  Webster,  of  Philadelphia,  who  at  the  doors  of 
Congress  devised  and  talked  over  with  leading  Americans  for 
years  the  five  main  new  principles  of  our  federal  government. 
These  were :  First,  direct  taxing  power  for  the  national  gov- 
ernment, a  power  to  levy  upon  the  people ;  second,  the  formal 
division  of  the  government  into  three  branches,  legislative, 
executive  and  judicial ;  third,  the  bicameral  legislature ;  fourth, 
reservation  to  the  States  of  all  powers  not  delegated  by  them 
to  the  Nation;  and  fifth,  a  single  executive  with  a  council. 
Webster  was  a  distinguished  political  economist,  then  past 
sixty  years  of  age.  Three  young  men  especially  relied  upon 
him,  though  he  was  not  a  member  of  the  Convention, — these 
were  Madison,  Hamilton,  and  Charles  Pinckney. 

James  Madison  was  constantly  quoting  historical  pre- 
cedents, doubtless  from  those  books  in  his  father's  library  and 
from  those  which  Jefferson  had  been  sending  over  to  him  from 
France. 

A  Triune  Government. — Until  1787,  nothing  of  the  kind 
had  ever  been  projected  before, — a  president  who  was  at  the 
top  and  yet  was  no  King,  an  administrator  and  guide  and  yet 
no  sovereign ;  a  legislature  that  could  not  execute,  did  not  need 
to  obey  the  head  of  the  government,  and  could  not  interpret 
its  own  laws;  and  a  judiciary  that  was  independent  of  the 
appointing  power.  In  the  separation  of  these  three  functions, 
the  individual  was  to  find  his  freedom  from  the  tyrant  who 
was  legislator,  judge  and  executioner.  And  this  triune  gov- 
ernment was  to  have  no  relation  whatsoever  with  religion! 
Church  was  not  mentioned.  "There  is  no  God"  (named)  "in 
the  Constitution."  Here  was  radicalism  enthroned  at  last. 
The  State  could  plead  against  the  individual  no  sanction  of 
divine  authority. 

The  Federalist. — Virginia  was  the  ninth  State  to  ratify, 
thinking  at  the  time  that  it  was  the  eighth.  But  New  Hamp- 
shire had  preceded  her.  Virginia  was  held  for  the  Constitu- 
tion by  James  Madison.  No  other  man  save  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton had  so  hard  a  fight  on  his  hands.  Together,  Hamilton, 
Madison,  and  Jay  wrote  "The  Federalist," — the  first  writing 
forty-six  papers,  the  second  twenty-nine,  and  the  last  five. 
They  are  of  about  equal  merit, — Hamilton's  are  the  most 
logical  and  the  keenest,  Madison's  the.  most  scholarly  and  per- 


280  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

suasive,  Jay's  first  in  literary  style.  "The  Federalist"  con- 
vinced the  wavering  and  helped  to  give  to  the  advocates  of 
the  Constitution  their  bare  majorities  in  several  States. 

The  Struggle  for  Ratification  in  Virginia. — In  Vir- 
ginia, Madison  found  arrayed  against  him  no  less  a  leader 
than  Patrick  Henry  himself;  and  George  Mason,  Richard 
Henry  Lee  and  Edmund  Randolph.  Washington  was  at 
home  at  Mount  Vernon,  from  which  he  wrote  many  letters. 
The  fight  lasted  a  month,  and  Madison  won  by  eighty-nine 
votes  to  seventy-nine. 

Patrick  Henry  punished  Madison  by  causing  his  defeat  in 
the  Virginia  Legislature  for  the  United  States  Senate;  and 
put  up  James  Monroe  against  him  when  he  ran  for  member 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  the  First  Congress  under 
the  Constitution.  But  Madison  carried  his  district,  and 
Monroe  stayed  home,  to  become  in  1790  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States. 

Father  of  the  Constitution. — The  years  1787  and  1788 
were  anni  mirabili  in  the  life  of  James  Madison,  "Father  of 
the  Constitution."  Whether  or  not  he  made  mistakes  with 
his  compromises  and  balances,  he  made  a  constitution  and 
guided  a  nation's  history.  Whether  or  not  he  was  indis- 
pensable in  the  sense  that  George  Washington  seemed  indis- 
pensable is  scarcely  worth  more  than  a  mere  asking;  he  was 
central. 

Statesmen  and  Politicians. — Often  in  history,  men  begin 
as  politicians  to  end  as  statesmen.  Sometimes,  they  begin  as 
statesmen  to  end  as  politicians.  Some  men  are  always  states- 
men, others  always  politicians,  none  are  always  both  states- 
men and  politicians.  Most  of  the  Presidents  have  been  politi- 
cians only. 

With  his  entrance  into  Congress  March,  1 789,  James  Madi- 
son became  a  partisan. 

Tax  on  Slaves  Proposed  in  Congress. — Two  days  after 
the  inauguration  of  Washington,  Madison  led  off  with  a  bill 
to  tax  imports  and  the  tonnage  of  vessels  entering  our  ports. 
Then  and  there,  he  proposed  a  tariff  to  help  our  "infant  indus- 
tries." The  perhaps  not  immortal  phrase  is  Madison's  own. 
A  colleague  of  his  from  Virginia  proposed  to  lay  a  tax  of 
ten  dollars  upon  every  slave  imported.  Elbridge  Gerry  of 
Massachusetts  and  Madison  and  two  other  Virginians  alone 


JAMES  MADISON  281 

voted  for  the  tax.  New  England  rum  and  Southern  slavery 
had  their  wedding  in  the  first  session  of  Congress.  The  slaves 
and  the  slave-master  together  controlled  nearly  every  vote. 
The  amendment  of  Jonathan  Parker  of  Virginia  was  lost; 
and  the  impost  of  five  per  cent,  established,  excluding  slaves, 
who  were  on  the  free  list  alone ! 

Next,  the  question  came  up  as  to  whether  in  providing  that 
the  President  should  appoint  only  "by  and  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate"  meant  that  he  could  not  remove  with- 
out that  "advice  and  consent."  Madison  favored  the  affirma- 
tive,— to  allow  removal  solely  by  the  President.  On  a  tie  vote 
in  the  Senate,  John  Adams,  Vice-President,  voted  affirma- 
tively. Without  such  power,  the  President  would  be  helpless ; 
and  government  would  be  at  an  impasse  always. 

Amendments  to  the  Constitution. — Madison  himself 
moved  the  adoption  of  twelve  amendments  to  the  Constitution 
and  their  submission  to  the  States.  Ten  were  ratified.  They 
made  for  individual  liberty.1 

The  Hamilton-Jefferson  Bargain. — It  was  James  Madi- 
son who  by  one  majority  log-rolled  through  Congress  the  com- 
promise by  which  State  debts  of  $21,000,000  were  assumed  by 
the  Nation  (Massachusetts  getting  $4,000,000  and  South 
Carolina  a  like  amount,  the  other  States  less  each)  in  ex- 
change for  a  site  for  the  National  Capital  in  the  South. 
Northern  bankers  got  the  money.  It  was  a  bad  compromise. 
It  put  the  residents  at  the  Capital,  the  members  of  Congress, 
and  the  officers  and  clerks  of  government  under  slavery  in- 
fluences. 

As  Lincoln  often  said  in  conversation:  "This  city  is 
hostile  to  us."  The  site  is  too  hot  in  summer  for  white  men 
to  work  in.  It  is  uninhabitable  for  three  months  in  the  year. 
Those  who  try  to  stay  there  weaken  their  constitutions.  The 
site  has  raised  the  death  rate  abnormally.  Every  special  ses- 
sion of  Congress  during  July  and  August  has  cost  prominent 
men's  lives.  And  the  compromise  exchanged  something  per- 
manent for  something  temporary,  something  of  mere  expedi- 
ency for  something  of  absolute  justice.  The  Capital  might 
have  gone  elsewhere.  The  debts  had  been  contracted  to  win 
the  War  and  were  a  matter  of  right-and- wrong. 

Specious  arguments  were  indeed  employed  against  paying 
these  war-debts.    Speculators  owned  them ;  and  would  make  a 

1See  p.  71,  supra. 


282  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

great  profit.  Some  States  had  paid  part  of  their  debts.  Madi- 
son was  really  against  assumption,  though  it  meant  $3,200,000 
to  Virginia.  He  got  the  hundred  square  miles  on  the  two 
sides  of  the  Potomac  as  his  price  for  surrender;  and  pleased 
Washington  and  the  Virginians,  though  he  offended  the 
Pennsylvanians  who  probably  would  otherwise  have  had  the 
Capital.  The  site  was  not  central  even  then, — one-third  only 
of  the  people  lived  south  of  the  Potomac. 

The  Site  of  the  Capital. — It  is  useless  to  say  that  if  the 
site  had  been  farther  north,  the  southern  section  would  have 
seceded  earlier  and  probably  successfully,  for  the  South  would 
probably  have  had  no  cause  for  secession.  Slavery  would 
have  been  left  undisturbed.  If  it  be  replied  that  the  war  was 
necessary  in  order  to  get  rid  of  slavery,  the  answer  is  that 
slavery  was  never  worth  fighting  over.  The  war  destroyed 
chattel-slavery  but  left  wage-service  and  created  race-hatred. 
The  two  real  issues  are  a  thousand  times  greater — the  race- 
struggle,  and  the  right  of  the  laborer  to  all  of  his  product. 
The  former  is  a  principle  of  anthropology  displayed  in  all 
history.  The  latter  is  a  question  of  casuistry  and  a  problem 
in  mathematics.  The  South  is  a  natural  home  of  blacks; 
climate  and  soil  favor  them.  A  thousand  years  hence,  our 
descendants  and  successors  will  look  upon  the  Interstate  War, 
as  upon  nearly  all  other  wars,  as  unnecessary,  childish,  barbaric, 
and  futile. 

Slavery. — Madison  had  perfectly  foreseen  the  real  issue. 
He  told  in  the  Convention  and  in  Congress  just  what  he  fore- 
saw,— said  it  pleasantly  like  a  gentleman,  clearly  like  the 
sage  he  was.  We  do  not  need  slaves,  or  slavery,  or  blacks. 
Let  us  prohibit  slavery  and  the  immigration  of  Africans.  If 
we  cannot  prohibit,  let  us  discourage  slavery  and  immigration 
by  taxing  black  immigrants.  But  dullness  and  cupidity  de- 
feated him.  Few  human  beings  can  learn  anything  save  from 
bitter  experience;  and  not  always  from  that.  Unfortunately 
in  history,  the  fathers  eat  sour  grapes,  and  the  children's  teeth 
are  set  on  edge. 

The  men  of  the  First  Congress  are  in  no  wise  responsible 
for  the  lack  of  foresight  that  time  would  come  when  three- 
fourths  of  the  people  would  live  west  of  the  District  of 
Columbia  and  seven-eighths  of  them  north  of  it.  They  are, 
however,  responsible  for  their  lack  of  impartiality  in  deciding 


JAMES  MADISON  283 

the  question  as  they  honestly  understood  it.  They  did  not 
decide  it ;  they  dickered  and  bargained.  Debt  speculators  and 
land  speculators  in  Congress  itself  and  others  lobbying 
about  Congress  won  easily.  Washington  eagerly  signed  the 
bills. 

To  this  same  Congress  came  a  Quaker  memorial  and  an 
Abolitionist  petition  against  slavery.  The  latter  was  signed, 
and  probably  written,  by  Benjamin  Franklin.  Gerry  backed 
the  proposition  to  interfere  with  the  "Biblical  institution." 
He  advised  buying  all  the  slaves,  precisely  as  Lincoln  did 
seven  decades  later.  Madison  favored  some  measure  looking 
to  emancipation. 

The  National  Gazette. — Gradually,  Madison  was  becom- 
ing a  strict  constructionist ;  he  opposed  Hamilton's  proposition 
for  a  national  bank,  but  was  beaten  two  to  one.  It  was  the 
first  painful  break  between  the  two  Federalist  leaders.  The  next 
serious  break  was  for  Jefferson,  then  Secretary  of  State,  with 
Madison's  help  in  Congress,  to  set  up  Frenau  in  the  combined 
offices  of  translator  in  the  department  of  State  and  of  editor 
of  an  Anti-Federalist  weekly  paper.  Frenau  had  a  salary  of 
only  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars;  but  his  paper  "The 
National  Gazette"  became  a  power  in  the  land,  a  source  of 
trouble  to  Washington  himself,  and  a  center  of  controversy. 
Madison  and  others  mailed  the  paper  under  their  own  franks 
as  members  of  Congress.  There  was  as  yet  no  "Congressional 
Record"  printed  by  the  Government  and  distributed  gratis. 
Hitherto,  the  sessions  of  Congress  like  those  of  the  Constitu- 
tional Convention  had  been  practically  hidden  from  the  public 
view. 

Madison  versus  Hamilton. — In  1792,  Washington  pro- 
posed to  retire ;  and  Jefferson  in  fact  soon  did  retire.  This  left 
Madison  in  Congress  pitted  against  Hamilton  in  the  Cabinet. 
And  Madison  led  an  attack  on  the  financial  honesty  of  Hamil- 
ton in  respect  to  the  sale  of  bonds  in  France  that  totally  failed. 
There  was  also  a  quarrel  because  Hamilton  would  not  pay 
funds  to  the  French  government,  when  he  could  not  know  from 
season  to  season  in  that  whelming  time  what  the  true  French 
government  was.  And  a  third  quarrel  arose  over  the  Presi- 
dential proclamation  of  neutrality  between  the  United  States 
and  both  France  and  England  in  their  international  war. 
Hamilton  was  "Anglicist,"  Madison  "Gallican."    Fortunately, 


284  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Genet  was  so  much  the  fool  and  madman  that  the  outcome 
was  opera  bouffe. 

Next,  there  raged  the  furious  controversy  over  Jay's  treaty, 
which  was  ratified  in  February,  1796.  The  strange  proceed- 
ings of  Monroe  in  Paris  accompanied  the  treaty  negotiations; 
he  was  not  the  American  minister,  as  he  should  have  been,  but 
the  Republican  partisan.  As  such,  the  would-be  democratic 
cosmopolite  was  necessarily  recalled. 

Dolley  Madison. — At  the  same  time  that  George  Washing- 
ton retired  from  the  Presidency,  James  Madison  retired  from 
Congress.  At  forty- three  years  of  age,  he  had  married  Dolley 
(Payne)  Todd,  a  widow  of  twenty-six  years,  with  two  chil- 
dren, and  now  would  build  for  his  bride  and  himself  a  beautiful 
home  at  Montpelier.  He  was  trying  to  forget  at  last  his  rejec- 
tion in  early  manhood  by  a  girl  with  whom  he  was  infatuated. 

The  Virginia-Kentucky  Resolutions. — In  this  period 
of  retirement,  Madison  wrote  at  Richmond  the  Virginia  reso- 
lutions to  support  the  Kentucky  resolutions  that  Jefferson  had 
prepared  for  Kentucky,  in  which  the  doctrine  of  State  nullifi- 
cation was  set  forth,  to  oppose  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws 
passed  by  Congress  in  the  administration  of  John  Adams. 
Jefferson  and  Madison  asserted  that  a  majority  of  the  States 
could  nullify  an  unconstitutional  law.  It  is  a  form  of  the 
modern  doctrine  of  the  referendum.  In  truth,  it  sets  up  public 
opinion  as  registered  in  the  State  legislatures  as  the  final  court. 
The  Supreme  Court  had  not  yet  set  itself  up  as  that  final  au- 
thority. Marshall  won  as  against  Jefferson.  The  referendum 
went  to  a  few  judges,  not  to  many  legislators. 

The  Referendums  According  to  Our  System. — In  full 
truth,  according  to  our  system,  there  are  three  referendums, 
each  partial.  The  President  can  refuse  to  execute  a  law  of 
Congress  or  a  decision  of  Court, — at  the  risk  of  impeachment. 
Congress  can  tinker  with  a  decision  of  Court  by  new  legisla- 
tion and  ignore  or  laugh  at  a  message,  even  an  order,  of  the 
President, — at  the  risk  of  its  members'  reflections.  The  Court 
is  not  really  final, — President  and  Senate  can  change  its  mem- 
bership, and  Congress  can  often  legislate  a  decision  out  of  its 
real  import.1    Congress  and  President  can  give  the  courts  many 

xBut  see  p.  302,  infra.    Congress  holds  the  purse.     Per  contra,  p.  577, 
infra. 


JAMES  MADISON  285 

disagreeable  duties  to  perforin  quite  contrary  to  accepted  legal 
and  juristic  precedent. 

Public  Opinion. — It  is  a  system  of  delay.  In  twenty  years, 
after  a  conflict  of  branches,  perhaps  even  in  ten,  public  opinion 
wins  its  will  and  rules  the  government. 

But  it  is  not  always,  not  often,  an  intelligent,  enlightened, 
vigorous  and  disinterested  public  opinion.  Verily,  there  is  no 
God  but  God.  Verily,  no  form  of  democracy  is  His  prophet, — 
neither  the  democracy  of  town-meeting  nor  that  of  voters 
whose  suffrage  is  based  upon  property,  neither  the  democracy 
of  equal  universal  suffrage  of  both  sexes  nor  that  of  male 
voters  who  can  read  and  interpret  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws.  There  is  only  one  God,  and  He  speaks  only  to  the  indi- 
vidual who  considers,  who  in  the  literal  sense  of  "consider" 
deliberately  sets  his  course  by  the  stars  of  principle.  His  is 
the  only  referendum  worth  while ;  and  seldom  does  it  concern 
more  persons  than  himself. 

Secretary  of  State. — James  Madison  had  been  offered  a 
Cabinet  portfolio  by  Washington  but  had  declined.  In  1801, 
President  Jefferson  made  him  Secretary  of  State;  and  the 
story  of  Madison  for  eight  years  is  simply  a  part  of  the  story 
of  his  official  chief  and  his  most  intimate  friend.  Jefferson 
ruled  his  Cabinet  and  Congress  as  no  other  man  ever  ruled 
them  before  or  since.  He  was  a  generator  of  ideas  for  other 
men  to  carry  out.  Though  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  and  the 
non-importation  and  embargo  laws  all  came  within  the  field 
of  the  Department  of  State,  the  will  and  hand  were  those  of 
Jefferson ;  and  Madison  simply  operated  for  him.  The  whole 
business  unhappily  culminated  in  the  second  administration 
of  James  Madison  as  President. 

President  of  the  United  States. — In  his  first  election, 
Madison  had  122  votes  in  175.  In  New  England,  only  Ver- 
mont voted  for  him. 

And  now  began  the  worst  of  the  trickeries  of  Napoleon  and 
of  the  British  ministry.  Canning  sent  over  Erskine  and  repu- 
diated him  and  his  agreement  by  which  Madison  had  been  led 
to  release  a  thousand  ships  for  the  ocean  trade.  Embargoes 
were  laid  and  released  and  laid  again.  Napoleon  announced 
revocation  of  decrees  provided  Great  Britain  would  revoke 
orders  in  council.  The  worst  of  all  the  offences  was  the  Ram- 
bouillet  decree,  March,  1810,  by  which  Napoleon  confiscated 


286  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

$40,000,000  worth  of  American  ships  and  goods  in  Dutch, 
French,  Spanish,  and  Italian  ports.  In  February,  181 1,  a 
member  of  Congress  denounced  Napoleon  as  "that  monster  at 
whose  perfidy  Lucifer  blushed  and  hell  stands  astonished." 
The  denunciation  was  probably  deserved,  though  it  certainly 
accomplished  nothing  in  Congress.  In  March,  that  body  ad- 
journed, leaving  matters  far  more  strained  with  England  than 
with  Napoleon.  England  impressed  thousands  of  our  seamen, 
most  of  them  deserters  from  her  tyrannical  navy,  France  none. 
A  Yankee  might  be  also  an  Englishman,  but  not  also  a  French- 
man. 

Clay  Forces  War. — In  May,  191 1,  "the  President,"  Ameri- 
can, forty-four  guns,  fought  the  "Little  Belt,"  eighteen  guns, 
British,  off  Sandy  Hook.  "The  President"  won,  losing  but  one 
man  to  thirty  lost  by  its  opponent.  And  still,  for  all  the  public 
excitement,  war  did  not  come.  In  the  late  fall,  Congress  met 
and  listened  to  complaints  of  American  trade  damaged  in  the 
Baltic ;  Henry  Clay  was  present  and  other  new  men,  and  young 
men,  hot  for  war.  In  April,  a  90-day  embargo  was  laid. 
June  3,  war  was  declared  by  a  vote  in  the  House  of  not  quite 
two  to  one. 

In  the  mean  time,  in  caucus,  the  Democrats  had  decided 
to  nominate  Madison  for  reelection.  Madison  as  well  as  Jef- 
ferson was  almost  a  peace-at-any-price  man;  but  at  the 
price  of  a  second  term,  he  was  for  war.  It  is  a  highly  impor- 
tant fact  that  if  the  President's  term,  beginning  in  1809,  had 
been  for  six  or  seven  years,  there  would  have  been  no  War  of 
1812  or  1814  either.  Yet  Madison  was  now  so  much  for  war 
that  he  paid  $50,000  for  some  letters  exchanged  between  an 
Irish  adventurer  by  the  name  of  Henry  and  the  governor  of 
Canada,  alleging  that  they  proved  a  conspiracy  in  New  Eng- 
land to  secede  and  to  join  Canada.  In  fact,  they  proved  noth- 
ing; but  they  served  their  jingoistic  purpose. 

City  of  Washington  Burned  by  British. — With  no  whit 
more  reason  to  attack  England  than  France,  we  were  rushed 
into  an  invasion  of  Canada  that  ended  disgracefully.  Our 
Capital  was  raided,  many  buildings  were  burned,  and  Balti- 
more was  attacked.  On  the  sea,  we  won  many  brave  little 
duels,  and  on  Lake  Erie  a  glorious  battle  of  fleets.  Then  we 
made  a  treaty  and  said  nothing  about  impressment  of  seamen. 
We  had  done  exactly  what  Napoleon  intended ;  we  had  helped 


JAMES  MADISON  287 

him  against  England;  he  was  paid  a  second  time  for  Louis- 
iana. But  when  the  treaty  of  peace  was  about  to  be  signed, 
Napoleon  was  a  king  in  exile  upon  Elba;  the  leading  New 
Englanders  were  discussing  constitutional  revision  at  Hart- 
ford with  possible  secession ;  and  brave,  blundering  Pakenham, 
brother-in-law  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  was  going  on  to 
New  Orleans  to  meet  defeat  and  death  at  the  hands  of  Andrew 
Jackson  and  his  soldiers. 

New  Orleans  Victory  Saves  Us  from  Disgrace. — That 
rout  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  with  the  naval  victories 
saved  Madison  from  universal  ridicule.  The  War  of  1812  was 
almost  perfectly  incompetent  in  its  management  and,  as  the 
events  of  international  history  with  the  crisis  a  few  months 
later  at  Waterloo  showed,  probably  unnecessary.  The  em- 
bargoes and  the  war  together  had  ruined  our  shipping  irre- 
coverably. 

But  there  were  some  gains.  The  embargoes  had  turned  our 
people  to  domestic  manufactures.  The  war  raised  us  a  little 
in  the  respect  of  England,  and  made  us  a  little  less  ready  to 
try  war  soon  again. 

A  Protective  Tariff  Passed. — Two  years  of  Madison's 
second  term  remained  after  peace  was  declared.  The  National 
Capital  must  be  rebuilt.  The  National  Bank  was  strengthened. 
A  protective  tariff  was  inaugurated  with  duties  but  slightly 
above  revenue  standards.  In  these  two  years,  the  national 
"era  of  good  feeling"  was  begun. 

The  Cabinet  History  of  His  Administrations. — The 
Cabinet  of  Madison  saw  many  changes.  It  was  as  follows, 
viz. : 

State, — Robert  Smith  of  Maryland,  two  years;  James  Mon- 
roe of  Virginia,  six  years. 

Treasury, — Albert  Gallatin  of  Pennsylvania,  five  years; 
George  W.  Campbell  of  Tennessee,  brief  term ;  Alexander  J. 
Dallas  of  Pennsylvania,  two  years ;  William  H.  Crawford  of 
Georgia,  one  year. 

War, — William  Eustis  of  Massachusetts,  four  years;  John 
Armstrong  of  New  York,  one  year ;  James  Monroe,  one  year ; 
William  H.  Crawford,  two  years. 

Attorney-General, — Caesar  A.  Rodney  of  Delaware,  two 
years;  William  Pinckney  of  Maryland,  three  years;  Richard 
Rush  of  Pennsylvania,  three  years. 


288  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Postmaster-General, — Gideon  Granger  of  Connecticut,  five 
years;  Return  J.  Meigs,  Jr.,  of  Ohio,  three  years. 

Navy, — Paul  Hamilton  of  South  Carolina,  four  years;  Wil- 
liam Jones  of  Pennsylvania,  one  year;  B.  W.  Crowninshield 
of  Massachusetts,  three  years. 

The  "War  of  1812"  led  to  some  peculiar  conditions  in  re- 
spect to  the  War  Department.  The  army  was  miserably 
handled,  being  full  of  aged  War  of  Independence  veterans  and 
not  unafflicted  by  what  we  call  nowadays  "graft  and  corrup- 
tion." 

Home  at  Montpelier. — In  181 7,  Madison  retired  to 
Montpelier,  living  there  as  a  planter.  He  became  a  member 
of  the  board  of  control  of  the  University  of  Virginia,  and 
spent  his  leisure  in  correspondence  with  his  friends.  In  1829, 
he  served  in  the  Virginia  Convention  to  revise  the  Constitu- 
tion. He  now  became  a  total  abstainer  and  an  earnest  advo- 
cate of  the  wide-sweeping  "temperance"  movement.  Upon 
January  28,  1836,  at  eighty-five  years  of  age,  he  died  peace- 
fully. Mrs.  Madison,  twenty-one  years  his  junior,  survived 
him  for  thirteen  years,  spending  her  winters  in  Washington, 
where  she  was  easily  the  social  leader. 

In  all  his  personal  morals,  James  Madison  was  irreproach- 
able. He  was  a  competent  business  man,  constantly  improv- 
ing his  estate,  yet  he  did  not  die  rich,  for  he  had  no  love  of 
riches.  Of  slaves  he  possessed  only  a  hundred,  of  whom  not 
one  was  ever  whipped. 

A  Constitutional  President. — Though  a  devoted 
younger  friend  of  Jefferson,  in  temperament  he  was  totally 
unlike  him,  being  cool,  reserved,  slow,  patient  and  industrious. 
His  industry  was  concentrated  upon  a  few  main  lines.  He 
might  have  made  a  better  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  and 
a  far  better  Senator  than  he  did  either  Secretary  of  State  or 
President.  Either  of  his  rivals — C.  C.  Pinckney  in  1808, 
DeWitt  Clinton  in  181 2 — might  have  done  better  for  us.  Yet 
the  latter  in  1825  opened  the  Erie  Canal,  realizing  the  dream 
of  Washington  to  connect  East  and  West  by  a  waterway. 

Madison  so  hated  war  that  he  could  not  call  out  half  a 
million  militia  and  teach  them  the  manual  of  arms,  sword- 
play,  and  shooting,  and  thereby  reawaken  man's  primitive 
blood-lust.  The  "War  of  Absurdities"  lasted  two  years, 
Madison  was  President  for  eight.     During  six  of  those  years, 


JAMES  MONROE  289 

he  was  one  of  the  best  Presidents  whom  we  have  had.  And 
he  was  always  scrupulously  constitutional  in  his  operations 
and  methods. 


CHAPTER  V 
James  Monroe 

1817-1825 
1758-1831 

19-24  States  1820 — Population  9,633,822 

Admitted:    Mississippi,  Illinois,  Alabama,  Maine,  Missouri. 

Last  of  the  Jeffersonian  dynasty — early  life — educated  briefly  at  William 
and  Mary — soldier  under  Washington — became  colonel — member  Vir- 
ginia Assembly — inter-state  trade  wars — Western  tour — on  committee 
that  gave  the  Northwest  to  the  United  States — opposed  ratification  of 
Federal  Constitution — did  not  trust  Washington — opposed  Madison — 
United  States  Senator — sent  by  Washington  to  France — married  wife 
who  was  well  connected — friends  in  France — his  public  performances 
there — Jay  Treaty  opposed — feeling  of  an  American  in  France  respect- 
ing Washington — Governor  of  Virginia — agent  with  R.  R.  Livingston 
to  buy  Louisiana — Napoleon — member  Virginia  Assembly — Governor 
again — Secretary  of  State — our  losses  on  the  sea  in  men,  in  ships  and 
in  goods — Secretary  of  War — Washington  sacked — heir  both  of  Jef- 
ferson and  of  Madison — defeated  Rufus  King  for  Presidency — makes 
tours  of  the  country — purchase  of  Florida — J.  Q.  Adams — Missouri 
Compromise — reelected,  one  complimentary  vote  missing — the  Monroe 
Doctrine — Alaska — the  European  situation — precedents  for  the  mes- 
sage— Webster  quoted — a  Pan-American  Congress — the  Cabinet 
troubles — regent  of  University  of  Virginia — money  troubles — per- 
sonal appearance — irreproachable  in  morals — Supreme  Court  declares 
a  State  law  null — Monroe  a  democrat  at  heart. 

Last  of  the  Virginia  Dynasty. — The  fifth  President  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  was  born  in  Westmoreland 
County,  Virginia,  April  28,  1758.  Not  many  miles  away 
were  the  homes  of  the  Washingtons  and  of  the  Lees.  He  was 
the  third  in  the  Jeffersonian  dynasty  and  even  more  the 
protege  and  disciple  of  the  master  than  was  James  Madison. 
By  temperament,  Monroe  was  ardent  and  affectionate.     He 


2QO  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

had  the  good  fortune  to  be  President  in  an  era  of  peace,  both 
domestic  and  international,  following  a  period  of  unrest  and 
unreason,  of  storm  and  distress,  of  awakening  and  violence, 
and  preceding  the  eager  readjustments  that  followed  from  this 
brief  epoch  of  calm. 

Educated  at  William  and  Mary  College. — His  father 
was  Spence  Monroe,  a  small  planter ;  his  mother,  Eliza  Jones, 
whose  brother  was  a  district  court  judge  in  the  next  county 
north  on  Chesapeake  Bay.  About  1775,  with  what  preparation 
is  unknown,  James  Monroe  entered  William  and  Mary  Col- 
lege. A  year  later,  he  was  off  to  join  the  Continental  Army 
near  New  York.  There  as  a  lieutenant,  he  fell  under  the  eye 
of  Washington.  He  was  a  fighting  soldier, — was  wounded 
in  the  shoulder  at  Trenton,  and  played  brave  parts  at  Brandy- 
wine,  Germantown  and  Monmouth  while  half -invalid  James 
Madison  was  teaching  his  little  brothers  at  home  at  Mont- 
pelier.  At  Charleston,  Monroe  became  lieutenant-colonel  in 
the  service  of  Virginia. 

Member  Continental  Congress  in  1783. — Late  in  1780, 
he  became  closely  associated  with  Governor  Thomas  Jefferson, 
with  whom  he  took  counsel  as  to  his  studies.  He  soon  entered 
the  Virginia  Assembly  as  a  delegate,  and  in  1 783  he  was  sent 
to  the  Continental  Congress,  remaining  a  member  until  1786. 

Perhaps  no  other  man  in  public  life  saw  more  clearly  than 
did  James  Monroe  the  necessity  of  committing  to  the  general 
government  the  regulation  of  trade,  and  thereby  putting  an 
end  to  tariffs  and  imports  and  trade-wars  between  the  States. 
It  was  in  1784  that  Monroe,  Jefferson,  and  others  delivered 
to  Congress  the  deed  of  all  Virginia  claims  to  the  Northwest 
Territory. 

Western  Tour. — In  order  to  understand  this  territory, 
Monroe  made  a  tour  from  Albany  to  Lake  Erie  and  to  the 
Ohio  river  and  thence  home.  It  was  in  the  third  year  after- 
ward that  Congress,  led  by  its  President  William  Grayson, 
dedicated  the  Northwest  Territory  to  freedom, — but  the 
South  secured  the  amendment  that  fugitive  slaves  might  be 
recovered.  On  the  13m  dzy  of  July,  1787,  by  unanimous  vote 
Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  Virginia  and  Dela- 
ware,— slave  States, — with  New  Jersey,  New  York  and 
Massachusetts  determined  the  final  outcome  of  the  struggle 
between  free  labor  and  slave  labor.    Pennsylvania,  Maryland, 


JAMES  MONROE  291 

Connecticut  and  Vermont  were  not  present  to  vote.  By  this 
time,  Monroe  was  back  in  the  Virginia  Assembly  and  was  a 
member  of  the  committee  that  promptly  decided  to  recom- 
mend that  the  legislature  ratify  this  abdication. 

As  by  Madison,  so  by  Monroe,  these  troublous  last  years  of 
the  Confederation  were  years  devoted  to  hard  study  of  great 
political  and  constitutional  questions.  He  did  not  attend  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  1787;  and  in  1788,  as  a  member 
of  the  Virginia  State  Convention,  he  opposed  its  ratification. 
For  his  opposition,  he  assigned  two  reasons :  First,  that  there 
were  too  many  opportunities  for  friction  between  the  National 
and  State  governments, — he  feared  overlappings,  not  twilight 
zones ;  and,  second,  that  the  President  might  be  reelected  again 
and  again  and  become  a  despot.  Like  some  other  men, 
he  fancied  that  Washington  was  too  dull  to  see  how  he  was 
being  used  by  designing  monarchists,  lords  of  trade  and  of 
capital. 

His  Relations  with  Washington  and  with  Madison. 
— There  may  have  been  something  of  jealousy  of  Madison  in 
this  opposition  by  Monroe  to  the  Constitution.  He  was  but  a 
year  younger  than  Madison,  and  Madison  was  a  very  young 
man  to  wield  so  great  influence.  In  sheer  achievement  up  to 
this  time,  Monroe  had  done  many  more  things  than  Madison 
who  never  drew  sword  in  the  war.  It  must  have  wounded 
Monroe  to  be  defeated  by  Madison  when  they  ran  against 
one  another  for  Congress.  But  in  1 790,  when  Senator  William 
Grayson  died,  Monroe  attained  the  higher  body  in  Congress 
and  was  at  last  above  his  rival.  They  had  always  been  out- 
wardly friends ;  and  now  political  developments  and  a  common 
affection  for  Thomas  Jefferson  soon  drew  them  strongly  to- 
gether. Monroe  constantly  opposed  all  of  Hamilton's 
measures. 

It  was  a  strange,  dramatic  twist  that  Washington  suddenly 
gave  to  the  career  of  Monroe  by  nominating  him  in  1794  a& 
minister  to  France  to  succeed  Gouverneur  Morris.  He  choose 
between  Monroe  and  Aaron  Burr!  What  history  was  made 
in  that  choice!  "I  really  thought  that  I  was  among  the  last 
men  to  whom  the  proposition  would  be  made,"  said  Monroe 
to  Edmund  Randolph,  Secretary  of  State.  At  the  same  time, 
Washington  sent  Jay  to  England. 

Diplomat  in  France. — In  sending  Monroe  to  France,  the 


292  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

President  had  two  purposes,  one  great,  the  other  small.  The 
first  was  to  have  a  French  sympathizer,  an  American  "Repub- 
lican" in  the  French  Republic;  the  second  was  to  get  out  of 
the  way  of  Hamilton  a  shrewd  domestic  opponent.  He  knew 
that  some  men  feared  lest  an  American  social  revolution 
echo  the  French  cataclysm.  To  Monroe  instructions  were 
given  in  the  closest  detail, — to  cement  the  friendship  with 
France,  to  get  France  to  help  us  in  winning  from  Spain  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and,  perhaps  at  some  shift  in 
international  affairs  to  acquire  the  Mississippi.  It  is  well  to 
remember  this,  for  it  has  an  important  bearing  upon  future 
events.     All  this  was  discussed  in  Cabinet  meetings. 

Marriage. — To  those  who  care  to  pursue  the  inner  rela- 
tions of  history,  it  is  both  an  interesting  and  a  significant  item 
that  in  1786,  just  before  leaving  Congress,  then  meeting  in 
New  York — for  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation  was  indeed 
a  peripatetic  body,  about  the  only  permanent  features  of  it 
being  Charles  Thomson,  secretary,  and  its  own  inability  to 
solve  its  problems, — Monroe  had  married  Eliza  Kortwright  of 
that  city.  She  was  then  twenty- four  years  of  age  and  ten 
years  younger  than  himself.  Her  father  had  been  pretty 
nearly  ruined  by  the  war;  but  her  mother  was  a  sister  of  that 
Henry  Knox,  who,  born  in  Boston,  early  a  bookseller,  became 
the  best  engineer  and  artillery  commander  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary Army,  was  made  major-general  after  Yorktown,  and 
was  Secretary  of  War  under  Washington  until  this  very  year 
1794  when  he  resigned.  His  niece,  Mrs.  James  Monroe,  was 
a  very  charming  lady;  and  it  is  altogether  within  the  proba- 
bilities that  she  kept  her  husband,  for  all  his  Anti-Federal 
activities  in  the  personal  favor  of  Washington,  partly  through 
her  uncle,  the  General,  and  partly  through  her  own  social 
graces.  James  Monroe  now  took  his  wife  and  two  daughters 
to  France.  His  older  daughter  attended  the  school  of  Madame 
Campau,  sister  of  Genet,  and  had  as  a  schoolmate  Hortense 
Beauharnais,  step-daughter  of  Napoleon.  The  two  continued 
life-long  friends;  and  their  friendship  had  its  bearing  upon 
future  events. 

The  French  Mission. — Monroe  made  friends  easily,  per- 
haps too  easily.    The  first  French  mission  was  to  show  this. 

James  Monroe  arrived  in  Paris  just  after  the  fall  of  Robes- 
pierre.   August  15,  1794,  he  read  before  the, French  Conven- 


JAMES  MONROE  293 

tion  an  address  in  English,  and  a  French  translation  was  at 
once  read  by  a  secretary.  It  contained  the  highly  improper 
statement  that  he  meant  to  "merit  the  approbation  of  both 
republics," — in  short,  he  made  the  cause  of  France  as  much 
his  own  as  that  of  the  country  whose  representative  he  was. 
The  journal  of  the  day  recites  that  his  gushing  address  was 
"heard  with  the  liveliest  sensibility  and  covered  with  ap- 
plause." Moreover,  the  flag  of  the  United  States  was 
promptly  set  side  by  side  with  that  of  France  "in  sign  of  the 
union  and  eternal  fraternity  of  the  two  peoples." 

Interesting  Performances. — Not  only  Minister  Monroe 
but  also  Commodore  Barney  of  the  United  States  Navy  was 
received  by  the  President  of  the  Convention  de  Douai  publicly, 
with  the  fraternal  embrace  of  French  revolutonary  citizens. 
Shortly  afterwards  Monroe,  with  his  suite,  alone  of  persons 
not  members  of  the  Convention,  was  allowed  to  enter  the 
Pantheon  when  the  remains  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  were 
deposited  therein. 

It  is  needless  to  add  that  Edmund  Randolph,  Secretary  of 
State,  though  a  French  sympathizer,  read  Monroe's  account 
of  these  affairs  with  astonishment  and  consternation;  he  ad- 
vised the  minister  to  "cultivate  the  French  Republic  with  zeal 
but  without  unnecessary  eclat,"  and  to  avoid  notoriety  lest 
England  be  made  furious. 

Monroe  had  many  difficulties.  One  was  to  get  LaFayette 
out  of  imprisonment  in  Germany,  and  Thomas  Paine  from 
confinement  in  the  Luxembourg  itself. 

The  Jay  Treaty  with  Great  Britain. — December  2j, 
1794,  the  storm  broke.  "The  Citizen  de  Douai"  on  behalf  of 
the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  objected  to  the  Jay  treaty 
with  England.  The  committee  wrote,  "There  ought  not  to 
subsist  between  two  free  peoples  the  dissimulation  of  courts." 
Monroe  himself  denounced  the  treaty  as  "the  most  shameful 
transaction  of  the  kind  I  have  ever  known."  The  Directory 
considered  the  French  alliance  with  the  United  States  broken. 
Randolph  resigned,  and  Pickering  became  Secretary  of  State 
in  1795;  and  late  in  1796  Monroe  was  superseded  by  Charles 
Cotesworth  Pinckney,  whom  the  Directory  promptly  ordered 
out  of  Paris.  Monroe  stayed  abroad  until  the  next  spring, 
trying  to  sell  a  house  in  Paris  that  he  had  bought  (finally 
sacrificing  it  at  half  its  cost),  and  cultivating  friendly  rela- 


294  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

tions  with  great  persons.  When  he  returned,  he  was  given  a 
banquet  in  Philadelphia.  He  refrained  from  visiting  George 
Washington,  though  he  visited  Alexandria;  and  he  set  about 
publishing  a  five  hundred  page  paper-bound  book  explaining 
his  course  in  Paris  in  terms  by  no  means  friendly  to  the  Presi- 
dent who  had  sent  him  on  the  mission.  A  war  of  partisans 
followed  in  pamphlets,  newspapers  and  private  letters. 

American  Public  Opinion. — James  Monroe  truthfully 
represented  overwhelming  American  public  sentiment;  but 
he  violated  diplomatic  propriety  and  the  policy  of  the  Ad- 
ministration that  dispatched  him  to  France.  Public  opinion 
and  government  were  at  outs ;  and  Monroe  fell. 

One  of  Monroe's  American  supporters  in  Paris  wrote  from 
there:  "I  would  so  paint  Mr.  Washington  on  his  milk-white 
steed,  receiving  the  incense  of  all  the  little  girls  on  Trenton 
Bridge,  and  then  I  would  march  him  about  in  the  streets  of 
Boston  so  like  a  roasted  ox  that  I  once  saw  carried  a  whole 
day  in  triumph  by  the  people  of  that  famous  town,  that  the 
automaton  chief  should  groan  and  sweat  under  the  weight  of 
those  laurels  which  are  momently  dropping  from  his  brows 
into  the  sink  and  mire  of  his  puny  and  anti-republican  admin- 
istration." 

Governor  of  Virginia. — Two  years  later,  Monroe  became 
Governor  of  Virginia — by  vote  of  the  Legislature,  as  the  sys- 
tem then  was.  In  his  term,  he  had  to  put  down  slave  insur- 
rection, the  early  reports  greatly  exaggerating  its  real  extent. 
He  served  for  three  years,  when  President  Jefferson  sent  him 
back  to  Paris  as  minister  on  the  great  business  of  purchasing 
Louisiana  from  Napoleon,  First  Consul  and  now,  though  but 
thirty-five  years  of  age,  despot  of  France. 

The  Louisiana  Purchase. — It  was  a  transaction  that  was 
Jefferson's  own,  and  yet  great  enough  to  spare  honor  to  the 
two  Americans  who  accomplished  it,  R.  R.  Livingston  and 
Monroe.  For  one  and  a  quarter  million  square  miles  of  land, 
they  paid  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  about  twelve  dollars  per 
square  mile,  or  twenty  cents  an  acre.  The  motives  of  Napo- 
leon in  selling  it  were  two:  First,  he  needed  money  for  the 
war  with  England  and,  second,  he  desired  to  bind  America  in 
renewed  gratitude  to  France.  The  deal  was  put  through  for 
France  mainly  by  Barbe  Marbois,  minister  of  Napoleon,  to 
whom  with  his  characteristic  generosity  he  paid  $46,000  for 


JAMES  MONROE  295 

negotiating  the  business.  There  was  nothing  unusual  in  this, 
— Napoleon  paid  several  of  his  marshals  annual  salaries  of  a 
million  dollars  each ;  he  was  a  business  man. 

In  all  his  reign,  he  never  borrowed  a  sou  upon  national  credit, 
but  financed  his  affairs,  including  his  mighty  campaigns,  solely 
by  home  taxation  and  by  plunder  of  the  defeated.  He  was  the 
agent  of  the  new  commercial  classes  of  France  who  rose  out 
of  the  ruin  of  the  noblesse. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte. — Adventurer  facile  princeps  in 
history,  Napoleon  left  perhaps  the  greatest  of  all  his  monu- 
ments in  the  New  World.  No  Bourbon  king  would  have  sold 
Louisiana  to  this  Republic.  The  "man  of  destiny"  strides  into 
American  history  as  of  all  Europeans  our  greatest  benefactor. 
God  makes  even  instruments  of  wrath  to  praise  Him. 

From  Paris,  Monroe  proceeded  to  Madrid,  hoping  to  ac- 
quire Florida  from  Spain,  but  accomplished  nothing.  He  then 
proceeded  to  London,  to  try  with  William  Pinckney  to  make  a 
favorable  treaty  with  the  British  Government.  Jefferson  de- 
clined to  submit  the  treaty  to  the  Senate,  and  Monroe  came 
home  late  in  1807. 

Member  again  of  the  Virginia  Assembly. — In  1810 
Monroe  began  again  at  the  foot  of  the  political  ladder  as  a 
member  of  the  Virginia  Assembly.  Next  year,  he  was  again 
elected  Governor,  though  serving  but  a  few  months  when 
James  Madison,  who  had  become  President  in  1809,  called  him 
into  the  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State. 

Secretary  of  State. — To  him  is  generally  credited  the 
coup  by  which  Madison,  who  was  conciliatory,  was  forced  to 
defy  England.  If  Jefferson  had  made  Monroe  instead  of 
Madison  his  Secretary  of  State,  war  would  have  been  declared 
in  1806  or  1807  instead  of  in  181 2,  and  if  he  had  made  Mon- 
roe instead  of  Madison  his  heir  in  1809,  war  would  have  been 
declared  then.  For  the  provocations  to  war  were  not  greater 
in  181 2  than  in  any  of  half  a  dozen  years  preceding.  We  lost 
in  those  six  years,  thousands  of  seamen  who  were  impressed, 
other  thousands  of  seamen  whose  ships,  depleted  by  the  im- 
pressment of  men  from  their  crews,  went  down  in  storms, 
and,  at  a  low  estimate,  a  hundred  million  dollars  worth  of 
ships  and  mechandise.  Only  peace-at-any-price  men  would 
say  that  these  lives  might  not  better  have  been  lost,  these 
millions  spent  in  war  than  in  the  welter  of  the  rages  of  Eng- 


296  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

land  against  Napoleon  and  of  Napoleon  against  all  hereditary 
thrones,  himself  trying  to  make  a  new  dynasty.  But,  of 
course,  Christians  are  peace-at-any-price-men  being  disciples  of 
Him  who  said,  "Put  up  thy  sword"  and  "Resist  not  evil"  and 
"Let  him  have  thy  cloke  also." 

The  War  of  1812. — The  war,  though  postponed,  came,  and 
dragged  along  for  two  years.  Then  Monroe  was  made  Sec- 
retary of  War  as  well  as  of  State;  and  our  affairs  began  to 
look  up,  though  Washington  was  raided,  sacked  and  burned 
even  after  the  more  vigorous  policy  was  instituted.  Late  in 
181 4,  the  treaty  of  Ghent  was  signed,  and  news  reached  here 
about  the  same  time  that  the  story  of  the  victory  of  Jackson 
at  New  Orleans  sped  across  the  Appalachians.  Peace-at-any- 
price  would  have  been  wiser  than  such  a  war. 

President. — Many  things  conspired  to  make  Monroe  the 
fourth  President  of  the  United  States.  As  Secretary  of  War, 
he  had  taken  the  field  near  Washington  and  had  seen  battle, 
thereby  renewing  the  tales  of  his  prowess  in  the  Revolutionary 
War.  Jefferson  had  been  Secretary  of  State  for  Washington, 
and  Madison  for  Jefferson.  Why  should  not  the  mantle  of 
the  Presidency  again  be  thrown  upon  the  Secretary  of  State  ? 
Moreover,  Jefferson  had  virtually  promised  Monroe,  eight 
years  before,  that  he  would  succeed  Madison.  Lastly,  Monroe 
was  immensely  popular  because  of  his  sympathies  with  France 
and  of  his  part  in  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  He  was  elected 
by  183  votes  to  34  for  Rufus  King,  Federalist,  successively  of 
Maine,  Massachusetts  and  New  York. 

King  had  a  fine  record,  including  eight  years  as  minister  to 
England, — 1796- 1804.  This  overwhelming  defeat  did  not  end 
his  career,  for  he  served  from  181 3  to  1825  as  Senator  from 
New  York,  though  the  Legislature  that  elected  him  was  Demo- 
cratic and  he  a  surviving  lonely  Federalist.  He  had  been  all 
his  life  a  constant  opponent  of  slavery. 

Monroe  Tours  the  Country. — Washington  knew  all  parts 
of  the  United  States  above  the  Rappahannock.  Jefferson  had 
been  a  considerable  traveller.  And  now  Monroe  undertook 
two  great  tours, — first,  north  from  Boston  to  Detroit,  then 
south  from  Atlanta  to  Nashville,  making  new  friends  every- 
where. The  country  was  prosperous,  and  the  government 
began  to  consider  internal  improvements  at  the  general 
expense,  whether  really  constitutional  or  not. 


JAMES  MONROE  297 

The  Florida  Purchase. — In  1819,  after  many  years  of 
negotiations,  we  purchased  Florida  of  Spain, — that  is,  we  say 
that  we  did.  The  cost  was  five  millions, — paid  as  claims  to 
our  own  citizens.  John  Ouincy  Adams,  Secretary  of  State, 
pounded  the  transaction  through.  It  is  a  long  and  painful 
story.  Expansion  was  American  manifest  destiny,  and  we 
crowded  Spain  out.  She  had  revolutionary  wars  in  all  her 
South  American  possessions  and  had  been  impoverished  by 
the  Napoleonic  wars  and  by  her  own  extravagance.  Easy 
gold  for  centuries  from  the  New  World  and  a  vast  empire  in 
Europe  for  centuries  had  made  her  too  weak  to  withstand 
American  audacity  and  persistence.  Her  unearned  New 
World  revenues  had  been  in  value  sixty  billions  of  dollars. 

The  Missouri  Compromise. — In  1820  came  the  Missouri 
Compromise  over  slavery  in  the  territories.  It  was  a  subject 
to  which  Monroe  gave  no  great  and  serious  attention.  Not 
yet  did  anyone  in  high  authority  or  of  great  influence  reply 
to  the  slaveholders'  threat,  "If  you  don't  give  us  this  and  that, 
we'll  get  out,"  "You  cannot  depart  unless  you  defeat  the  rest 
of  us  on  the  field  of  battle."  Every  State  in  turn  talked 
secession.  It  was  the  standard  "last  threat,"  corresponding 
with  that  of  the  fifteen-year-old  boy  who  is  getting  ready  to 
leave  home  and  who  says  to  his  father :  "If  you  will  not  let 
me  do  this  or  something  else,  I'll  leave  and  go  to  work  for 
myself."  And  like  the  judicious  natural  father,  the  other 
States  simply  smiled  and  said  nothing  until  sunshine  came 
again. 

For  forty  years  more,  the  fatal  compromise  of  the  Consti- 
tution by  which  every  white  man  in  the  South  voted  for  him- 
self and  for  a  part  of  a  negro  gave  the  slaveholders  an  immoral 
primacy  in  Congress.  No  man  of  political  prominence  and 
power,  North  or  South,  yet  saw  the  point;  just  as  to  this  day, 
no  such  man  sees  that  in  American  only  localities  but  not  classes 
are  represented  in  Congress.  An  entire  sex  is  not  represented. 
Farmers,  day-laborers,  mechanics  or  clerks  are  scarcely  repre- 
sented in  Congress  by  class-leaders.  Four-fifths  are  lawyers. 
Twenty  have  "union  cards." 

By  effecting  the  Compromise  of  1820,  the  youthful  Clay 
became  a  figure  of  national  moment. 

In  return  for  the  political  primacy  this  effected,  the  leaders 
of  the  South  not  altogether  cheerfully  allowed  Northern  manu- 


298  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

facturers,  who  had  taken  the  place  in  industrial  leadership  for- 
merly occupied  by  the  merchants  and  shipowners,  and  other 
capitalists  increase  their  fortunes  by  protective  tariffs  that 
robbed  Southern  consumers  as  well  as  Northern. 

Monroe  Re-elected  President  with  Virtual  Unanim- 
ity.— President  Monroe  had  been  officially  congratulating  the 
wealthy  upon  the  fall  in  the  price  of  labor,  and  now,  in  an 
age  when  the  poor  were  still  illiterate  and  voteless,  was  re- 
elected with  virtual  unanimity.  Never  was  education  in 
America  at  so  low  an  ebb  as  in  this  "era  of  good  feeling" 
among  the  politically  privileged.  Yet  it  was  not  in  protest 
against  the  wrongs  of  the  weaker  that  a  Maryland  elector 
voted  for  John  Quincy  Adams,  but,  so  tradition  reports,  be- 
cause he  desired  no  other  man  to  share  the  honor  of  unanimous 
election  with  George  Washington.  Perhaps,  the  fact  that 
Mrs.  Adams  was  a  Maryland  woman  influenced  his  choice  of 
the  man  for  whom  he  voted. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine. — It  was  in  his  second  term  that 
President  Monroe  announced  the  foreign  policy  of  the  United 
States  so  completely  and  so  succinctly  that  all  the  world  lis- 
tened and  that  no  later  President  has  been  obliged  to  seek  to 
express  it  more  adequately.  "The  Monroe  Doctrine"  is  the 
title-deed  of  James  Monroe  to  enduring  fame.  We  find  it  in 
the  annual  message  transmitted  to  Congress  December  2,  1823. 

The  occasion  of  this  deliverance  was  to  arrange  with  the 
Emperor  of  Russia  regarding  the  occupation  of  Alaska.  The 
United  States  was  upon  friendly  terms  with  Russia.  John 
Quincy  Adams,  Secretary  of  State,  had  been  minister  to  Russia 
from  1809  to  1 81 3,  nearly  four  and  a  half  years,  and  he  knew 
the  Court  and  the  people  well.  There  is  good  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  language  of  "The  Monroe  Doctrine"  is  the  language 
of  Adams,  not  considerably  revised  by  the  President  or  by  the 
other  Secretaries  of  the  Cabinet. 

The  European  Situation. — The  causes  of  the  deliverance 
were  numerous.  There  were  domestic  troubles  in  Spain  and 
in  Portugal  consequent  in  part  upon  the  successful  outcome 
of  the  rebellions  of  their  South  American  colonies.  By  the 
usual  methods  of  monarchs,  the  Holy  Alliance  had  set  out  to 
pacify  these  social  disturbances  in  Spain  and  in  Portugal.  To 
the  emperors  and  kings  who  had  put  Bonaparte  out  of  the 
business  of  emperorship  and  of  king-making,  republics  any- 


JAMES  MONROE  299 

where  were  obnoxious.  President  Monroe  had  good  reason 
to  know  that  Russia,  Austria,  Prussia,  England,  France,  Spain 
and  Portugal  would  be  glad  to  divide  up  the  New  World, — 
perhaps  take  back  the  Louisiana  Territory,  and  even  conquer 
the  United  States  again  for  the  British  Crown.  He  did  not 
propose  to  have  the  New  World  reabsorbed  wholesale  or 
retail.  And  he  knew  that  all  American  past  tradition  and 
present  sentiment  would  vigorously  support  him.  Even  before 
the  Constitution  was  adopted,  the  principle  had  been  sug- 
gested. On  January  1,  1788,  Washington  wrote  to  Jefferson 
that  this  country  must  not  involve  itself  "in  the  political  dis- 
putes of  European  powers."  In  the  first  notes  for  "The 
Farewell  Address"  as  submitted  to  Hamilton  for  literary  de- 
velopment, he  expressed  a  hope  that  the  nation  in  "twenty 
years"  would  be  strong  enough  in  population  and  riches  to 
bid  "defiance  in  a  just  cause  to  any  earthly  power  whatso- 
ever." In  his  second  annual  message,  President  Adams  noted 
a  spirit  in  America  to  resist  "the  menaces  and  aggressions"  of 
foreign  nations. 

Historical  Support. — Jefferson  wrote  to  a  private  citizen 
that  "the  object  .  .  .  must  be  to  exclude  all  European  influ- 
ence in  this  hemisphere."  The  notion  occurs  again  and  again 
in  his  correspondence.  October  24,  1823,  he  wrote  to  Monroe : 
"Our  first  and  fundamental  maxim  should  be, — never  to  en- 
tangle ourselves  in  the  broils  of  Europe.  Our  second, — never 
to  suffer  Europe  to  intermeddle  with  cis- Atlantic  affairs." 
He  abandoned  the  Old  World  to  its  "despotism"  and  declared 
"our  endeavor  should  surely  be  to  make  our  hemisphere  that 
of  freedom." 

Said  Monroe:  "The  American  continent,  by  the  free  and 
independent  conditions  they  have  assumed  and  maintain,  are 
henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects  for  future  coloni- 
zation by  any  European  powers.  .  .  .  We  owe  it,  there- 
fore, to  candor  and  to  the  amicable  relations  existing  between 
the  United  States  and  those  powers  to  declare  that  we  should 
consider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend  their  system  to 
any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and 
safety.  With  the  existing  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any 
European  power,  we  have  not  interfered,  and  shall  not  inter- 
fere. But  with  the  governments  who  have  declared  their 
independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose  independence  we 


300  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

have,  on  great  consideration  and  on  just  principles,  acknowl- 
edged, we  could  not  view  any  interposition  for  the  purpose  of 
oppressing  them,  or  controlling  in  any  manner  their  destiny 
by  any  European  power  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  mani- 
festation of  an  unfriendly  disposition  toward  the  United 
States.  .  .  .  Our  policy  in  regard  to  Europe,  which  was 
adopted  at  an  early  stage  of  the  wars  which  have  so  long  agi- 
tated that  quarter  of  the  globe,  nevertheless  remains  the  same, 
which  is,  not  to  interfere  in  the  internal  concerns  of  any  of 
its  powers;  to  consider  the  government  de  facto  as  the  legiti- 
mate government  for  us;  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with 
it,  and  to  preserve  those  relations  by  a  frank,  firm  and  manly 
policy;  meeting,  in  all  instances,  the  just  claims  of  every 
power;  submitting  to  injuries  from  none."  For  the  rest,  he 
warned  Spain  and  all  Europe  off  these  continents;  "she  can 
never  subdue  them." 

Opinions  of  Daniel  Webster. — Two  years  later  Daniel 
Webster  came  to  the  support  of  the  Doctrine  with  his  stream- 
ing eloquence, — "I  look  upon  the  message  of  December,  1823, 
as  forming  a  bright  page  in  our  history.  I  will  help  neither 
to  erase  it  nor  tear  it  out;  nor  shall  it  be  by  any  act  of  mine 
blurred  or  blotted.  It  did  honor  to  the  sagacity  of  the  gov- 
ernment"; and  more  to  that  effect.  A  discussion  had  arisen 
as  to  the  sending  of  a  delegation  now  to  a  Pan-American 
Congress  at  Panama.  The  South  American  States  had  abol- 
ished slavery.  The  negro  republic  of  Hayti  would  send 
negroes  as  delegates.  And  the  slaveholding  Southerners  were 
opposed  to  our  recognition  of  the  congress.  We  finally  sent 
delegates,  who  arrived  too  late. 

LaFayette  Revisits  America. — From  the  summer  of 
1824  till  that  of  1825,  at  the  suggestion  of  Jefferson,  Marquis 
de  LaFayette  made  his  triumphal  tour  of  America.  He  laid 
the  corner-stone  of  Bunker  Hill  Monument,  when  Daniel 
Webster  pronounced  the  oration.  He  visited  every  State  and 
saw  all  the  survivors  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  Congress 
voted  to  him  $200,000  and  23,000  acres  in  Florida,  and  sent 
him  home  in  the  new  frigate  "Brandywine,"  so  named  in 
honor  of  that  drawn  battle  in  which  he  had  fought  with  gal- 
lantry. By  1825,  Marie  Joseph  Paul  Yves  Roch  Gilbert  du 
Motier  Marquis  de  LaFayette  was  an  international  institu- 
tion, even  though  years  ago  Napoleon  had  called  him  "ridic- 


JAMES  MONROE  301 

ulous."  But  that  monstrous  man  was  then  four  years  dead; 
of  heirs  to-day,  he  has  none.  As  for  LaFayette,  it  is  pleasant 
to  add  that  though  he  left  a  very  youthful  bride  to  come  to 
America,  they  managed  not  only  to  live  out  long  lives  but  to 
rear  a  family  of  valiant  and  useful  sons.  History  has  strange 
revenges.  While  in  America,  knowing  how  poor  in  purse 
Monroe  was,  LaFayette,  in  true  Latin  style,  offered  to  share 
his  purse  with  him.  He  made  the  same  offer  to  Jefferson  and 
doubtless  to  others. 

His  Cabinet. — The  Cabinet  membership  was  as  follows, 
viz. : 

State, — John  Quincy  Adams  of  Massachusetts. 

Treasury, — William  H.  Crawford  of  Georgia. 

War, — Isaac  Shelby  of  Kentucky  (brief  term),  John  C. 
Calhoun  of  South  Carolina  (nearly  eight  years). 

Attorney-General, — Richard  Rush  of  Pennsylvania  (brief 
term),  William  Wirt  of  Virginia  (nearly  eight  years). 

Postmaster-General, — Return  J.  Meigs,  Jr.,  of  Ohio  (six 
years),  John  McLean  of  Ohio  (two  years). 

Navy, — B.  W.  Crowninshield  of  Massachusetts  (one  year), 
Smith  Thompson  of  New  York  (five  years),  Samuel  L. 
Southard  of  New  Jersey  (three  years). 

In  Old  Age. — On  the  whole,  Monroe  had  pleasant  memo- 
ries for  his  few  declining  years.  Both  of  his  daughters 
were  well  married  in  New  York.  There  he  spent  most  of 
his  time,  occasionally  visiting  Oak  Hill  in  Virginia. 

With  both  Jefferson  and  Madison,  Monroe  served  as  regent 
of  the  University  of  Virginia,  and  was  a  member  of  the  con- 
vention to  revise  the  State  Constitution.  In  1830,  his  wife 
died.  His  money  troubles  kept  him  worried  as  similar  troubles 
had  worried  his  patron  Thomas  Jefferson.  Perhaps,  the  loss 
of  his  life-partner  and  these  money-troubles  hastened  his 
death  on  July  4,  1831,  at  seventy- three  years  of  age,  just 
four  years  to  a  day  after  the  passing  of  Jefferson  and  John 
Adams.  In  his  old  age,  at  one  time,  he  was  so  poor  that  he 
peddled  books  from  house  to  house.  Madison  lived  to  be 
twelve  years  older  than  Monroe  and  outlived  him  five  years. 

The  end  came  to  John  Adams,  to  Monroe  and  to  Madison 
with  no  apparent  physical  ailment.  It  was  due  to  the  anemia 
and  debility  of  old  age. 

Personal  Characteristics. — In  person,  James  Monroe 


302  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

was  not  much  under  six  feet  in  height,  raw-boned,  strong,  un- 
attractive and  awkward.  His  manners  were  less  severe  than 
those  of  Madison  and  John  Adams;  but  he  had  less  of  per- 
sonal charm  than  had  Thomas  Jefferson.  He  was  not  the 
equal  in  scholarship  of  these  three  predecessors.  His  moral 
character  was  irreproachable.  Unlike  all  his  predecessors,  he 
was  singularly  unselfish  and  unself -regarding.  He  had  the 
physical  bravery  of  Washington  and  almost  the  moral  bravery 
of  John  Adams.  He  was  a  constantly  growing  man,  and  as 
the  years  pass,  his  reputation  grows.  He  was  a  better  Presi- 
dent than  we  have  usually  had. 

Supreme  Court  Makes  Itself  Supreme. — It  was  in  this 
"era  of  good  feeling"  that  the  Supreme  Court  decided  that  it 
could  declare  a  State  law  null  and  void  for  conflict  with  the 
Federal  Constitution  (McCulloch  v.  Maryland).  This  was 
the  triumph,  the  climax  of  Federalism  and  gave  to  John  Mar- 
shall, Chief  Justice,  enduring  fame.  Likewise,  it  entrenched 
the  vanguard  of  the  coming  plutocracy  in  the  citadel  of  the 
central  government. 

Theoretically,  we  are  in  every  respect  a  government  of  lim- 
ited powers.  No  branch  is  supreme,  no  officer  of  government 
can  do  as  he  pleases.  But  practically  Presidents  can  do  what 
they  please  unless  a  statute  or  court  decision  forbids;  and 
practically  the  Supreme  Court  can  annul  whatever  it  sees  fit. 
And  Congress,  which  is  supposed  in  the  Senate  to  represent 
the  will  of  the  States  and  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to 
represent  the  will  of  the  people  (such  is  the  meaning  of  the 
name  itself),  alone  is  both  theoretically  and  practically  subor- 
dinate. Armies  march  when  Presidents  say  so ;  Polk  marched 
an  army  to  Texas  and  Mexico  and  fought.  Taft  likewise, 
but  didn't  fight.  Congress  ordered  neither  to  do  so.  There 
are  other  impressive  historic  instances.  Lincoln  defended 
Sumter  and  fought  the  first  Bull  Run  without  orders;  and 
Roosevelt  took  Panama  and  sent  the  fleet  around  the  world. 
Jefferson  bought  Louisiana.  In  a  sense,  the  Presidency  is 
unlimited. 

Fourteen  hundred  judicial  cases  serve  to  interpret  the  Con- 
stitution. Declarations  by  the  Supreme  Court  that  a  law  is 
null  and  void  are  often  delayed  by  decades ;  we  may  yet  live 
to  see  protective  tariffs  held  unconstitutional.  This  would  be 
no  greater  an  exhibition  of  power  than  was  the  overthrow 


JAMES  MONROE  303 

of  the  Missouri  Compromise  by  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  The 
first  case  was  indeed  but  a  little  mustard  seed ;  to-day  a  mighty 
tree  of  judicial  power  thrives  upon  the  soil  of  our  Constitu- 
tion.    Certainly,  the  Fathers  foresaw  nothing  of  this  kind. 

Sectionalism  in  the  Admission  of  States. — In  this  same 
period,  five  States  were  admitted.  In  Washington's  time,  the 
admissions  were  of  two  Southern  States,  containing  82,000 
square  miles  and  of  one  Northern  State  containing  9500  square 
miles.  On  the  same  scale,  the  South  should  have  made  eight 
or  nine  States  out  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  so  as  to  keep 
proportionate  strength  in  the  Senate.  In  1802  Ohio  came  in 
alone.  Louisiana  and  Indiana  were  admitted  four  years  apart 
in  1 81 2  and  in  181 6.  But  now  Illinois  and  Maine  with  90,000 
square  miles  were  supposed  to  balance  Mississippi,  Alabama, 
and  Missouri  with  171,000  square  miles.  Thereafter  the 
principle  was  fully  recognized  that  there  must  be  some  balance. 
But  the  South  was  already  defeated,  for  in  the  Senate  New 
England,  virtually  a  province,  had  twelve  members  with 
65,000  square  miles,  whereas  Virginia  with  67,000  square 
miles  had  but  two.  The  South  had  no  very  small  State.  Even 
Maryland,  with  but  12,000  square  miles,  was  larger  than 
either  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  or  New  Jersey. 

It  was  this  condition  in  the  Senate  that  gave  to  the  wage- 
service  North  and  to  its  really  subsidized  hothouse  protected 
manufacturers  its  victory  over  the  South.  A  section  with 
small  States  and  many  Senators  built  itself  up  at  the  cost  of 
the  ultimate  consumers  in  the  section  with  large  States.  The 
statement  that  the  North  had  the  population  is  no  answer. 
The  laws  caused  the  population.  Originally,  and  naturally, 
the  Northeast  is  far  less  habitable  than  the  Sunny  South. 

Monroe  a  True  Democrat  at  Heart. — To  offset  the 
centralization  of  government  manifested  by  the  Supreme 
Court,  President  Monroe  vetoed  "internal  improvements' '  in 
the  form  of  the  Cumberland  or  National  Road.  Rather  than  let 
the  court  decide  upon  its  constitutionality,  he  denounced  it; 
but  then  on  the  last  day  of  his  second  term,  in  the  interest  of 
political  peace,  he  signed  a  still  more  liberal  appropriation  bill 
for  the  same  purpose.  And  for  all  his  strict  construction  views, 
James  Monroe  signed  in  1824  the  first  truly  protective  tariff 
measure.     The  explanation  of  these  actions  is  that  Monroe 


304  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

was  a  democrat  at  heart,  and  desired  to  give  to  the  people 
what  the  people  really  wished  to  have.  And  unlike  such  a 
hortatory  Democrat  as  Thomas  Jefferson,  he  did  not  spend 
much  time  or  energy  in  trying  to  teach  the  people  to  like  his 
own  pet  notions  and  measures.  In  this  sense,  he  was  a  poli- 
tician. And  it  is  as  a  successful  and  honest  politician  and  not 
as  a  consistent  statesman  that  James  Monroe  comes  down  to 
us  from  the  early  days  of  the  Presidency. 


CHAPTER  VI 
John  Quincy  Adams 

i 825- i 829 
1767-1848 

24  States  Population  11,000,000 

The  Adams  family — early  life — visited  France — his  "Diary" — diplomatic 
Secretary  in  Russia — educated  at  Harvard — many  great  men  his 
friends — lawyer — in  London — married  a  Maryland  girl — minister  to 
Prussia — State  Senator — proposed  minority  representation — United 
States  Senator — desired  war  against  England — left  Federalist  party — 
minister  to  Russia — peace  commisioner — Secretary  of  State — so-called 
"purchase"  of  Florida — report  on  weights  and  measures — the  true 
history  of  Americanism — suppression  of  the  slave-trade — a  diplomatist 
of  the  highest  rank — the  unseemly  struggle  for  the  Presidency — his 
rivals — gave  ball  in  honor  of  General  Andrew  Jackson — changing  to 
popular  election  of  the  Electors  in  the  Electoral  College — Adams 
won  in  the  House  of  Representatives — the  terrible  charge  of  John 
Randolph  against  Adams  and  Clay — internal  improvements — "Tariff  of 
Abominations" — Whigs — Jackson  elected — sectionalism — upright  but 
self-righteous — member  of  House  of  Representatives— "the  old  man 
eloquent" — the  right  of  petition — hot  temper,  cool  head — favored  pro- 
tective tariff — petition  from  slaves — petition  to  dissolve  the  Union — 
pulled  House  through  a  deadlock — victory— died  in  the  Capitol. 

The  Adams  Family. — Massachusetts  has  given  two  Presi- 
dents to  the  nation ;  and  several  other  Presidents  had  fathers 
or  mothers  or  other  ancestors  born  and  reared  within  her 
borders.     She  gave  to  us  two  men  of  the  Adams  family, — 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  3°5 

John  the  second  President,  and  his  son  John  Quincy  Adams, 
an  abler  man  than  his  father.  She  gave  to  us  also  Charles 
Francis  Adams,  grandson  and  son  of  these  two,  to  do  the 
work  of  a  statesman-diplomat  in  England  during  the  Civil 
War.  It  is  a  family  of  hereditary  talents  of  the  highest 
order.  In  American  history,  only  the  family  of  Jonathan 
Edwards  and  that  of  Lyman  Beecher  may  fairly  challenge 
comparison  with  the  Adams  line. 

It  may  indeed  be  that  John  Quincy  would  never  have  been 
President  but  for  his  father  John  Adams;  but  if  so,  it  is  so 
for  only  one  reason, — the  blood  and  rearing  given  to  him  by 
John  Adams,  his  father,  and  Abigail  Smith  Adams,  his 
mother,  for  John  Adams  as  ex-President  was  sufficiently 
hated  to  make  the  Adams  name  itself  a  heavy  handicap.  Later, 
and  beyond  doubt  wiser,  generations  think  differently  of  John 
Adams  from  the  people  of  1825,  among  whom  John  Quincy 
Adams  found  himself,  by  a  conspiracy  of  circumstances,  ele- 
vated to  the  place  of  first  citizen  of  the  land.  Yet  this  son, 
though  often  wrong,  deserved  the  Presidency,  and  his  memory 
is  that  of  one  of  our  ablest  and  most  valuable  statesmen  who 
was  no  politician  at  all;  wherein  he  ranks  with  Washington, 
with  his  own  father,  with  James  Madison,  and  with  few 
others,  whom  an  admiring  country  or  constituency  has  ele- 
vated to  high  office. 

Early  Life. — The  sixth  President  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  was  born  in  Braintree  (now  Quincy),  Massa- 
chusetts, July  11,  1767.  His  father  was  then  a  struggling 
young  lawyer  in  a  small  town,  who  had  not  yet  wholly  given 
his  heart  to  the  patriot  cause.  John  Quincy  passed  his  early 
childhood  there  and  in  Boston.  In  June,  1775,  from  a  hilltop 
in  Braintree,  the  boy,  holding  his  mother's  hand,  saw,  ten 
miles  away,  Charleston  afire  and  heard  the  artillery  and 
musketry  of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  They  were  a  lonely 
and  worried  little  family,  with  the  husband  and  father  away 
at  Philadelphia  in  the  Continental  Congress.  Any  midnight 
or  noon,  Braintree  might  suffer  a  British  raid  and  witness 
upon  its  green  another  minute  men  fight. 

But  the  British  sailed  away  with  thousands  of  Loyalists  to 
Halifax,  and  then  little  John  Quincy  was  often  put  on  horse- 
back to  ride  ten  miles  to  Boston  to  get  the  latest  news,  for 


306  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Mrs.  Abigail  Adams,  though  a  fond  mother,  was  not  a  timid 
one  and  meant  to  make  a  man  out  of  her  son. 

The  Boy  Goes  to  Europe. — In  February,  1778,  the  boy 
sailed  with  his  father  in  the  frigate  "Boston"  bound  for 
France;  and  in  the  course  of  a  half-year  crossed  the  ocean 
three  times,  landing  in  Spain  upon  the  second  voyage  east- 
ward. In  this  same  eventful  period,  he  began  that  diary 
which  was  to  grow  and  grow  until  it  became  the  greatest  diary 
ever  written,  a  veritable  book  of  doom  for  all  and  sundry  of 
his  contemporaries.  Closely  edited  and  much  reduced,  it 
makes  a  dozen  octavo  volumes,  and  is  the  best  source  history 
of  its  period.  Then  also  he  began  writing  those  now  quaint 
"old-fashioned"  verses  which  reveal  his  finer  and  more  charm- 
ing qualities. 

Educated  at  Harvard. — The  boy  travelled  much  and 
studied  a  little  until  at  fourteen  years  of  age  Francis  Dana, 
American  envoy  to  Russia,  took  him  to  St.  Petersburg  as  his 
secretary.  He  came  back  in  1782  and  was  immediately  secre- 
tary in  the  negotiations  for  the  treaty  of  Ghent.  When,  in 
1785,  his  father  was  made  minister  to  England,  John  Quincy 
Adams  stood  at  his  first  cross-roads  of  choice  in  life;  he  had 
travelled  much,  had  seen  many  events  and  men,  had  learned 
French,  had  read  many  books,  had  already  played  a  man's  part 
in  affairs.  He  might  have  become  at  once  a  member  of  the 
American  diplomatic  corps ;  instead,  being  a  sensible  youth  and 
a  sound  Puritan,  he  took  ship  for  America  and  entered  Har- 
vard College  in  the  fashion  of  all  the  Adamses.  In  1787,  at 
twenty  years  of  age,  he  took  his  bachelor's  degree.  Then  for 
three  years,  he  studied  law  in  the  office  of  Theophilus  Parsons 
at  Newberry  port. 

Practices  Law. — Both  Dana  and  Parsons  were  afterwards 
Chief  Justices  of  Massachusetts  as  was  his  own  father.  J.  Q. 
Adams  had  come  to  know  John  Jay,  later  Chief  Justice  of 
New  York;  and  the  immortal  Benjamin  Franklin;  and  many 
others  of  fame  and  rank,  including  some  of  the  first  states- 
men of  nearly  every  important  European  nation.  Such  was 
the  man  who  at  twenty-three  years  of  age  in  1790, — his  own 
father  being  Vice-President, — hung  out  his  shingle  in  Boston 
and  waited  for  clients.  Few  men,  dying  at  the  allotted  term, 
have  ever  seen  as  much  of  human  life  as  John  Quincy  Adams 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  307 

had  seen  as  early  as  1790.  Naturally,  he  was  restless  and 
eager.  Being  an  Adams,  inevitably,  he  was  censorious  and 
industrious,  and  painfully  reliable.  Clients  came.  He  began 
to  make  money.  But  he  spent  his  leisure  replying  in  print  to 
the  "Rights  of  Man"  of  Thomas  Paine  and  to  the  fulmina- 
tions  of  Citizen  Genet. 

Diplomat  Abroad. — President  Washington  read  these 
replies,  and  in  1794  appointed  him  Minister  to  Holland.  So 
well  did  his  demeanor  there  impress  Washington  that  he 
prophesied  of  the  young  man, — "He  will  be  found  soon  at 
the  head  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  be  the  government  admin- 
istered by  whomsoever  the  people  may  choose."  Incidentally, 
J.  Q.  Adams  had  to  go  to  London  again. 

Marries  a  Southern  Lady. — There  he  met  the  daughter 
of  the  American  consul,  niece  of  Governor  Johnson  of  Mary- 
land, signer  of  the  Declaration  and  later  Supreme  Court 
Justice, — Louise  Catherine  Johnson,  whom  he  married  in 
July,  1797.  It  was  a  happy  union.  If  John  Quincy  Adams 
had  been  less  self -centered,  he  would  have  seen  how  from 
year  to  year  he  was  spared  those  domestic  afflictions  which 
account  for  so  much  in  the  lives  of  such  men  as  Samuel 
Adams,  Patrick  Henry,  and  Thomas  Jefferson.  But  no 
Adams  was  ever  grateful.  No  Adams  was  ever  treated  by 
God  or  fate  or  his  fellowmen  as  well  as  he  deserved.  In  the 
case  of  John  Quincy  himself,  the  greatest  of  them  all,  and  the 
worst  complainant,  the  diary  proves  this. 

Next,  Washington  persuaded  John  Adams,  when  Presi- 
dent, to  transfer  J.  Q.  Adams  to  Prussia,  whither  he  went  in 
November,  1797.  There  he  negotiated  a  treaty  of  commerce 
between  Prussia  and  the  United  States.  He  was  recalled  late 
in  1800  by  his  father  so  that  President  Jefferson,  his  hated 
rival,  might  not  be  allowed  to  recall  an  Adams  from  the  diplo- 
matic service. 

Rises  to  United  States  Senate. — Once  more,  John 
Quincy  Adams  became  a  lawyer  in  private  practice  in  Boston. 
In  some  way,  he  contrived  to  be  appointed  a  commissioner  in 
bankruptcy,  when  President  Jefferson  promptly  removed  him. 
But  the  brilliant  publicist  was  not  long  to  hide  his  light  under 
a  bushel;  in  April,  1802,  he  was  elected  State  Senator.  Two 
days  after  taking  his  seat,  he  proposed  the  startling  innovation 
of  proportional  representation  of  the  minority  in  the  Gover- 


308  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

nor's  Council.  In  February,  1803,  by  a  vote  of  86  to  65,  he 
was  elected  United  States  Senator,  defeating  Timothy  Pick- 
ering, a  fact  that  had  important  bearings  upon  the  future 
happiness  of  the  victor.  This  split  the  Federalist  party 
definitely, — J.  Q.  Adams  was,  of  course,  an  Adams  Federalist, 
while  Pickering  was  a  Hamilton  Federalist. 

The  Democrats  greatly  outnumbered  the  Federalists  in  Con- 
gress ;  and  the  Hamiltonians  greatly  outnumbered  the  Adams' 
sympathizers  in  the  Federalist  party.  Adams  began  as  a 
United  States  Senator  with  but  few  friends;  and  his  course 
alienated  even  these  few.  The  rest  of  the  Senators  either 
despised  or  hated  him ;  but  month  by  month  those  who  despised 
him  grew  fewer  and  those  who  hated  him  grew  more  numer- 
ous. He  was  terribly  in  earnest,  and  he  cared  for  nothing 
save  what  he  thought  the  rights  of  a  matter.  No  man  and 
no  interest  could  influence  him,  for  there  was  no  way  to  reach 
him.  He  was  that  terrible  creature,  an  able  man,  disinterested, 
without  a  friend,  and  set  on  righteousness, — a  lonely  fate. 
Only  a  few  weeks  later,  Pickering  came  to  take  the  other 
Senatorship. 

Adams  voted  to  sustain  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  though 
he  denied  that  the  purchase  was  constitutional.  The  partisan 
Federalist  voted  not  to  confirm  the  purchase.  He  voted  to 
acquit  Justice  Chase  who  had  been  impeached  by  the  Jeffer- 
sonians  for  Federalist  utterances  from  the  bench;  he  always 
voted  to  sustain  the  power  of  the  judiciary.  In  1806,  he  intro- 
duced resolutions  against  European  violations  of  American 
neutrality.  He  voted  against  the  Federalists  and  in  favor  of 
the  Non-Importation  Act  In  May,  1806,  the  British  govern- 
ment issued  a  proclamation  declaring  all  Europe  from  Brest  to 
the  Elbe  in  a  state  of  blockade.  In  November,  Napoleon 
answered  with  a  decree  declaring  all  the  British  Isles  in  a 
state  of  blockade.  In  January,  1807,  the  British  government 
forbade  neutrals  to  trade  between  the  ports  of  its  enemies.  And, 
in  November,  it  declared  all  neutral  vessels  and  cargoes  liable 
to  capture  and  to  confiscation ;  a  few  days  later,  it  fixed  a  rate 
of  duties  upon  neutrals.  In  December,  Napoleon  answered  by 
another  decree,  denouncing  any  ships  that  paid  the  tax  as  sub- 
ject to  capture  and  confiscation. 

Promotes  the  War-Spirit. — It  was  a  war  of  paper 
decrees,  more  or  less  enforced.     England  and  France  played 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  309 

battle  dove  and  shuttlecock  with  American  shipping.  John 
Quincy  Adams  shrewdly  said  that  virtually  both  nations  had 
declared  war  upon  the  United  States.  In  June,  1807,  the 
British  frigate,  "The  Leopard,"  fifty-guns,  took  four  seamen 
off  from  "The  Chesapeake"  near  Hampton  Roads.  Three 
Americans  were  killed  in  the  action.  The  British  hanged  one 
of  the  seamen ;  one  died  in  confinement,  two  were  returned  to 
"The  Chesapeake"  in  181 2  at  Boston. 

Here  was  a  casus  belli  adequate  for  any  President  and 
Congress  of  patriotic  vigor.  Jefferson  did  nothing.  New 
England  was  Federalist  and  in  a  true  sense  Anglican;  but 
New  England  was  also  commercial,  and  her  commerce  was 
being  strangled,  and  her  people  were  in  distress.  The  five 
States  had  come  to  the  parting  of  the  ways ;  and  it  was  natural 
that  their  leader,  Massachusetts,  should  have  in  Congress  a 
Senator  who  should  be  the  first  to  discern  the  fact. 

Leaves  Federalist  Party. — The  outrage  upon  "The  Chesa- 
peake" occurred  in  a  recess  of  Congress,  and  Senator  Adams 
tried  to  organize  a  meeting  of  Federalists  to  protest.  They 
were  too  devoted  to  England  or  too  afraid  of  her  power  or 
both  to  accept  his  urgent  leadership.  The  Democrats  held  a 
meeting ;  and  Adams  not  only  attended  but  was  made  a  mem- 
ber of  the  committee  to  draft  warlike  resolutions.  Then  the 
Federalists,  who  controlled  Boston,  called  a  town  meeting, 
and  Adams  was  again  put  on  a  committee  to  protest.  But  the 
wedge  had  been  driven  in ;  and  Senator  Adams  was  no  longer 
considered  a  good  party  man.  When  in  October,  1807,  he 
voted  for  the  embargo,  Federalism  rejected  Adams  forever. 
He  became  an  apostate.  They  carried  it  into  his  social  rela- 
tions. And  to  this  day,  the  Adams  family  in  Massachusetts 
is  on  the  defensive  because  John  Quincy  Adams  became  in 
effect  a  Jeffersonian.  Boston  Brahminism  knew  nothing 
worse  than  this  treachery  of  Adams  to  the  sacred  cause  of 
outworn  Federalism. 

The  term  of  Senator  Adams  would  expire  in  March,  1809; 
but  the  Federalists  made  hot  haste  to  teach  him  a  lesson. 
In  June,  they  elected  James  Lloyd,  Jr.,  his  successor  by  21  to 
17  in  the  Senate;  by  248  to  213  in  the  House.  A  total  vote 
of  18  changed  would  have  endorsed  the  course  of  Adams. 
On  June  8,  he  resigned,  and  Lloyd  was  appointed  to  fill  the 
rest  of  his  term.    The  son  of  John  Adams  had  lost  the  United 


3io  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

States  Senatorship  because  he  supported  the  administration  of 
Thomas  Jefferson,  his  hated  and  successful  rival. 

Minister  to  Russia. — His  friend  Josiah  Quincy,  Congress- 
man, immediately  offered  to  resign  so  that  Adams  might  take 
his  place  as  a  representative;  but  the  latter  refused  to  permit 
this.  And  now  came  yet  worse.  In  March  6,  1809,  two  days 
after  he  became  President,  James  Madison  named  Adams  as 
minister  to  Russia.  Judas  had  taken  his  thirty  pieces  of  silver ! 
By  17  to  15,  the  Senate  voted  not  to  send  a  minister  to  Russia; 
Timothy  Pickering  was  one  of  the  17.  But  Madison  per- 
sisted ;  and  in  June  Adams  was  confirmed  by  19  to  7,  of  which 
7  Pickering  was  one. 

He  remained  in  Russia  until  early  in  18 14  he  became  one 
of  the  three  commissioners  of  the  five  American  commissioners 
to  treat  for  peace  with  England  at  Ghent.  There  ensued  a 
quarrelsome  and  disagreeable  experience  that  lasted  a  half 
year  of  daily  negotiations.  England  looked  upon  the  United 
States  as  the  defeated  country,  and  remembered  the  Revolu- 
tionary War.  Henry  Clay,  who  was  one  of  the  commissioners 
and  who  had  instigated  the  disastrous  land  campaign  against 
Canada,  gambled  all  night  with  his  friends  and  quarrelled 
pretty  much  all  day  with  Adams.  Clay  cared  only  for  the 
right  of  the  United  States  to  prevent  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  by  the  British,  while  Adams  was  trying  to  pro- 
tect the  northeast  fisheries  in  the  interest  of  New  England. 
Adams  wished  England  to  yield  Canada,  while  Clay  demanded 
a  promise  not  to  impress  American  sailors. 

Peace  Commissioner. — Napoleon  was  in  isolation  upon 
Elba;  but  England  was  having  trouble  with  the  Emperor  of 
Russia  and  with  the  King  of  Prussia.  Perhaps,  in  the  back 
of  their  minds,  the  Emperor  and  the  King  had  formed  a  liking 
for  America  partly  because  they  liked  John  Quincy  Adams. 

At  any  rate,  the  Holy  Alliance  in  effect  intervened  or  inter- 
fered in 'such  a  manner  that  the  British  government  suddenly 
became  anxious  for  peace.  The  treaty  is  one  of  the  most 
interesting  of  such  documents.  It  said  nothing  about  impress- 
ment or  fisheries  or  Mississippi  navigation.  Virtually,  it 
simply  restored  the  status  ante  helium;  but  its  outcome  was 
wholly  favorable  to  America. 

Secretary  of  State. — Becoming  Minister  to  England, 
Adams  remained  in  Europe.     Then  in  181 7,  President  James 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  311 

Monroe  made  him  Secretary  of  State  in  his  Cabinet  of  Demo- 
crats. All  Americans  knew  that  thereby  he  was  named  heir- 
apparent  to  the  Presidency.    Again,  Judas  had  taken  silver. 

So-called  Purchase  of  Florida. — All  the  colonies  in 
South  America  were  in  revolt  against  Spain,  and  the  Euro- 
pean powers  were  disinclined  to  recognize  them  as  belligerents. 
Henry  Clay,  leader  in  Congress,  desired  to  force  the  hands 
of  Madison  and  Adams,  by  a  declaration  in  favor  of  the 
rebels.  It  was  a  splendid  opportunity  for  the  display  of  his 
fervent  eloquence.  There  was  another  trouble, — with  Spain 
regarding  the  boundaries  of  the  Louisiana  territory  that  she 
had  ceded  to  France  a  few  years  before  Jefferson  bought  it. 
It  was  a  highly  complex  and  a  decidedly  irritating  situation. 
Not  the  least  of  the  troubles  were  those  provoked  by  the 
erratic  General  Andrew  Jackson  in  Florida,  which  Spain  still 
owned.  The  first  treaty,  negotiated  with  infinite  pains  and 
much  skill  by  Adams  with  the  Spanish  minister  Don  Onis, 
was  rejected  by  his  own  government.  With  all  these  inter- 
national disputes  went  also  the  question  of  the  admission  of 
Missouri  as  a  State. 

His  Views  of  Slavery. — Both  the  domestic  and  the  inter- 
national debates  turned  mainly  upon  the  changing  slavery- 
situation.  The  Missouri  question  Adams  called  "the  title-page 
to  a  tragic  volume,"  foreseeing  clearly  what  few  others  yet 
suspected.  "Slavery,"  he  wrote  in  his  Diary,  "is  the  great  and 
foul  stain  upon  the  North  American  Union."  At  this  stage, 
John  C.  Calhoun,  Secretary  of  War,  predicted  that  if  the 
Union  should  be  dissolved,  "the  South  from  necessity  would 
be  compelled  to  form  an  alliance  defensive  and  offensive  with 
Great  Britain."  Adams  saw  clearly  that  "This  is  a  question 
between  the  rights  of  human  nature  and  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States."  But  not  even  J.  Q.  Adams,  certainly  no  one 
else,  foresaw  that  a  time  would  come  when  the  Union  could  not 
be  dissolved  but  seceding  States  could  be  retained  by  force.  In  all 
the  United  States  in  1820,  there  was  not  one  Nationalist  who 
would  resort  to  force.  The  year  after,  with  but  one  change 
and  that  greatly  in  favor  of  the  United  States, — the  cancelling 
of  certain  royal  grants  of  land  to  Spanish  nobles, — the  treaty 
was  ratified  both  by  the  King  and  Cortes  and  by  Congress, — 
though  Henry  Clay  was  selfishly  against  it  with  his  brother- 
in-law,  Brown  of  Louisiana,  and  with  three  other  votes  in 


312  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

the  Senate.  By  this  treaty,  the  United  States  gained  Florida 
and  a  part  of  Oregon  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  a  definite 
boundary  along  the  Red  and  Arkansaw  rivers,  all  in  return 
for  some  $5,000,000  of  claims  of  American  citizens  against 
Spain,  which  the  United  States  assumed  and  then  dishonestly 
disputed  for  many  years.  The  purchase  was  a  diplomatic 
victory,  a  raid  on  a  sinking  nation,  a  superb  example  of  the 
progress  of  manifest  destiny,  the  relentless  on-going  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  to  world-supremacy.  It  enhanced  the  prestige 
of  John  Ouincy  Adams  in  America  as  well  as  in  Europe.  And 
it  forwarded  several  men  toward  the  Presidency. 

On  the  day  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  February  22, 
1 82 1, — on  anniversary  of  Washington's  birthday, — Adams 
submitted  to  Congress  a  report  that  he  considered  equally 
important  with  the  treaty.  It  was  an  effort  to  standardize 
weights  and  measures,  and  represented  a  vast  labor  for  four 
years  upon  his  part.    No  one  paid  any  attention  to  it. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine. — Just  how  far  Secretary  Adams 
contributed  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  historically  an  unim- 
portant matter,  though  it  is  of  biographical  interest  that  he 
encouraged  a  by  no  means  unwarlike  President  in  a  yet  more 
warlike  tone.  He  had  no  intention  of  seeing  Spain  and 
Portugal  restored  to  full  control  in  South  America,  with 
Russia  holding  all  the  Pacific  Coast  from  Bering  Strait  to 
Lower  California,  France  taking  Mexico,  and  England  add- 
ing Cuba  to  her  vast  dominion  of  Canada. 

Certainly,  no  other  man  ever  had  any  clearer  understanding 
of  Americanism  that  J.  Q.  Adams, — his  diplomacy  proves  it. 

The  Slave-Trade. — There  came  up  the  interesting 
proposition  that  America  should  join  the  European  powers  in 
suppressing  the  slave  trade.  England,  Spain,  Portugal  and 
The  Netherlands  suported  it;  Russia,  Prussia,  Austria  and 
France  opposed  it.  America  refused  even  to  consider  it, — the 
Monroe  Doctrine  kept  her  out  of  Europe.  America  could  not 
allow  the  right  of  search.  But  Adams  put  the  matter  cleverly : 
If  England  would  agree  never  again  in  time  of  war  to  take 
a  man  from  an  American  vessel,  America  would  consider 
joining  a  concert  of  powers  to  suppress  the  slave-traffic.  Of 
course,  England  declined. 

As  a  Diplomat. — In  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Stratford 
Canning,  the  British  minister,  John  Quincy  Adams  said  to 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  313 

him,  "Have  you  any  claim  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
river?  You  claim  India,  you  claim  Africa,  you  claim — "  "Per- 
haps," said  Canning,  "a  piece  of  the  moon."  "No,"  answered 
Adams,  "I  have  not  heard  that  you  claim  exclusively  any  part 
of  the  moon ;  but  there  is  not  a  spot  on  this  habitable  globe  that 
I  could  affirm  you  do  not  claim." 

His  was  the  shirt-sleeve  diplomacy  of  his  own  father  and 
of  some  recent  American  statesmen,  including  President 
Cleveland.  John  Quincy  Adams  ranks  among  the  first  of 
American  diplomats,  with  few  peers  and  no  superiors,  one  of 
the  few  peers  being  his  own  son  Charles  Francis  Adams. 

An  Unseemly  Struggle  for  the  Presidency. — In  1824 
the  question  of  the  succession  to  the  Presidency  came  up. 
Washington,  Jefferson  and  Madison  had  fixed  firmly  the  two- 
term  tradition.  Monroe  was  ready  to  retire.  The  leading 
candidates  were  Andrew  Jackson,  John  Quincy  Adams,  Henry 
Clay,  and  William  H.  Crawford. 

Jackson  was  the  hero  of  New  Orleans  and  the  people's 
favorite.  He  was  "the  great  Indian  fighter" ;  had  been  a  judge 
in  Tennessee,  a  Congressman,  a  Governor  of  Florida,  and  a 
Major-General;  and  was  now  United  States  Senator.  Of  the 
same  age  as  Adams,  Jackson  was  his  most  formidable  rival. 

Henry  Clay  of  Kentucky  was  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  a  brilliant  and  moving  orator,  a  gambler  who 
made  money  by  gambling,  a  "sport,"  a  socially  charming  man, 
ten  years  the  junior  of  his  leading  rivals. 

Crawford  of  Georgia  was  the  first  of  American  political 
manipulators  upon  a  national  scale.  He  had  nervous  prostra- 
tion from  the  summer  of  1823 ;  but  for  which  state  of  health, 
lasting  over  a  year,  he  might  have  been  successful.  He  con- 
tinued to  hold  the  position  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  its 
documents,  papers  and  checks  being  signed  for  him  with  a 
rubber  stamp,  a  fact  that  illustrates  the  process  of  public  busi- 
ness in  1823-4  and  the  easy-going  character  of  James  Monroe. 
Probably,  Crawford  needed  the  salary. 

Gives  a  Ball  in  Honor  of  Jackson. — They  were  all 
Democrats ;  and  the  election  was  a  personal  contest  in  which 
John  Quincy  Adams  stood  frigidly  upon  his  personal  self- 
respect  and  official  dignity.  On  January  8,  1824,  the  ninth 
anniversary  of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  Adams  gave  a  ball 
in  honor  of  Jackson;  a  thousand  persons  attended,     It  was 


314  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

said  to  be  the  finest  affair  of  its  kind  to  that  date  since  the 
Capital  was  founded  in  1800. 

The  vote  in  the  Electoral  College  stood: 

Jackson  99,  Adams  84,  Crawford  41,  Clay  2>7- 

New  York  and  New  England  had  voted  for  Adams ;  Penn- 
sylvania and  its  eastern  and  southern  neighbors  with  Ten- 
nessee, for  Jackson;  Ohio,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri  for  Clay; 
and  most  of  the  rest  for  Crawford.  The  Legislatures  still 
chose  the  electors  in  Vermont,  New  York,  Delaware,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Louisiana ;  the  people  voted  in  Maine, 
New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Caro- 
lina, Alabama,  Mississippi,  Ohio,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Mis- 
souri, Indiana,  and  Illinois.  The  popular  movement  was  zig- 
zagging to  success.     Few  delegations  voted  solidly. 

The  fight  now  changed  to  the  House  of  Representatives  and 
became  yet  more  bitter.  The  illness  of  Crawford  and  the 
hatred  of  Clay  for  Jackson  determined  the  issue. 

The  vote  stood : 

Adams  13  States,  Jackson  7,  Crawford  4. 

But  Calhoun  had  been  chosen  by  the  Electoral  College  as 
Vice-President  by  182  to  79,  divided  among  half  a  dozen 
candidates. 

An  Unhappy  Winner. — So  grieved  was  John  Quincy 
Adams,  so  aggrieved  in  fact,  by  this  doubtful  compliment  that 
he  would  have  declined  to  serve,  but  did  not  wish  to  see  John 
C.  Calhoun  thereby  succeed  to  the  Presidency;  and  the  Con- 
stitution provides  no  way  to  have  a  second  election.  This  is 
not  the  only  defect  of  a  strangely  overrated  human  device. 

His  Cabinet  and  the  Terrible  Charge  by  John  Ran- 
dolph.— For  his  Cabinet,  Adams  retained  William  Wirt  of 
Virginia  as  Attorney-General,  John  McLean  of  Ohio  as  Post- 
master-General, and  Samuel  L.  Southard  of  New  Jersey  as 
head  of  the  Navy  Department.  He  named  James  Barbour 
of  Virginia  for  the  War  Department,  Richard  Rush  of  Penn- 
sylvania for  the  Treasury  and  Henry  Clay  of  Kentucky  for 
the  State  Department.  Jackson  promptly  charged  that  Clay 
had  sold  out  to  Adams.  In  his  "Diary,"  Adams  wrote  that 
probably  two-thirds  of  the  American  people  were  opposed  to 
him  for  the  Presidency. 

Now  the  brilliant,  reckless,  mischief-making,   vituperative 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  315 

John  Randolph  of  Virginia  stalks  more  prominently  than 
ever  upon  the  national  scene, — charging  a  corrupt  bargain 
between  Clay  and  Adams.  This  struggle  ended  "King 
Caucus."  The  words  of  Randolph  were  "the  coalition  of 
Blifil  and  Black  George — the  combination  unheard  of  till  then 
of  the  Puritan  and  the  black-leg." 

He  cursed  the  parents  of  Clay  for  bringing  into  life  "this 
being,  so  brilliant  yet  so  corrupt,  which  like  a  rotten  mackerel 
by  moonlight,  shined  and  stunk."  Clay  challenged  him  to  a 
duel.  Both  fired  :  neither  hit.  Clay  fired  again,  missed ;  Ran- 
dolph fired  into  the  air,  strolled  over  to  Clay,  shook  hands; 
and  honor  was  satisfied.  One  of  Clay's  shots  had  pierced  the 
long  flannel  coat  of  John  Randolph. 

Material  Progress  at  Government  Cost. — The  Presi- 
dency of  John  Quincy  Adams  was  not  uneventful.  In  it, 
$14,000,000, — an  amount  larger  than  in  all  the  years  from 
1789  to  1825, — were  spent  without  constitutional  warrant 
upon  internal  improvements,  one-third  upon  roads  and  canals. 
The  Erie  Canal  was  finished  at  the  cost  of  New  York  State, 
lowering  freight  from  Buffalo  to  New  York  from  $88  per  ton 
to  $6,  and  not  long  afterwards  to  $3.  Georgia  successfully 
defied  the  United  States  by  violating  treaties  with  the  Creeks 
and  with  the  Cherokees.  An  attempt  to  hold  a  Pan-American 
Congress  of  the  new  nations  at  Panama  was  so  much  of  a 
failure  that  it  had  separated  before  the  American  delegates 
arrived.  A  great  number  of  commercial  treaties  were  nego- 
tiated with  other  nations.  In  1828  "the  Tariff  of  Abomina- 
tions" was  passed,  so  styled  by  a  Maryland  Senator,  because 
of  its  high  protection.  All  the  South  was  against  it.  John 
Randolph  denounced  it  as  a  bill  to  "rob  and  plunder  nearly 
one-half  of  the  Union  for  the  benefit  of  the  residue."  A 
flood  of  emigrants  poured  westward  by  the  National  Road 
and  by  the  Erie  Canal.  And  the  temperance  reform  grew 
into  great  proportions. 

Two  Parties  Again. — Out  of  all  the  personal  rancor, 
hatreds  and  ambitions,  two  political  parties  emerged, — the 
National  Republicans,  soon  to  be  known  as  Whigs,  and  the 
Democrats.  The  former  were  "broad  constructionists,"  favor- 
ing internal  improvements,  protective  tariffs,  and  the  National 
Bank.  Adams,  Clay,  and  Webster  were  the  leaders.  The 
latter  were  strict  constructionists  and  State's  rights  men.     Its 


316  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

leaders  were  Calhoun,  Randolph,  and  other  Southerners. 
Jackson  was  himself  a  protectionist,  but  he  gravitated  to  the 
Democrats  inevitably  from  personal  associations. 

Adams  Defeated. — The  result  of  the  election  of  1828  was 
a  foregone  conclusion.  All  the  States  except  Delaware  and 
South  Carolina  had  changed  to  popular  election  of  Electors. 
Jackson  was  immensely  popular  personally  while  Adams 
was  unpopular.  The  electoral  vote  was :  Jackson  1 78,  Adams 
83 ;  the  popular  vote  was :  Jackson  648,000,  Adams  508,000. 
It  was  a  sectional  vote, — New  England,  New  Jersey,  and 
Delaware  for  Adams,  Maryland  split  6  to  5  for  Adams,  the 
rest  for  Jackson.  In  the  campaign,  most  extraordinary  lies 
were  published  broadcast.  One  was  that  Mrs.  Adams  was  an 
English  woman.  This  lie  helped  her  husband  in  splitting 
Maryland,  her  native  State ;  but  it  hurt  him  in  the  South  and 
West.  Another  lie  was  that  his  poor  old  father,  who  had 
died  in  1826,  had  disinherited  him.  Still  another  was  that  he 
had  grown  rich  in  the  public  service.  It  was  the  first  mud- 
slinging  campaign  in  America;  and  one  of  the  worst  to  this 
date.     The  bottom  men  were  getting  freedom  to  vote. 

A  Mournful  Old  Man. — The  old  man  of  sixty-three 
years,  John  Quincy  Adams,  went  home  done  out,  broken- 
hearted. 

His  life  was  all  gone — for  nothing  except  labor.  He  had 
tried  to  get  Congress  to  build  a  naval  academy  to  match  West 
Point,  founded  in  1802.  He  had  tried  to  secure  an  appro- 
priation for  a  national  university.  He  had  tried  to  keep  the 
offices  of  government  free  from  political  partisanship.  And 
he  had  failed,  and  for  his  failures  had  been  punished  by  the 
vilest  of  libels  and  slanders.  He  knew  his  crime, — that  he 
was  what  he  was, — a  perfectly  upright  statesman.  His  self- 
righteousness  he  did  not  see. 

This  disgrace  was  the  end.  He  must  drag  out  his  days  in 
Quincy  while  an  illiterate  Indian  fighter,  a  home-breaker,  a 
smuggler  of  negroes,  a  lawless  demagogue,  stood  in  the  place 
where  a  Harvard  professor  of  literature — Adams  had  been  a 
professor  for  two  years,  1805-1807 — belonged  by  every  right. 

His  Total  Mistake. — But  angry,  resentful  John  Quincy 
Adams  had  made  a  total  mistake.  He  had  his  best  days  before 
him.  He  was  to  become  "the  old  man  eloquent"  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  to  die  on  the  field  of  its  debate?.    The 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  317 

Plymouth  District  asked  him  to  run  for  Congress  in  Sep- 
tember, 1830;  and  elected  him  by  a  vote  of  181 7  to  373  for  the 
next  candidate,  and  to  748  for  all  other  candidates.  Unlike 
George  Washington  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  he  was  strongest 
at  home.  This  success  was  balm  to  his  many  wounds.  He 
had  a  fulcrum  that  would  hold.  That  District  returned  him 
faithfully  for  nine  terms. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives. — John  Quincy  Adams 
was  to  become  a  voice  crying  in  the  wilderness  of  national 
politics  against  slavery,  which  had  grown  so  strong  as  to  dare 
to  stifle  the  inalienable  English  common  law  right  of  petition. 
He  cried  aloud  in  Congress  for  a  dozen  years  until  he  was 
heard.  It  is  a  long,  long,  bitter,  terrible  history.  Only  two 
or  three  of  its  items  may  be  set  down  here. 

He  took  his  seat  December,  1831,  being  then  sixty- four 
years  old,  bald,  short,  rotund,  his  eyes  red  and  rheumy,  his 
voice  shrill,  his  hands  shaking  like  those  of  that  other  irre- 
pressible commoner,  his  third  cousin,  Sam  Adams.  He  had 
come  out  from  the  Courts  of  Europe,  down  from  the  Presi- 
dency, in  breaking  age,  to  fight  in  the  ruck  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  to  be  the  bravest  and  ablest  of  all  its 
fighters  in  an  era  of  political  revolution.  He  was  a  "char- 
acter,"— hot  temper,  cool  head, — warrior  and  scholar.  He 
who  had  been  so  unpopular  was  to  become  the  idol  of  growing 
millions  of  supporters  in  the  North  and  West.  He  had  paid 
the  heavy  price  for  sincerity  and  was  now  to  get  the  reward — 
triumph  and  admiration. 

At  first,  Congressman  Adams  was  allowed  considerable  lati- 
tude of  effort: — he  supported  protection,  opposed  nullification, 
and  urged  dignified  measures  with  foreign  lands,  especially 
France.  But  he  had  been  bringing  in  petitions  against  slavery, 
and  in  the  spring  of  1836  Congress  passed  several  resolutions, 
first,  that  it  had  no  power  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  any 
State ;  second,  that  it  should  not  interfere  with  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia;  and,  third,  that  "all  petitions,  memo- 
rials, resolutions  or  papers  relating  in  anyway  or  to  any  extent 
whatsoever  to  the  subject  of  slavery  or  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
shall,  without  being  printed  or  referred,  be  laid  upon  the  table, 
and  that  no  further  action  whatever  shall  be  had  thereon." 
Adams  denounced  the  third  resolution  in  these  words:  "I 
hold  the  resolution  to  be  a  direct  violation  of  the  Constitution 


318  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

of  the  United  States,  the  rules  of  this  House,  and  the  rights 
of  my  constituents."  The  vote  stood  117  to  68  against  him. 
He  repeated  the  same  phrases  with  every  new  Congress  for 
years,  sometimes  adding  "and  of  my  right  to  freedom  of 
speech  as  a  member  of  this  House." 

The  Right  of  Petition  in  America. — And  he  kept  right 
on  presenting  petitions, — sometimes  three  hundred  petitions 
in  a  single  day,  in  all  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands.  Occa- 
sionally, he  brought  in  petitions  not  relating  to  slavery,  which 
discomfited  the  enemy,  who  had  to  sift  out  those  receivable 
from  those  not  receivable.  Once,  he  trapped  them  fairly, — 
he  held  up  in  his  hand  a  petition  from  twenty-two  slaves !  He 
said  that  perhaps  it  was  not  what  it  purported  to  be.  "Expel 
him,  expel  him !"  cried  the  members.  Some  threatened  to  dis- 
solve the  Union  and  to  go  home  at  once.  Waddy  Thompson 
moved  "a  severe  censure"  for  his  "gross  disrespect"  in  bring- 
ing in  a  petition  from  slaves,  and  talked  of  bringing  him 
before  the  grand  jury  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  is 
Congress  operating  as  a  city  council  for  the  government  of 
that  satrapy.  Another  member  proposed  to  stay  "until  this 
fair  city  is  a  field  of  Waterloo  and  this  beautiful  Potomac  a 
river  of  blood."  Adams  let  them  rave  until  tired,  when  he 
called  to  their  attention  the  fact  that  the  twenty-two  slaves 
had  asked  that  slavery  be  not  abolished!  It  was  "an  awful 
crisis,"  according  to  one  Southern  orator  in  the  House.  After 
several  days  of  terror  and  wrath  had  passed,  the  House  re- 
solved that  slaves  had  no  right  of  petition,  whether  for  or 
against  slavery  or  anything  else. 

In  1842,  he  presented  a  petition  to  dissolve  the  Union;  and 
another  furious  time  resulted.  Henry  A.  Wise  of  Virginia, 
who  as  Governor  in  1859  hanged  John  Brown,  declared  that 
for  Adams  he  felt  "personal  loathing,  dread  and  contempt." 
It  was  a  wrathful  contradiction  in  terms. 

The  Deadlock. — In  the  middle  of  these  stormy  years,  there 
came  a  time  when  the  deadlocked  House  could  not  organize ; 
whereupon  they  let  the  valiant  old  man  preside  until  chaos 
could  be  partly  converted  into  order.  They  knew  that  he  was 
implacably  honest  and  honorable.  They  knew  that  before  the 
Supreme  Court  his  practice  was  in  the  greatest  land  and  other 
cases. 

Congressman  Adams  was  slowly  winning.     In  1842,  the 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  319 

majority  in  favor  of  the  gag-law  upon  petitions  was  four;  in 
1843,  it  was  three;  in  1844,  after  weeks  of  struggle,  the  vote 
was  80  to  108;  Adams  had  won.  Free  speech  is  an  everlast- 
ing human  right.  Denial  of  the  right  of  petition,  compared 
with  slavery,  is  far,  far  more  important.  A  week  later,  his 
petitions  were  received  and  duly  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
the  District  of  Columbia. 

Died  in  the  Capitol. — Upon  November  19,  1846,  he  was 
struck  by  paralysis  in  the  streets  of  Boston.  When  he  came 
back  to  Washington  in  February,  1847,  the  whole  House  rose 
to  receive  him.  One  year  later,  February  21,  1848,  he  fell 
when  trying  to  address  the  Speaker ;  and  reviving  a  few  hours 
later  in  the  Speaker's  room,  he  exclaimed,  "This  is  the  last 
of  earth.  I  am  content !"  He  remained  there  unconscious 
until  his  death  upon  the  23d. 

They  placed  a  tablet  in  Quincy  Church  in  memory  of  a  real 
democrat  and  marked  it  '  Alter i  Saeculo." 

His  wife,  who  was  eight  years  his  junior,  survived  until 
1852,  cared  for  by  three  sons  and  a  daughter. 

A  Victorious  Life  in  Itself. — It  may  indeed  be  that  some 
Supreme  Court  will  yet  declare  that  a  protective  tariff  is  un- 
constitutional and  that  J.  Q.  Adams  had  to  fight  vigorously 
for  such  a  tariff,  in  order  to  have  a  place  in  Congress  in  which 
to  fight  for  a  good  a  thousand  times  more  valuable  than  a 
protective  tariff  is  injurious, — the  right  of  the  private  citizen 
to  make  legislators  hear  him.  The  sum  total  of  many  gov- 
ernmental acts  and  policies  may  yet  cause  another  civil  war 
and  social  revolution.  Yet,  in  the  appointed  zigzag  of  history 
toward  the  goal  of  humanity,  John  Quincy  Adams  has  a  defi- 
nite place;  his  life  is  in  itself  an  asset  to  America. 


320  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

CHAPTER  VII 

Andrew  Jackson 

1829-1837 
1767-1845 

24-26  States  1830— Population  12,866,020 

Admitted:    Arkansas,  Michigan. 

Contrast  with  all  predecessors — breaker  of  at  least  five  of  the  Ten  Com- 
mandments— enemies  and  friends — early  life — utterly  alone  in  the 
world — white  men  "Indianized" — pioneers  and  settlers — his  marriage 
with  another  man's  wife — the  Tennessee  State  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion— member  Federal  House  of  Representatives  and  of  Senate — de- 
scription by  Albert  Gallatin — Supreme  Court  Judge — general  of  militia 
— planter — speculator — killed  opponent  in  duel — the  Burr  scheme- 
stolen  negroes — Indian  fighter — Major-General  U.  S.  A. — stormed 
Pensacola — terrific  slaughter  of  British  veterans  at  New  Orleans— * 
the  Hartford  Convention  contrast — fined  for  contempt  of  court- 
Scott  declined  duel  with  Jackson — more  Indian  wars — made  money- 
popularity  a  dispensing  power — United  States  Senator  again — his  poli- 
tical managers — compared  with  Washington — with  Jefferson — the 
popular  movement  compared  with  Niagara- American  democracy — "Old 
Hero"  must  be  President — the  claim  against  Adams  in  1824 — hatred 
of  Clay— relentless  pursuit  the  characteristics  of  Jackson— President 
— the  "sports  system" — the  political  revolution — social  manners — Jack- 
son a  leveller — rotation  in  office — his  Cabinet — the  "kitchen  cabinet" — 
Calhoun  v.  Van  Buren — Peggy  O'Neill — a  new  Cabinet— several  for- 
eign treaties — a  Georgia  law  relative  to  Indians  held  unconstitutional 
by  United  States  Supreme  Court — position  taken  by  Jackson — cheap 
lands— high  tariff— beneficiaries  and  laborers— the  National  Ban- 
internal  improvements — Clay's  "American  System" — political  conven- 
tions—Nicholas Biddle,  adventurer— charges  against  the  Bank— nulli- 
fication— its  historical  origin — unconstitutionality — Scott  ordered  to 
Charleston — public  opinion — reelected — Anti-Masons — the  government 
deposits — a  Harvard  honor — Clay  carried  censure  in  Senate — Taney 
made  Chief  Justice — decentralization — specie  money — Benton  carried 
expunging  resolution— died  at  "The  Hermitage"  in  Tennessee. 

Contrast  with  all  Predecessors. — Between  John  Quincy 
Adams  with  his  predecessors  and  x\ndrew  Jackson  with  his 
successors,   there  was   apparently  an   impassable   gulf  fixed. 


ANDREW  JACKSON  321 

Adams  was  the  last  Secretary  of  State  to  succeed  to  the  Presi- 
dency. John  Adams,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  and  the 
second  Adams  were  all  learned  men.  George  Washington  was 
an  accurate  mathematician  as  surveyor,  accountant  and  busi- 
ness man.  They  were  all  more  or  less  gentlemen  in  birth, 
breeding,  character,  manners. 

And  yet  the  associations  of  John  Quincy  Adams  as  Presi- 
dent are  rather  with  Jackson  than  with  the  Jeffersonian  dy- 
nasty. For  entirely  different  reasons,  they  were  both  intensely 
American, — Adams  because  he  knew  so  much  of  Europe, 
Jackson  because  he  knew  nothing  of  it,  and  did  not  attempt 
to  conceive  it. 

Not  an  Exponent  of  Obedience  to  the  Ten  Command- 
ments.— That  splendid  Americanism  of  Adams  and  his  ad- 
ministration grew  up  spontaneously;  and  Jackson,  the  Indian 
fighter,  became  the  symbol  of  the  greater,  deeper  Americanism 
to  which  it  conformed.  For  the  sake  of  Adams  himself,  we 
may  regret  that  Jackson  defeated  him  for  a  merited  second 
term.  We  may  even  regret  that  a  man  of  many  sterling  and 
startling  qualities,  with  as  many  terrifying  defects  as  Jackson 
ever  came  to  the  Presidency  at  all.  He  had  broken  at  least 
five  of  the  Ten  Commandments : — he  had  daily  taken  the  name 
of  God  in  vain,  he  had  killed,  he  had  committed  adultery,  he 
had  stolen,  he  had  coveted.  But  it  is  wiser  for  us  to  see  and 
to  realize  that  we  were  fortunate  in  winning  democracy  with- 
out a  bloody  social  revolution.  Jackson  was  a  safety-valve, 
opened  wide,  and  screeching,  thereby  releasing  the  genie  of 
destruction  into  the  atmosphere. 

As  President,  Andrew  Jackson  was  a  man  of  polite  manners 
and  usually  gentle  speech.  But  he  enraged  the  classes  and 
fascinated  the  masses,  and  was  hated  and  loved  accordingly. 
His  real  deficiencies  and  faults  in  later  life  were  of  the  kind 
not  obvious  to  casual  observers. 

Opinions  of  His  Friends  and  of  His  Enemies. — Those 
who  still  admire  him  love  him.  To  them,  he  is  one  of  the 
great  Presidents, — Washington,  Jefferson,  Jackson,  Lincoln. 
Probably,  they  add  Cleveland.  But  those  who  do  not  admire 
him  but  on  the  contrary  fear  and  even  abhor  his  like  cannot 
condemn  him  to  the  grade  of  Buchanan;  he  was  not  weak  or 
vacillating  or  dull.    He  was  a  smashing  hard  fighter ;  and  often 


322  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

fought  without  reason  and  warrant.  He  was  an  immensely 
notable  personality. 

Utterly  Alone  in  the  World. — Andrew  Jackson  was 
born  probably  in  South  Carolina,  possibly  in  North  Carolina, 
March  15,  1767, — a  few  months  earlier  than  J.  Q.  Adams. 
His  father  died  the  same  year,  probably  only  a  few  days  prior. 
There  were  two  older  boys.  The  home  was  in  the  Waxhaw 
Settlement,  most  of  which  lay  in  North  Carolina,  Mecklen- 
burg County,  part  in  Union  County,  part  over  the  line  in 
South  Carolina.  His  father,  mother  and  brothers  were  all 
born  in  Ireland,  County  Antrim,  of  Scotch  nativity,  but  Saxon 
blood. 

When  Andrew  was  yet  a  boy,  he  was  wounded  by  a  British 
officer  who  cut  him  in  the  face  with  a  sword  because  he  would 
not  black  his  boots.  Later,  he  and  a  brother  were  taken  pris- 
oners. Before  the  war  was  over,  his  mother  and  both  his 
brothers  were  dead ;  and  Andrew  was  not  only  an  orphan  but 
without  brother  or  sister,  strictly  alone  and  vagrant  in  the 
world. 

Where  White  Men  "Indianized." — His  was  a  fierce  and 
eager  soul  in  a  wild  and  lawless  land  of  mountains  and  valleys, 
in  an  age  of  Indian  wars  and  white  men's  feuds.  Beyond  the 
Appalachians,  adventurous  emigrants  from  the  Carolinas 
were  setting  up  "the  State  of  Franklin," — some  called  it 
"Frankland."  Brave,  strong,  untamed  men  there  were  in  that 
world  of  forests,  of  Indians,  and  of  wild  beasts.  And  Andrew 
Jackson  grew  up  among  them  as  one  of  them, — fighting,  horse- 
racing,  trading,  hunting,  gambling,  adventuring  life,  limb, 
money,  time,  honor  itself.  There  white  men  "Indianized," 
becoming  fiercer  than  the  red  men.  The  story  of  the  early  days  of 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee  is  the  bloodiest  chapter  in  American 
history.  To  this  day,  the  traces  of  the  rebarbarization  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  endure  in  eastern  Kentucky  and  Tennessee. 
Sometimes,  whole  villages  of  the  pioneers  were  wiped  out  by 
the  Indians,  and  whole  parties  of  the  Indians  wiped  out  by 
the  pioneers.  A  "Kentuck"  was  often  as  skilful  in  taking 
scalps  as  any  Indian ;  and  not  seldom  as  real  a  savage.  I  speak 
by  tradition  of  the  blood  since  1790. 

Pioneers  and  Settlers. — Behind  the  pioneers  came  the 
settlers,  full  of  the  litigious  spirit.     Every  one  was  in  debt. 


ANDREW  JACKSON  323 

Promissory  notes  were  the  one  universal  medium  of  exchange. 
The  settlers  got  their  homesteads  by  squatting  upon  the  lands. 
Surveyors  for  the  owners  who  held  paper  titles  fled  eastward 
or  deathward. 

In  such  a  world,  after  trying  farming  and  storekeeping,  in 
1788,  Andrew  Jackson  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  under  au- 
thority of  the  State  of  North  Carolina  but  in  the  present  State 
of  Tennessee  at  Greenville.  He  knew  no  law;  and  it  is  not 
certain  that  he  was  ever  examined  for  admission.  A  dan- 
gerous career  opened  before  him;  to  help  establish  the  reign 
of  law. 

He  Marries  Another  Man's  Wife. — In  1 791,  at  Natchez, 
under  peculiar  conditions,  Jackson  married  Rachel  Donelson, 
whom  he  had  met  as  a  lodger  in  her  mother's  house.  In  1 790 
her  husband,  Robert  Robards,  had  petitioned  the  Virginia  Leg- 
islature to  pass  an  act  divorcing  her  on  the  ground  of  adultery 
with  Jackson.  The  Legislature  passed  an  act  authorizing  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Kentucky,  where  the  Robards  had  been 
married,  under  Virginia  law,  to  try  the  case  with  a  jury.  In 
1793,  the  husband  secured  the  divorce.  In  1794,  Jackson  again 
married  Rachel ;  and  until  her  death  in  the  winter  before  he 
was  inaugurated  President  was  exceedingly  devoted  to  her. 
They  had  no  children.  Conduct  of  this  kind  creates  a  series 
of  extraordinary  situations.  There  was  no  evidence  but  only 
a  presumption  of  adultery  because  of  association  and 
conduct  prior  to  the  unquestionably  illegal  and  immoral 
first  marriage.  And  yet  Jackson  stole  a  woman's  heart 
from  her  husband,  each  being  infatuated  with  the  other.  His 
domestic  life  was  in  fact  beautiful;  but  the  scandal  of  its 
beginning  has  never  ceased.  No  man  has  any  right  whatso- 
ever to  allow  himself  to  express  any  interest  in  any  other 
man's  wife  or  to  permit  any  wife  to  express  any  interest  in 
him.  According  to  the  backwoods  notions  at  the  time,  Lewis 
Robards  would  have  been  amply  justified  in  killing  either  or 
both  of  the  pair;  or  himself  in  order  to  end  his  own  fierce 
jealousy.  If  he  had  killed  Jackson!  But  we  can  scarcely 
imagine  American  history  without  Andrew  Jackson. 

Member  State  Constitutional  Convention;  Senator 
of  the  United  States. — In  1796,  Jackson  took  part  in  fram- 
ing the  Constitution  of  the  new  State  of  Tennessee;  himself 
proposing  that  name.     From  1796  till  1798,  he  was  first  a 


324  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

member  of  the  lower  House  of  Congress  and  later  a  Senator, 
resigning  from  distaste  for  the  service. 

His  Appearance. — Albert  Gallatin,  the  Swiss  financier, 
described  him  then  as  "a  lank,  tall,  uncouth-looking  personage, 
with  long  locks  of  hair  hanging  over  his  face,  and  a  cue  down 
his  back  tied  in  an  eel-skin, — a  rough  backs  woodsman."  He 
was  a  strange  sight  in  staid,  polished  Philadelphia.  Jackson 
bitterly,  even  violently,  opposed  President  Washington. 

By  getting  the  general  government  to  repay  the  cost  of  one 
of  the  Indian  wars  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  Jackson  made 
himself  popular  at  home.  Then  he  resigned  the  Senatorship 
to  become  a  Superior  Court  Judge  in  Tennesse  and  also  a  gen- 
eral of  militia.  In  1803,  he  and  ex-Governor  John  Sevier,  one 
of  the  earliest  of  the  pioneers,  had  a  furious  quarrel,  being 
prevented  only  by  their  own  partisans  from  killing  one  another. 
In  the  same  year,  he  tried  to  get  President  Jefferson  to  make 
him  governor  of  the  Territory  of  Orleans, — after  the  purchase 
of  Louisiana.  But  the  year  1804  found  him  once  more  a 
private  citizen, — a  planter  and  a  storekeeper,  a  debtor  and  a 
speculator. 

Kills  a  Man  in  a  Duel. — In  May,  1806,  this  man  ever 
"mad  upon  his  enemies"  fought  a  merciless  duel  with  Charles 
Dickinson,  whose  bullet  split  upon  his  breastbone  and  whom 
he  then  killed.  The  basis  of  the  quarrel  was  the  slander  upon 
Mrs.  Jackson. 

The  Burr  Scheme. — In  the  course  of  business,  in  1805, 
Aaron  Burr  made  a  contract  with  Jackson  for  some  boats 
down  the  Mississippi.  In  1806,  Jackson  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  there  was  something  wrong  about  the  contract.  But  he 
went  to  Richmond  to  the  trial  of  Burr,  and  supported  Burr 
against  Jefferson  mainly  because  he  believed  that  the  real 
criminal  was  that  General  James  Wilkinson,  head  of  the  regu- 
lar army,  who  was  to  lose  the  battle  of  Chateaugay  in  181 2  and 
later  to  be  shown  up  as  an  arrant  scoundrel  as  well  as  miser- 
able military  fakir.  The  intuitions  of  Jackson  were  against 
Wilkinson,  the  accuser  of  Burr. 

Shortly  after  this  time,  Jackson  got  into  serious  trouble  for 
what  to-day  looks  like  trading  in  stolen  negroes,  but  he  won 
by  forcing  the  Indian  agent  who  made  the  charge  out  of  office 
and  reducing  him  to  poverty.  This  is  one  of  the  ugliest  of  the 
many  ugly  incidents  of  the  life  of  Jackson.    The  Indians  had 


ANDREW  JACKSON  325 

smuggled  the  negroes  out  of  Cuba  or  stolen  them  from  Georgia 
and  Carolina  plantations. 

General  of  Militia. — As  soon  as  the  militant  general  of 
militia  heard  of  the  declaration  of  war  in  181 2,  he  offered  his 
services.  In  January,  1813,  he  set  out  with  2500  men  to 
conquer  the  lower  South ;  but  three  months  later  was  ordered 
to  dismiss  his  troops.  He  marched  them  home  at  his  own 
costs.  In  September,  he  fought  the  two  Benton  brothers  in  a 
quarrel  that  followed  from  this  order ;  and  carried  a  bullet  in 
his  shoulder  for  twenty  years  as  the  result. 

A  week  before  this  bloody  encounter  the  Indians  had  mas- 
sacred 553  persons  at  Fort  Mims,  where  the  Tombigbee  meets 
the  Alabama  river.  In  October,  Jackson  got  out  of  bed  from 
his  wound  and  led  an  army  against  the  Indians.  He  made  a 
wonderful  field  leader  of  otherwise  insubordinate  volunteer 
soldiers.  He  had  all  the  requisite  qualities, — an  intense  nature 
that  attracted  interest,  energy,  indomitable  perseverance  despite 
poor  health,  sympathy  with  his  men,  direct  purposes,  decision 
and  even  severity  of  judgment,  and  a  clear  head.  In  short, 
he  was  a  warrior  and  a  commander.  March  14,  181 4,  he 
ordered  a  private  shot  for  insubordination,  an  unusual  order 
with  volunteer  troops ;  by  this  execution,  he  enforced  discipline. 
His  campaign  against  the  Creeks  lasted  seven  months  of  steady 
success.  Tecumseh  had  been  killed  in  Canada  in  October, 
1813;  with  him  died  the  hope  of  a  universal  race  war  of 
red  against  white  men.  But  perhaps  it  prolonged  the  race 
struggle. 

Major-General  U.  S.  A. — In  May,  181 4,  the  general  of 
militia  became  a  Major-General  of  the  United  States  Army. 
In  August,  the  city  of  Washington  was  taken  and  burned  by 
the  British.  In  September,  an  attacking  force  at  Mobile  was 
repulsed  and  retreated  to  Pensacola.  General.  Jackson,  with- 
out orders  from  Washington,  stormed  Pensacola  successfully. 
Believing  that  the  British  would  next  try  their  fortunes  at 
New  Orleans,  he  moved  his  army  to  that  point  and  put  the 
city  under  martial  law.  He  enlisted  many  free  negroes  and 
the  pirates  of  Barataria.  And  he  wrote  bombastic  proclama- 
tions in  the  style  of  Napoleon.  Americans  were  nearly  all 
fooled  by  the  Napoleonic  imposture  of  a  passion  for  liberty, 
fooled  by  one  of  the  greatest  geniuses  of  all  time  but  a  fraud 
and  a  measureless  criminal  none  the  less. 


326  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Battle  of  New  Orleans. — On  January  8,  1815,  in  the 
battle  of  New  Orleans,  the  Americans  lost  seven  killed  and 
six  wounded,  and  the  British  2000  killed,  wounded  and  miss- 
ing. And  yet  Jackson  himself  reported  that  the  Kentuckians 
on  the  west  side  of  the  river  "ingloriously  fled."  It  was  one 
of  the  strangest  fights  in  history.  Pakenham  was  a  brother- 
in-law  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington;  and  his  soldiers  were  vet- 
erans of  the  Duke's  Spanish  campaigns.  Half  the  British  dead 
had  been  hit  by  shots  between  the  eyes.  There  was  no  chance 
for  inarching  columns  of  red-coats  against  men  who  could  shoot 
the  heads  off  squirrels  on  tops  of  trees  and  who  at  a  hundred 
paces  would  let  their  friends  shoot  silver  dollars  from  be- 
tween thumb  and  finger.  Individuals  counted,  and  the  valiant 
massed  troops  were  mowed  down  before  they  reached  Jack- 
son's mud  redoubts.  Ten  thousand  such  sharpshooting  vol- 
unteers under  Jackson  would  have  defeated  all  the  British, 
Germans,  Austrians  and  French  together  at  Waterloo.  And 
not  a  man  among  them  would  have  known  what  to  do  with 
the  continent  after  the  victory. 

Even  though  Pakenham  was  dead,  the  British  rallied  and 
took  Fort  Bowyer  February  12.  By  this  time,  the  news  of 
the  Treaty  of  Ghent  reached  New  Orleans. 

The  Hartford  Convention. — Never  was  a  victory  more 
opportune  for  political  purposes.  All  America  was  in  grief 
and  shame  over  the  Washington  disgrace.  New  England  had 
held  the  Hartford  Convention, — with  its  request  for  radical 
Constitutional  revision  and  its  covert  threat  of  secession. 

Fined  for  Contempt  of  Court  and  then  Repaid. — At 
Mobile,  February  21,  181 5,  General  Jackson  had  six  men 
executed  for  breaking  into  a  storehouse  in  September  and  for 
deserting  in  company  with  two  hundred  others.  It  was  dis- 
cipline far  beyond  anything  the  West  had  known  before. 
Somewhat  later  in  the  year,  Jackson  was  himself  fined  $1000 
for  contempt  of  court  in  a  serious  matter  of  violation  of  a 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  for  a  French  citizen  of  New  Orleans. 
In  1844,  Congress  refunded  the  amount  with  interest, — $2700. 
Such  was  and  is  politics. 

Takes  Pensacola. — The  War  of  181 2  determined  Jack- 
son's future ;  he  held  high  command  in  the  regular  army.  In 
181 7,  when  fifty  years  old,  he  had  trouble  with  General  Win- 
field  Scott  and  challenged  him  to  a  duel,  which  Scott  declined. 


ANDREW  JACKSON  327 

In  April,  181 8,  in  the  midst  of  his  Indian  warfare  in  the 
South,  Jackson  had  two  Englishmen,  Ambrister  and  Arbuth- 
not,  executed, — being  thirty-three  and  seventy  years  of  age 
respectively, — their  crimes,  inciting  Indian  insurrections  and 
acting  as  spies.  The  next  month,  he  took  Pensacola,  deposed 
the  Spanish  government,  and  set  up  an  American  garrison  in 
control. 

Made  Money. — In  these  Indian  wars,  he  had  1800  white 
soldiers  and  1500  friendly  Indians  against  probably  not  half 
as  many  hostile  Indians.  In  all,  eighty  Indians  were  killed 
and  not  one  white  man.  By  this  fighting,  Jackson  had  plunged 
the  nation  into  trouble  with  England  and  Spain  and  had  set 
President  James  Monroe  and  Congress  by  the  ears.  He  had 
done  too  much.  Incidentally  and  mysteriously,  he  had  made 
some  money. 

A  Popular  Idol. — But  the  government  was  forced  to  sup- 
port Jackson  because  he  had  become  a  popular  idol, — he  was 
the  man  who  does  things,  the  man  who  can,  a  natural  king. 
His  popularity  exercised  for  him  a  dispensing  power;  there 
was  none  great  enough  to  judge  him.  In  the  Cabinet,  only 
Adams  defended  him  for  his  course  in  Florida.  Now  arose 
fued, — Jackson  against  Clay  in  Congress,  Jackson  against 
Crawford  in  the  Cabinet.  In  February,  181 9,  the  great  Gen- 
eral went  to  New  York  on  his  first  visit.  After  the  purcnase 
of  Florida,  he  was  made  its  territorial  governor  in  1821 ;  and 
left  the  regular  army.  In  six  months,  he  stirred  up  much 
trouble,  grew  ill,  and  resigned.  He  declined  the  mission  to 
Mexico,  and  stayed  at  home  in  Tennessee. 

Senator  Again. — In  1823,  Jackson  was  again  a  United 
States  Senator  and  voted  for  the  protective  tariff  and  for 
internal  improvements. 

His  Political  Managers. — In  the  wake  of  such  an  on- 
going, quarrelsome  yet  steadily  successful  and  increasingly 
popular  man,  there  is  apt  to  travel  a  group  of  those  who  will 
make  their  own  political  capital  out  of  his  greatness.  They 
learn  his  peculiarities  and  manage  him.  They  learn  the  pecu- 
liarities of  his  public  and  manage  it  also.  And  in  the  case  of 
Andrew  Jackson,  as  long  ago  as  181 5,  they  had  set  out  to 
make  him  President  of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

Compared  with  Washington. — That  the  character  and 
career  of  Washington  should  be  popularly  compared  with 


328  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

the  character  and  career  of  Andrew  Jackson  has  been  styled 
"a  grotesque  vagary  of  history."  But  the  comparison  was 
inevitable.  Each  was  an  Indian  fighter,  a  hero  of  a  war  with 
Great  Britain,  a  man  of  blood,  a  wanderer,  a  speculator;  each 
was  great  in  action  but  something  of  a  tool  for  others  to 
work  with.  Yet  the  contrasts  were  as  striking.  Washington 
was  methodical,  Jackson  erratic.  Washington  created  awe, 
Jackson  love  or  terror.  Washington  usually  had  superb  health, 
Jackson  none.  Both  grew  intellectually  until  death ;  but  Wash- 
ington grew  by  steady,  plodding  effort,  Jackson  by  flashes  of 
insight.  In  the  end,  Washington  was  patient,  massive,  superb ; 
Jackson  gracious,  quick,  fascinating.  Washington  could  see 
both  sides,  Jackson  was  wholly  partisan. 

Compared  with  Jefferson. — Another  comparison  is  in- 
evitable. Both  Jefferson  and  Jackson  were  democratic  leaders. 
They  believed  in  the  people,  and  the  people  believed  in  them. 
Both  were  ardent  partisans.  But  far  greater  differences  sepa- 
rated Jackson  from  Jefferson  than  separated  Jackson  from 
Washington.  Jefferson  was  conciliatory,  ingratiating;  Jack- 
son militant,  upright-and-downright.  Jefferson  was  a  man 
of  the  salon  and  court,  the  library,  the  council,  the  desk,  the 
garden;  Jackson  a  man  of  the  forest,  the  battle-field,  pistol  and 
sword,  the  market,  the  crowd.  Both  rode  horseback, — Jeffer- 
son for  exercise  and  for  love  of  horses  and  outdoors,  Jack- 
son for  practice  as  soldier  and  commander.  Jefferson 
was  an  eager  student  and  in  a  way  a  scholar,  Jackson  already 
knew. 

The  Popular  Movement  like  Niagara. — Beyond  any 
other  Presidents,  these  men  had  their  will, — Jefferson,  how- 
ever, less  than  Jackson, — Jefferson  by  initiating  and  directing 
a  new,  wide  people's  movement  with  skill  and  wisdom, — Jack- 
son by  force  and  by  fascination  and  by  leading.  It  was  the 
same  movement.  The  place  of  Jefferson  in  it  was  like  Lake 
Erie  as  it  enters  Niagara  river;  the  place  of  Jackson  was 
where  the  river  narrows  and  plunges  in  cataract.  The  Civil 
War  in  Lincoln's  time  was  the  fearful  whirlpool ;  and  recon- 
struction the  yet  deeper  gorge  below.  The  waters  of  the 
democratic  stream  have  not  yet  issued  from  the  furious  and 
fatal  gorge  into  calm  Lake  Ontario. 

Of  all  our  Presidents,  those  who  came  nearest  to  being 
King  were  Jefferson,  Jackson,  and  Lincoln, — Jackson  most 


ANDREW  JACKSON  329 

of  all, — which  displays  to  all  the  world  how  utterly  impossible 
kingship  is  in  this  heteroclite  and  mongrel  democracy.  It  was 
sired  by  the  high-flown  philosophy  of  doctrinaire  Jefferson 
and  born  of  the  mixing  of  the  blood  of  all  peoples  and  races 
and  languages,  peasants,  runaways,  mechanics,  yeomen,  zealots, 
younger  sons  of  gentlemen,  soldiers  and  sailors,  adventurers, 
traders,  heroes  and  saints,  cowards  and  criminals,  virtuous 
and  vicious,  the  pure  and  the  vile,  all  stripped  to  the  skin,  rac- 
ing forward,  downward,  in  the  strangest,  swiftest,  greatest 
welter  of  humanity  since  the  beginning. 

Jackson  in  his  brave  canoe  of  military  fame  and  popular 
favor  rode  in  the  flood,  careened,  plunged  over  Niagara's 
brink,  and  survived. 

There  stood  the  ancient  landmarks  of  aristocratic  power, 
the  Senate  and  the  Court.  He  might  have  been  impeached, 
but  he  wasn't.  It  was  an  astonishing  epoch,  that  fourth 
decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  in  America. 

Several  Styles  of  Democracy. — Jeffersonian  democracy 
is  a  body  of  doctrine  to  the  general  effect  that  the  nation 
should  be  controlled  by  a  majority  of  its  population,  rinding 
men  of  the  highest  grade  to  carry  out  its  will  intelligently. 
Democracy  is  the  will;  government  the  intelligence.  Jeffer- 
sonian democracy  assumes  that  superior  persons,  even  experts, 
shall  be  placed  in  office.  It  stands  for  many  things, — peace 
at  almost  any  price,  permanence  in  office  of  all  clerks  and  other 
minor  incumbents,  non-interference,  strict  interpretation  of 
the  Constitution,  low  taxes,  few  internal  improvements  beyond 
postoffices  at  national  expense,  simplicity,  dignity,  liberty. 
"The  least  government  is  the  best  government."  Such  democ- 
racy is  quite  consistent  with  an  air  of  good  breeding  in  the 
conduct  of  government;  and  it  carries  with  it  the  fragrance 
of  philosophy. 

Jacksonian  democracy  has  less  doctrine  and  is  simpler.  It 
asserts  that  the  nation  should  be  directed  and  controlled  by  its 
majority,  placing  men  in  office  who  are  its  delegates;  ambas- 
sadors, representatives,  agents,  clerks, — not  its  interpreters, 
leaders,  experts,  seers.  It  is  militant,  not  reflective.  It  acts 
upon  the  axiom  of  war, — "To  the  victors  belong  the  spoils !" 
It  practices  rotation  in  office,  giving  every  man  his  chance  to 
be  fool  or  sage  in  public,  knave  or  saint.  And  it  ends  either 
in  anarchy  or  in  tyranny,   for  demos  is   either  outlaw  or 


33Q  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

tyrant.  Either  every  man  does  that  which  is  right  in  his  own 
eyes  and  there  is  no  judge  in  the  land,  as  in  ancient  Israel,  or 
Saul,  towering  head  and  shoulders  above  all  the  people,  is 
sought  out  among  the  asses  to  be  king.  Jackson  was  the 
American  Saul.  To  this  day,  he  stands  out  tall  and  terrible 
upon  the  track  of  our  American  past. 

"Old  Hero"  Must  be  President. — In  1824,  the  political 
manipulators  behind  General  Jackson  almost  secured  the  Presi- 
dency for  him.  There  was  indeed  no  valid  reason  why  he 
should  be  President.  Perhaps  to  call  him  "an  Indian  fighter' ' 
is  to  belittle  him  unfairly.  He  was  a  shrewd  and  unscrupulous 
business  man,  an  excellent  commander  of  a  few  thousand  vol- 
unteer soldiers,  and  something  of  a  local  politician.  There 
was,  however,  no  other  way  for  the  American  people  to  show 
honor  to  "the  hero  of  New  Orleans'*  and  to  answer  all  his 
detractors  than  to  bestow  upon  him  signal  political  power, — 
which  meant  the  Presidency.  In  the  wake  of  this  ship,  many 
a  small  boat  might  be  towed  into  the  safe  political  harbor  of 
a  salaried  office. 

Two  forces  made  Jackson  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency, — 
hero-worship  and  personal  politics,  such  as  this  nation  hitherto 
had  entirely  escaped. 

The  defeat  of  Jackson  in  the  House,  after  the  failure  to 
elect  in  the  Electoral  College,  caused  the  bringing  forward 
of  a  new  doctrine.  It  was  first  urged  by  Senator  Thomas  H. 
Benton, — a  plurality  of  the  popular  vote  should  elect.  Benton 
asserted  that  because  more  persons  had  voted  for  Jackson  than 
for  Adams,  Congress  should  have  carried  out  the  popular 
will.  This  is  democracy  at  its  lowest  terms.  It  is  not  consti- 
tutional government.     Its  instability  is  perilous. 

Relentless  Pursuit  of  His  Object. — Throughout  the 
administration  of  Adams,  the  Jackson  manipulators  kept 
working  away  to  get  their  man  into  the  White  House  in 
1829.  The  General  himself  nursed  his  grievances  against 
Henry  Clay  whom  he  styled  "the  Judas  of  the  West"  because 
he  had  turned  his  votes  in  the  House  to  a  Massachusetts  man 
and  not  to  Jackson  of  Tennessee;  against  Crawford;  even 
against  Calhoun  of  South  Carolina,  and  against  Adams  him- 
self, both  men  being  as  yet  in  no  wise  bitter  enemies  of  his. 
But  one  of  Jackson's  strongest  traits  was  relentless  pursuit  of 
an  object ;  with  this  went  hatred  of  whomsoever  and  of  what- 


ANDREW  JACKSON  331 

soever  stood  in  his  path  to  that  object.  The  pursuit  and  the 
hate  made  him  take  mean  views  of  all  who  did  not  share  his 
purposes  and  inclined  him  to  impute  dishonorable  motives  to 
them.  He  became  an  ardent  seeker  of  the  Presidency  and  a 
hater  of  those  who  would  not  aid  him  in  the  seeking. 

Elected  President. — Partisan  newspapers,  a  literary  bu- 
reau in  the  style  of  the  colonial  committees  of  correspondence, 
factions  more  numerous  and  bitter  than  had  been  known  in 
the  country  since  its  first  settlement,  and  the  swelling  tide  of 
new  and  inexperienced  men  in  Congress  and  in  the  State  legis- 
latures characterized  the  administration  of  Adams.  Such 
quarrels  invariably  follow  eras  of  good  feeling.  Two  parties 
were  in  process  of  formation.  To  all  impartial  observers,  the 
election  of  Jackson  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  For  the  first 
time  in  American  political  history,  both  Houses  of  Congress 
were  anti-administration.  In  1828,  Jackson  carried  the  Elec- 
toral College  by  more  than  2  to  1.  He  carried  Pennsylvania 
in  the  popular  vote  by  2  to  1 ;  Tennessee  by  20  to  1 ;  and 
Georgia,  which  had  witnessed  his  Indian  campaigns,  unani- 
mously, for  there  was  no  Adams  electoral  ticket.  John  C. 
Calhoun  was  elected  Vice-President. 

The  Spoils  System. — "The  spoils  system,"  already  estab- 
lished in  New  York  State  and  in  Pennsylvania,  was  now  ex- 
tended into  national  affairs.  Until  the  time  of  Jackson  the 
removal  from  office  had  been : 

Washington       9,  of  whom  1  was  a  defaulter. 

John  Adams  10,  of  whom  1  was  a  defaulter. 

Jefferson,  39 

Madison  5,  of  whom  3  were  defaulters. 

Monroe  9 

J.  Q.  Adams  2,  both  for  cause  ascertained. 

The  Political  Revolution. — From  March  4,  1829,  to 
March  22,  1830,  President  Jackson  removed  730  officers,  of 
whom  491  were  postmasters.  This  was  the  year  of  drastic 
proscription,  a  proscription  forced  upon  Jackson  by  the  men 
who  had  made  him  President  rather  than  originated  by  his 
own  will.  In  all,  during  the  eight  years  of  his  "reign,"  as  his 
enemies  styled  his  Presidency,  several  thousand  office-holders 
were  changed.     Hitherto,  a  man  who  entered  public  service 


332  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

looked  upon  it  as  a  life-work.  Doubtless,  there  were  many 
"barnacles"  upon  the  good  ship  of  state.  Doubtless,  recent 
"civil  service  reform"  has  tended  to  keep  many  men  in  office 
actually  invalided  by  old  age  and  disease  but  now  virtually 
irremovable  until  obviously  and  hopelessly  inefficient.  But 
taken  as  a  whole,  the  civil  service  was  far  better  from  Wash- 
ington to  John  Quincy  Adams  than  from  Jackson  on  until  the 
"reform"  at  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century.  A  minor 
public  office  should  be  a  life-business,  not  a  temporary  prize. 
It  should  go  to  one  who  is  naturally  subordinate,  even  subser- 
vient, who  sees  life  in  the  terms  of  obedience  to  and  guidance 
by  real  superiors. 

Jackson  a  Leveller. — Western  democracy  as  the  guiding 
principle  in  American  national  politics  helped  to  put  an  end 
to  class  and  to  caste.  The  European  notion  that  one  man  is 
honored  by  "knowing"  another  and  is  disgraced  by  being 
"known"  socially  by  a  third  man, — that  to  be  addressed  by  a 
man  should  raise  one  in  his  own  estimation  or  his  neighbor's, — 
got  terrific  blows  in  the  days  of  the  American  Revolution. 
But  it  survived  until  Andrew  Jackson  became  the  first  citizen 
of  the  land.  In  the  fourth  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
it  went  out  with  knee  breeches  and  silver  buckles ;  fancy  em- 
broidered waistcoats  had  gone  out  a  generation  before.  This 
is  not  to  say  that  the  manners  of  President  Jackson  were  rude, 
uncouth,  backwoodsy.  In  deed  by  1829,  his  manners  were 
better  than  those  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  for  all  the  diplomat's 
experience  at  European  courts.  He  was  polite,  urbane,  and 
gallant.  Daniel  Webster  said  that  his  wife  greatly  admired 
the  social  graces  of  "Old  Hickory." 

Yet  the  Indian  fighter  was  a  leveller  beyond  even  Sam 
Adams.  With  his  rotation  in  office,  he  broke  the  old  bureau- 
cracy. Washington  saw  new  faces.  And  what  took  place  in 
the  National  Capital  was  taking  place  likewise  in  every  other 
city, — Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  even 
Charleston  and  Savannah.  The  levelling  never  was  complete, 
— not  even  in  Washington.  But  it  was  real,  extensive  and 
obvious. 

His  Two  Cabinets. — Into  his  Cabinet,  the  President  had 
put  Martin  Van  Buren  of  New  York  as  Secretary  of  State, 
S.  D.  Ingram  of  Pennsylvania  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
J.  H.  Eaton  of  Kentucky,  second  husband  of  Peggy  O'Neill, 


ANDREW  JACKSON  ,333 

as  Secretary  of  War, — his  first  wife  had  been  a  niece  of  Mrs. 
Jackson, — John  Branch  of  North  Carolina  as  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  John  M.  Berrien  of  Georgia  as  Attorney-General, 
and  W.  T.  Barry  as  Postmaster-General, — an  office  now- 
elevated  to  Cabinet  rank.  It  was  considered  even  at  the  first 
a  weak  body;  and  Jackson  treated  its  members  as  clerks,  at 
first  discontinuing  Cabinet  meetings  until  requested  two  years 
later  by  Congress  to  resume  them. 

There  soon  grew  a  "kitchen  cabinet"  of  the  men  who  knew 
how  to  manage  Jackson.  These  men  held  minor  government 
positions.  They  included  William  B.  Lewis  of  Tennessee,  who 
had  developed  Jackson  for  the  Presidency, — an  astute,  silent, 
loyal  friend  of  his  hero ;  Amos  Kendall  of  Kentucky,  formerly 
of  Massachusetts,  a  Dartmouth  College  graduate,  at  one  time 
a  tutor  in  the  family  of  Henry  Clay,  lawyer,  editor,  postmaster, 
immensely  clever,  something  of  a  statesman,  more  of  a  politi- 
cian,— who  later  became  very  rich  through  partnership  with 
S.  F.  B.  Morse,  artist,  scientist  and  inventor ;  Duff  Green,  the 
partisan  editor  of  the  Jackson  "organ,"  "The  Globe" ;  Isaac 
Hill  of  New  Hampshire,  another  editor;  and  several  others 
who  came  in  as  the  years  passed.  The  first  two  became  re- 
spectively Second  and  Fourth  Auditors  of  the  Treasury;  and 
Hill  was  United  States  Senator  from  1831  to  1836,  when  he 
resigned. 

Calhoun  versus  Van  Buren. — The  first  struggle  in  the  ad- 
ministration was  between  John  C.  Calhoun,  who  had  been  re- 
elected Vice-President  and  who  expected  to  be  the  heir  of 
Jackson,  and  Martin  Van  Buren  for  the  patronage.  For  John 
Adams,  the  Vice-Presidency  had  been  the  last  stage  on  the 
road  to  the  Presidency ;  for  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  and 
J.  Q.  Adams  the  Secretaryship  of  State  had  been  that  stage 
on  the  road. 

What  shall  we  do  about  Peggy  O'Neill? — The  Cabi- 
net split  on  the  rock  of  a  question, — What  shall  we  do  about 
Peggy  O'Neill  ?  She  was  the  daughter  of  a  Washington  inn- 
keeper,— low  class,  according  to  old  social  notions.  Peggy 
had  married  a  purser  in  the  navy,  by  name,  Timberlake ;  but 
she  stayed  at  home  when  he  went  on  voyage.  In  the  Mediter- 
ranean service,  he  got  drunk  often  and  was  severely  repri- 
manded. His  friends  said  that  he  drank  to  forget  Peggy's 
amours.    Then  he  committed  suicide.    Almost  at  once,  Mrs. 


334  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Timberlake  and  Secretary  Eaton,  a  boarder  at  the  inn,  were 
married.  The  case  was  singularly  like  Jackson's  own  save 
that  Robard  had  persisted  in  staying  alive.  It  happened  that 
Mrs.  Jackson  had  died  in  December,  1828;  and  the  General, 
always  a  sentimentalist,  was  now  keener  than  ever  in  respect 
to  anything  that  suggested  their  marriage. 

But  the  wives  of  the  other  Secretaries  of  the  Cabinet  would 
not  recognize  Mrs.  Eaton.  We  may  wonder  what  attitude 
they  would  have  displayed  toward  Mrs.  Jackson,  had  she  lived. 
Mrs.  Donelson,  wife  of  Jackson's  own  nephew  and  private 
secretary,  was  mistress  of  the  White  House.  But  she  would 
not  receive  Mrs.  Eaton,  and  the  President  sent  her  home  to 
Tennessee  for  one  winter.  The  wives  of  diplomats  also 
would  not  sit  at  dinner  with  the  new  Mrs.  Eaton. 

It  assists  in  understanding  the  situation  to  know  that  in 
1824  Jackson  himself  had  lodged  in  the  tavern  kept  by  the 
father  of  Peggy  O'Neill  at  the  time  of  her  husband's  suicide. 
Eaton  also  lodged  there.  Jackson  asserted  belief  in  her  inno- 
cence and  goodness.  Mrs.  Calhoun  was  especially  violent  in 
her  denunciations  of  Mrs.  Eaton  as  an  improper  person ;  this 
violence  made  her  husband  obnoxious  to  Jackson.  Henry  Clay 
took  up  the  quarrel,  and  tried  to  break  the  Cabinet,  espousing 
the  side  of  the  offended  ladies.  His  own  reputation  was  such 
that  this  espousal  of  the  cause  of  social  decency  was  sneered 
at  as  hypocritical. 

A  New  Cabinet. — Beginning  in  April,  1831,  the  Secre- 
taries resigned, — first  Eaton,  then  Van  Buren,  until  within  a 
few  months  Jackson  had  an  entirely  new  Cabinet, — the  De- 
partments being  headed  as  follows:  Edward  Livingston  of 
Louisiana,  State;  Louis  McLane  of  Delaware,  Treasury; 
Lewis  Cass  of  Michigan,  War;  Levi  Woodbury  of  New 
Hampshire,  Navy;  and  Roger  B.  Taney  of  Maryland,  Attor- 
ney-General. Livingston  had  been  second  only  to  William  B. 
Lewis  as  the  coacher  of  Jackson  for  the  Presidency.  Not  one 
of  these  men  was  then  of  proven  Cabinet  size ;  and  but  one 
deserves  any  honor  as  an  American  statesman, — Lewis  Cass. 
Even  this  arrangement  did  not  last  long  in  any  of  the  De- 
partments. 

Several  Foreign  Treaties. — In  1830,  President  Jackson 
secured  the  reopening  of  the  trade  of  the  United  States  with 
the  West  Indies  on  a  complicated  bargain,  however,  that  fav- 


ANDREW  JACKSON  335 

ored  Great  Britain!  In  1831,  by  treaty  with  France,  he  won 
a  settlement  of  the  claims  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
against  that  nation, — some  $5,000,000, — and  of  the  citizens 
of  France  against  the  United  States, — some  $250,000.  In 
1836,  we  nearly  went  to  war,  trying  to  get  the  money,  which 
was  finally,  however,  paid  in  installments. 

The  Indians  and  the  Courts. — During  the  first  adminis- 
tration of  Jackson,  grave  troubles  arose  with  the  Southern 
Indians, — the  considerably  civilized  Cherokees,  who  numbered 
16,000  with  1250  negro  slaves,  the  Chickasaws,  the  Choctaws 
and  the  Creeks,  lowest  in  culture  but  40,000  in  number, — in  all 
80,000  persons.  Despite  treaty  rights  guaranteed  by  the  United 
States,  Georgia,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi  all  passed  laws 
against  the  Indians.  Two  Boston  missionaries  refused  to  get 
licenses  from  Georgia  to  live  among  the  Cherokees;  and  a 
State  judge  ordered  them  imprisoned  for  four  years  at  hard 
labor  in  the  penitentiary.  The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  held  the  Georgia  law  unconstitutional,  and  ordered  the 
men  released.  The  Georgia  authorities  declined  to  obey,  prac- 
tically nullifying  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
President  Jackson  refused  to  enforce  the  Court's  order.  In 
1833,  the  missionaries  were  pardoned,  an  evasive  shift  to  avoid 
the  real  issue.  There  were  many  similar  cases,  showing  at 
once  the  race  questions  involved  and  the  President's  hostility 
to  the  judiciary,  which  resembled  Jefferson's.  The  President 
said,  "Jonn  Marshall  has  given  his  decision;  now  let  him 
enforce  it." 

The  New  Indian  Territory. — By  1838,  through  various 
treaties,  laws,  armed  conflicts,  and  money  payments,  most  of 
the  Indians  had  been  sent  into  the  newly  established  Indian 
Territory  beyond  the  Mississippi.  With  a  different  President, 
they  might  all  have  been  left  in  the  Gulf  States,  their  natural 
homes. 

Great  Questions  in  Congress. — It  was  in  a  debate  over 
withholding  the  public  lands  from  sale  that  Daniel  Webster 
made  his  famous  reply  to  Robert  Y.  Hayne  in  1830.  Jackson 
himself  had  no  policy  with  regard  to  our  vast  domains  of  un- 
settled public  lands.  This  question  became  inextricably  in- 
volved with  that  of  the  tariff,  and  both  with  that  of  the 
National  Bank;  and  all  three  with  that  of  internal  improve- 
ments.    Before  any  satisfactory  answers  to  these  four  ques- 


336  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

tions  were  made,  the  mighty  question  asked  by  South  Caro- 
lina as  to  nullification  had  to  be  answered. 

Cheap  Lands. — They  are  indeed  separate  problems;  but 
in  the  mixing  of  American  politics,  well-defined  issues  are 
hard  to  get.  Cheap  lands  mean  the  drawing  of  men  away 
from  cities, — away  from  manufacturing  and  commerce. 
Henry  Clay  was  for  cheap  land.  But  the  purposes  of  tariffs 
may  be  two, — to  raise  revenues  and  to  discourage  the  impor- 
tation of  foreign  goods.  In  1828  "the  tariff  of  abominations" 
had  been  passed.  Adams  had  signed  it.  Some  members  of 
Congress  had  voted  for  its  worst  features  in  the  hope  that,  as 
a  whole,  it  would  be  so  bad  that  no  majority  could  be  log- 
rolled together  for  it,  or  that  upon  its  passing  the  President 
would  veto  it.  Wool  was  its  substance,  an  ominous  portent  in 
American  history. 

Our  trade  was  then  annually  as  follows,  viz. : 

Exports — mainly  cotton,  rice,  tobacco $28,000,000 

Imports — woolens  8,000,000 

steel  and  other  hardware 4,000,000 

miscellaneous    16,000,000 

Sectionalism. — The  country  was  divided  sectionally, — 
New  England  desired  high  duties  on  woolens  and  cottons  and 
low  duties  on  wool,  iron,  hemp,  salt,  and  molasses  (for  rum 
there).  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  and  Kentucky  desired  low  duties 
on  woolens  and  cottons  and  high  duties  on  wool,  iron,  hemp, 
salt,  and  molasses  (for  whiskey  there).  The  South  desired 
low  duties  on  everything ;  but  would  go  rather  with  the  second 
group  of  States  than  with  New  England  upon  the  direct  issue. 

The  high  tariff  manufacturers  asked  for  cheap  labor.  To 
keep  wages  down  by  an  abundant  supply  of  laborers,  they 
wished  to  end  moving  upon  the  public  lands. 

The  National  Bank,  with  its  twenty-five  branches,  needed 
business  upon  which  to  live.  So  likewise  did  the  local  banks 
in  the  several  States.  The  bankers  favored  free  access  to  the 
lands, — they  were  supposed  to  be  good  security  for  loans. 
Even  in  England  at  this  period,  there  were  wild  notions  as  to 
banking. 

The  West  desired  internal  improvements,  as  did  some  east- 
ern and  southern  localities.    The  West  especially  favored  such 


ANDREW  JACKSON  337 

improvements  as  would  encourage  settlement.  What  nine 
men  in  ten  want  is  neighbors.  Men  instinctly  feel  that  life  is 
easier  in  society.  Solitude  tends  to  savagery;  and  savagery 
tends  to  extinction,  inevitably. 

These  hard  problems  came  up  to  Jackson  in  a  form  in  which 
a  soldier  might  settle  them  by  knocking  them  in  the  head. 
Jackson  was  no  thinker,  but  he  was  a  soldier. 

South  Carolina  Talks  Nullification. — In  1830,  while 
Jackson's  heart  was  aflame  with  the  Eaton  matter,  Congress 
passed  acts  that  reduced  the  taxes  upon  salt,  molasses,  coffee, 
cocoa  and  tea,  but  making  more  stringent  the  appraisals  of  all 
articles.  The  great  items  were  to  be  worse  than  ever.  In 
April,  at  a  public  banquet,  Jackson  gave  as  a  toast, — "Our 
federal  Union:  it  must  be  preserved."  It  was  a  hard  blow  to 
the  Southern  party.  They  hoped  that  the  President,  who  had 
allowed  virtual  nullification  of  Federal  Indians  laws,  would 
allow  nullification  of  the  protective  tariff.  South  Carolina 
began  to  talk  secession.  In  October,  1831,  a  free  trade  con- 
vention was  held  at  Philadelphia ;  and  a  protectionist  conven- 
tion at  New  York.  In  the  following  winter,  J.  O.  Adams  in 
Congress,  a  protectionist,  was  made  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Manufactures,  with  a  majority  of  its  members  anti- 
protectionists.  Clay  advocated  an  "American  system," — the 
tariff  to  be  prohibitive  of  imports.  He  even  advocated  letting 
the  rest  of  the  public  debt  stand  so  as  to  make  no  revenue  for 
its  payment  necessary.  Jackson  and  Adams  favored  paying 
the  debt.  In  1832,  an  Act  was  passed  that  abolished  or  reduced 
the  revenue  features  of  the  tariff  but  left  its  protective  features, 
— woolens  were  raised  fifty  per  cent,  higher.  Low  grade  wool 
came  in  free.     Clay  and  the  manufacturers  had  won. 

Positions  of  the  Leaders. — Again,  Jackson  was  before 
the  country  for  the  Presidency.  He  had  opposed  internal 
improvements,  generally  on  two  grounds, — first,  their  "uncon- 
stitutionality" and  "special  interests," — government  does  not 
exist  to  help  individuals  as  such  or  even  localities  as  such,  but 
only  to  forward  indubitably  the  public  welfare.  He  had  fav- 
ored paying  the  public  debt.  He  had  been  an  economist,  and 
a  non-interferer,  in  true  democratic  fashion.  And  he  was 
known  to  hate  the  National  Bank.  Where  he  really  stood  on 
the  tariff,  no  one  knew.  Clay  took  up  the  cause  of  the  Bank, 
which  would  need  a  new  charter  in  1836. 


338  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

The  New  Party  Conventions. — Conventions  of  parties 
had  now  become  the  fashion.  The  National  Republicans  met 
in  December,  1831,  and  nominated  Clay  for  President  and 
Sergeant  for  Vice-President.  The  Democratic  Convention 
met  in  May,  1832,  and  nominated  Jackson  unanimously  and 
Van  Buren  for  Vice-President  by  over  4  to  1.  The  Anti- 
Masons,  who  had  become  a  great  party,  nominated  that 
William  Wirt  who  in  1807  had  conducted  the  prosecution  of 
Aaron  Burr  and  had  been  Attorney-General  from  181 7  to 
1829. 

Nicholas  Biddle  and  His  Bank. — The  contest  concerned 
chiefly  the  National  Bank.  Clay  favored  its  re-charter,  mainly 
because  Jackson  opposed  it.  The  opposition  of  Andrew  Jack- 
son to  this  second  of  our  National  Banks  is  a  matter  that  can 
be  understood  only  in  the  light  of  an  understanding  of  the 
temperament  and  social  opinions  of  this  unique  man.  He 
shuddered  at  the  memory  of  Hamilton,  who  had  brought  the 
National  Bank  idea  out  of  Europe  into  America.  He  felt  an 
instinctive  and  probably  justifiable  enmity  to  its  President, 
Nicholas  Biddle,  a  young,  plausible,  literary,  brilliant,  daring 
aristocrat  of  Philadelphia.  Jackson  was  a  relentless  hunter. 
He  made  Nicholas  Biddle  his  quarry.  He  felt  that  the  Bank 
was  a  monster,  too  big  for  even  Congress  to  control, — the 
head  and  front  of  a  growing  and  dangerous  "money-power." 
He  disliked  its  corporate  alliance  with  the  United  States 
Government.  He  feared  for  equality  and  liberty.  In  this 
hostility  to  the  Bank  itself,  Jackson  again  was  probably  jus- 
tified. 

Charges  against  the  National  Bank. — At  any  rate,  the 
campaign  was  waged  by  Biddle  for  the  Bank  against  Jackson  ; 
and  by  Jackson  against  Biddle  and  the  Bank.  The  charges 
against  the  Bank  were  many;  they  included  usury,  drafts 
issued  as  currency  contrary  to  statute  and  to  honest  banking, 
selling  gold  coin  as  bullion  or  commodity,  trading  in  its  own 
stocks,  gifts  to  canals  and  roads,  trading  in  real  estate,  sub- 
sidizing the  press,  lending  over  a  million  dollars  (three  per 
cent,  of  its  capital)  to  Thomas  Biddle,  cousin  of  Nicholas, 
drawing  specie  from  the  West,  lending  money  to  members  of 
Congress,  having  forty  Congressmen  as  stockholders,  control 
by  a  little  clique  of  directors,  and  a  dozen  similar  items.  Upon 
July  10,  1832,  Jackson  vetoed  a  bill  granting  a  new  charter, — ■ 


ANDREW  JACKSON  339 

it  had  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  28  to  20,  the  House  by 
107  to  85.  To  pass  it  over  the  veto,  the  vote  in  the  Senate  was 
22  to  19  upon  July  13;  and  the  Bank  had  failed  to  get  the 
necessary  two-thirds. 

Hotheads  and  Hasty  in  South  Carolina. — While  this 
campaign  was  on,  came  nullification  and  its  defeat.  In  No- 
vember, 1832,  a  convention  in  South  Carolina  adopted  an 
ordinance  declaring  that  the  tariff  laws  of  1828  and  of  1832 
were  "null  and  void."  There  was  supposed  to  be  in  a  State 
Convention  some  mysterious  potency  of  the  popular  will 
higher,  greater  and  nobler  than  existed  in  a  State  Legislature 
or  in  Congress.  This  was  a  fruit  of  the  Federal  Convention 
of  1787,  which  accomplished  a  work  beyond  the  Congress  of 
the  Confederation, — and  yet  some  of  the  members  were  the 
same  in  Congress  and  in  Convention !  That  potency  consists 
in  two  facts, — first,  the  Convention  has  a  single,  distinct,  well- 
known  purpose,  and,  second,  it  comes  fresh  and  immediate 
from  the  people.  As  offsets,  the  convention  usually  has  a 
lower  average  quality  of  men,  the  naming  more  of  accident 
than  of  deliberation ;  and  men  of  less  experience  than  those  of 
the  legislature.  And  it  is  usually  nearer  to  the  popular  will 
and  whim  of  the  moment,  which  is  by  no  means  a  source  of 
confidence  to  the  discerning. 

The  convention  tears  down  privileges  and  creates  rights ; 
the  legislature  preserves  both  privileges  and  rights.  The  con- 
vention is  usually  radical  and  destructive  and  always,  until 
these  later  days  in  America,  occasional.  The  legislature  is 
traditional  and  constructive  and  continuous. 

Historical  Origins  of  Nullification. — To  Jefferson,  to 
Madison  and  to  Jackson  himself  belongs  the  responsibility  of 
the  Nullification  Convention  of  South  Carolina, — to  Jeffer- 
son as  the  author  of  the  Kentucky  resolutions  of  1798  relative 
to  the  Alien  and  Sediton  Acts  j1  to  Madison  as  the  author  of 
the  Virginia  resolutions  of  the  same  general  tenor,  though 
milder;2  and  to  Jackson  because  he  had  allowed  Georgia  her 
way  with  the  Indians.3  Not  one  of  them  had  gone  to  the 
extremes  of  South  Carolina,  not  one  supposed  that  any  sin- 
gle State  of  its  own  motion  could  nullify  an  Act  of  Con- 
gress. 

*See  pp.  248,  249,  supra.  "See  p.  284,  supra.  *See  p.  235,  supra. 


34Q  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Unconstitutionality. — Nullification  is  the  business  of 
the  Supreme  Court.  We  raise  here  undoubtedly  the  question 
of  the  validity  of  the  decision  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall  and 
his  associates  in  Marbury  v.  Madison,  1803,  and  in  McCulloch 
v.  Maryland  in  181 9.  In  the  former  case,  the  Court  held  that 
Congress  could  not  annul  the  specific  provisions  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  that  any  bill  actually  intending  to  do  so  was  not 
law.  In  the  latter  case,  the  Court  held  that  a  State  legislature 
could  not  annul  the  Federal  Constitution.  In  1821,  in  Cohens 
v.  Virginia,  the  Court  asserted  its  right  to  hear  appeals  of 
certain  kinds  from  the  State  courts, — all  governments  and  all 
individuals  are,  therefore,  under  the  control  of  the  Federal 
Government.    What  kinds,  the  Court  will  decide. 

In  Anglo-Saxon  jurisprudence,  it  has  always  been  a  common 
law  right  for  judges  to  say  whether  the  law  pleaded  is  or  is 
not  law.  In  essence,  this  is  all  that  the  Supreme  Court  has 
said  in  these  famous,  constitution-building  decisions;  but  in 
effect,  it  made  itself  dominant  in  the  National  Government, 
and  the  Government  paramount  over  the  States.  The  Consti- 
tution says  something  different, — Whatever  was  not  expressly 
granted  to  the  Federal  Government  was  reserved  to  the  States. 
— Amendments,  Article  X. 

This  course  on  the  part  of  the  Supreme  Court  has  been 
praised  as  nation-building  and  denounced  as  usurpation.  It 
was  both.  It  centralized  and  solidified  government  and  de- 
creased liberty.  It  was  never  intended  by  the  fathers  that  the 
Court  should  be  a  perpetual  constitutional  convention  and 
literally  supreme  in  the  land.  On  the  contrary,  they  provided 
two  definite  methods  of  constitutional  revision  by  amendments. 
It  is  possible  to  make  a  nation  so  solid  that  it  will  burst  from 
the  compression  of  its  inner  life;  the  so-called  "Civil"  War 
was  such  a  bursting  caused  by  the  Dred  Scott  decision  that  the 
Missouri  Compromise  was  unconstitutional.  It  is  possible  also 
to  make  a  court  so  strong  as  to  invite  a  Taney  than  whom  a 
Cromwell  is  not  more  capable  of  setting  a  spark  to  explode 
the  magazine  of  national  sentiment.  Revolutions  usually 
arise  from  tyrannies  judicially  enforced. 

Congress  Not  a  Parliament. — What  the  Court  did  was 
to  say  that  Congress  is  no  sovereign  Parliament  to  amend  "an 
unwritten  constitution"  as  it  wills  and  no  Federal  Convention 
sitting  perpetually  for  such  amendment. 


ANDREW  JACKSON  341 

The  nullifiers  of  South  Carolina  with  Governor  James  Ham- 
ilton as  President  of  their  Convention  proceeded  to  add  that 
any  appeal  from  their  courts  to  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court  regarding  the  tariff  would  itself  be  contempt  of  court. 
On  November  27,  1832,  the  Legislature  passed  laws  to  make 
these  nullification  ordinances  effective;  and  backed  the  threat 
of  secession  by  ordering  one  thousand  stand  of  arms  for  the 
State  militia. 

In  December  at  Columbia,  the  western  counties  of  South 
Carolina  held  a  Convention  to  denounce  nullification ;  and  civil 
war  within  the  State  was  threatened. 

Jackson  Defeats  Nullification. — President  Jackson 
ordered  two  war  vessels  to  proceed  to  Charleston,  and  Gen- 
eral Winfield  Scott,  head  of  the  army,  was  set  to  collecting 
troops  to  enforce  the  laws.  In  a  proclamation  (written  by 
Secretary  Livingston)  he  declared  nullification  "incompatible 
with  the  existence  of  the  Union,  contradicted  expressly  by  the 
letter  of  the  Constitution,  unauthorized  by  its  spirit,  incon- 
sistent with  every  principle"  in  it  "and  destructive  of  the  great 
object  for  which  it  was  formed.,, 

The  proclamation  electrified  the  country.  It  was  the  most 
popular  action  of  all  Jackson's  long  life,  not  excepting  the 
victory  at  New  Orleans. 

The  Southern  nullifiers,  who  were  not  a  majority  save  in 
South  Carolina,  thought  that  the  proclamation  was  due  to 
Jackson's  hatred  of  Calhoun.  Old  John  Randolph  travelled 
about  the  State  in  his  carriage  trying  to  arouse  the  people 
against  the  proclamation  but  advised  them  not  to  secede  yet! 
Calhoun  resigned  the  Vice-Presidency  and  was  elected  United 
States  Senator. 

January  16,  1833,  Jackson  sent  a  message  to  Congress  to 
enact  extensive  legislation  affecting  the  whole  situation.  A1 
tremendous  debate  upon  constitutional  theories  followed.  All 
the  State  legislatures  except  South  Carolina  passed  resolutions 
against  nullification;  but  there  were  some  ominous  additional 
resolutions, — North  Carolina,  Alabama,  Georgia,  and  New 
Hampshire  assailed  the  tariff;  Virginia  offered  to  mediate 
between  the  United  States  and  South  Carolina;  and  Georgia 
asked  for  a  convention  of  the  Gulf  States. 

Nullifiers'  Right  as  to  the  Tariff. — Often  it  happens, 
in  the  lives  of  nations  and  of  individuals,  that  on  a  minor  issue 


342  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

an  aggressor  is  right,  but  upon  the  major  issue  wrong.  The 
milliners  were  right  as  to  the  tariff.  It  was  outrageous.  But 
as  to  nullification,  they  were  wrong,  not  because  they  offended 
the  letter  or  even  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  but  because 
they  offended  public  opinion  and  manifest  destiny.  The  new 
migrating  multitudes  of  the  North  and  West  cared  naught  for 
State  lines.  One  nation  from  Atlantic  to  Pacific,  from  Lakes 
to  Gulf,  was  in  the  march  of  events.  Families  resident  in 
ancestral  homes  are  requisite  for  defending  State's  rights  and 
domestic  institutions  and  customs.  Transients  are  only  Ameri- 
cans, not  Rhode  Islanders  or  Georgians  as  well.  Now  that  in 
the  twentieth  century  public  lands  are  gone,  State's  rights  will 
grow  apace.  Climate  and  association  and  heredity  are  behind 
the  true  doctrine. 

Jackson  Wins  against  Clay. — In  November,  1832,  the 
popular  elections  had  taken  place.  When  in  1833  the  Electoral 
College  met,  the  votes  stood : 


Jackson 

219 

Van  Buren 

189 

Clay 

49 

Sergeant 

49 

Floyd1 

11 

Henry  Lee1 

11 

Wirt2 

7 

Ellmaker2 

7 

Wilkins3 

30 

In  every  State  save  South  Carolina,  there  was  a  popular 
vote,  which  stood,  in  its  totals : 

Jackson  707,217,  Clay  328,561,  Wirt  254,720. 

Xnti-Masonry. — The  Anti-Masonic  vote,  for  Wirt  and 
Ellmaker,  was  a  singular  and  a  significant  phenomenon.  Anti- 
Masonry  began  with  popular  indignation  in  1826  against  the 
kidnapping  and  assumed  murder  of  one  William  Morgan,  who 
being  a  Mason  and  needing  money,  tried  to  earn  some  by 
exposing  its  secrets  in  a  manuscript  that,  however,  was  never 
published.  A  body  found  in  Niagara  river  was  identified 
as  his. 

With  this  unhappy  incident  as  nucleus,  the  Anti-Masons 
gathered  together  many  factions.  Their  convention  in  1830 
was  the  first  in  American  history  to  publish  a  platform.    The 

*Of  South  Carolina,  nullifier. 
2Anti-Mason,  Vermont  only. 
8Of  Pennsylvania,  independent,  hostile  to  Van  Buren. 


ANDREW  JACKSON  343 

movement  grew  into  hostility  to  all  secret  societies.  They 
invented  the  national  political  convention,  which  met  in  Sep- 
tember, 1 83 1,  choosing  Wirt  for  Presidential  candidate.  They 
hoped  that  the  National  Republicans  would  endorse  him. 
When  the  Republicans  nominated  Henry  Clay,  Wirt  tried  to 
withdraw.  It  is  a  fair  question  whether  by  dividing  in  their 
opposition  to  Jackson  the  Republicans  and  Anti-Masons  did 
not  actually  increase  his  majority.  Probably,  Clay  alone  would 
have  had  more  votes  than  Clay  and  Wirt  drew  for  their 
rival  tickets.  But  the  result  showed  that  even  Henry  Clay 
was  out  of  the  running  with  "Old  Hickory"  as  his  rival.  If 
the  vote  had  been  taken  in  December,  after  the  Nullification 
issue  had  been  raised,  Jackson  would  have  had  an  almost  unani- 
mous vote  outside  of  the  Gulf  States.  Even  in  November, 
the  result  was  a  triumph  for  Jackson.  He  had  become  a 
tribune  of  the  people.  He  now  proceeded  as  never  before  to 
rule  the  land, — without  guiding  principles  or  an  understand- 
ing mind.  The  second  administration  of  Andrew  Jackson  is 
a  chapter  sui  generis  in  American  history ;  he  overrode  Con- 
gress and  with  his  reinforced  kitchen  cabinet  was  the  govern- 
ment. No  man  and  no  interest  could  stand  against  him.  For- 
tunately, he  was  old  and  ill;  and  did  not  dare  to  undertake 
what  he  might  have  had, — a  third  term. 

The  first  serious  problem  was  financial  readjustment.  The 
little  local  banks  had  beaten  the  big  Bank  with  its  branches. 
The  threatened  money  monopoly  could  not  be  realized.  Jack- 
son now  undertook  to  withdraw  the  government  deposits  from 
the  National  Bank  and  to  place  them  in  more  or  less  ap- 
propriate sums  in  the  local  banks.  There  was  no  warrant 
of  law  for  him  to  do  this.  The  charter  would  not  expire 
until  1836. 

Andrew  Jackson,  LL.  D.,  of  Harvard. — The  Deposits. 
— In  1833  Andrew  Jackson  in  a  triumphal  progress  through 
New  England  was  granted  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  by  Harvard 
College.  The  Indian  fighter  was  now  a  Doctor  of  Laws  of 
our  oldest,  most  venerated  university.  From  Boston  he  wrote 
to  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  J.  Duane,  an  argu- 
ment regarding  the  right  to  remove  the  deposits.  Taney  also 
urged  this.  By  various  Acts  of  Congress,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  reports  directly  to  the  House  of  Representatives.1 
Duane  refused  to  obey  the  orders  of  President  Jackson  and 

1See  Article  I,  Section  7,  U.  S.  Constitution. 


344  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

refused  also  to  resign.  On  September  23,  Jackson  removed 
him  from  office  and  transferred  Taney  to  the  Treasury.  Duane 
now  found  himself,  to  quote  his  own  words,  "ostracized,  dis- 
owned, outlawed  on  all  sides."  Taney  obeyed;  and  there  was 
a  financial  panic.  Nine  million  one  hundred  thousand  dollars 
Were  transferred  in  the  next  few  months  to  twenty- three  small 
local  banks.  Even  so,  the  National  Bank  still  had  $51,000,000 
on  deposit.  So  powerful  was  it  in  Congress  that  it  was  able 
to  prevent  the  confirmation  by  the  Senate  of  the  appointment 
of  Taney  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Taney  Rewarded  with  Chief  Justiceship. — But  in  July, 
1835,  Chief  Justice  Marshall  died,  and  after  a  long  contest  the 
President  forced  the  Senate  to  accept  Taney  as  head  of  the 
Supreme  Court.1    He  was  then  fifty-nine  years  old. 

The  Pitiful  End  of  "Nick"  Biddle. — Breaking  the 
National  Bank  was  not  an  error.  Its  President  spent  $400,000 
in  buying  a  charter  through  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature.  It 
failed  in  the  commercial  crisis  of  1837;  again  in  1839;  and 
was  ruined  by  February  4,  1841.  Nicholas  Biddle  died  in 
1844,  insolvent,  broken-hearted  and  barely  escaping  conviction 
for  plundering  the  Bank.  It  was  a  pitiful  ending  to  a  brilliant, 
dangerous,  and  toward  the  end  criminal,  career. 

Decentralized  and  localized  banking  conditions  have  un- 
questionably tended  to  the  upbuilding  of  new  sections  and  to 
the  self-reliance  of  the  American  people. 

The  President  Censured. — In  January,  1834,  by  a  small 
majority,  Clay  carried  in  the  Senate  a  resolution  of  censure 
upon  the  President  for  his  actions  in  respect  to  the  government 
deposits,  which  were  declared  to  be  without  warrant  of  statute. 
He  would  like  to  have  carried  the  House  for  impeachment,  but 
the  House  was  Jacksonian. 

The  Cabinet  Changed  Again. — The  final  Cabinet  of 
Jackson  consisted  of  these  members,  viz. : 

State, — John  Forsyth,  who  had  succeeded  Louis  McLane, 
the  fourth  incumbent. 

Treasury, — Levi  Woodbury,  the  fifth  incumbent. 

War, — Benjamin  F.  Butler  (of  New  York),  the  third  in- 
cumbent. 

Attorney-General, — Benjamin  F.  Butler  (of  New  York), 
the  third  incumbent. 

Postmaster-General, — Amos  Kendall,  the  second  incumbent. 

1See  pp.  418-419,  infra. 


ANDREW  JACKSON  345 

Navy, — Mahlon  Dickerson,  the  third  incumbent. 

The  history  of  the  Secretaryship  of  the  Treasury  told  where 
Jackson  waged  war  upon  actual  corruption  in  Congress  and 
a  legalized  banking  "trust." 

The  Surplus. — In  1836,  with  the  public  debt  all  paid,  the 
United  States  Treasury  had  $40,000,000  surplus  on  hand.  By 
a  vote  of  5  to  1 ,  Congress  gave  it  away  to  the  States,  inflating 
tremendously  the  bank  funds,  and  over-stimulating  business. 
Much  of  this  money  was  squandered  by  the  States  and  the 
counties  among  which  some  States  divided  their  shares.  A 
large  surplus  is  a  curse  to  a  nation. 

Intrinsic  Money. — In  1834,  public  lands  were  sold  to  the 
amount  of  $4,800,000;  in  1835,  $14,700,000;  in  1836,  $24,- 
800,000.  Land  speculators  organized  banks,  got  them  ap- 
pointed government  depositories,  and  floated  paper  currency 
notes.  Senator  Benton  of  Missouri,  known  as  "Old  Bullion," 
tried  to  get  a  strictly  gold  and  silver  currency;  and  in  1836 
Jackson  ordered  that  only  gold,  silver  and  land  scrip  should  be 
taken  for  public  lands.  His  last  official  act  as  President  was 
to  refuse  to  sign  a  bill  annulling  his  specie  circular;  he  sent 
it  back  to  the  State  Department  March  3,  1837,  at  11.45  P.  M. 
It  was  one  of  his  best  official  actions.  In  January,  1837,  after 
a  lapse  of  three  years,  Benton  carried  that  remarkable  resolu- 
tion to  expunge  Clay's  censure  of  1834.  It  was  clearly  futile 
and  contrary  to  fundamental  reason;  but  it  pleased  "Old 
Hero"  mightily.  The  past  is,  however,  adamant;  and  the 
censure  is  a  fact. 

In  Retirement  at  "The  Hermitage." — The  successor  of 
Jackson  was  his  personal  choice,  Martin  Van  Buren,  for  whom 
few  others  cared.  In  retirement,  he  still  exercised  much  in- 
fluence from  "The  Hermitage."  In  1844,  he  dropped  Van 
Buren  and  urged  the  movement  to  nominate  Polk  of  his  own 
State,  because  of  his  attitude  regarding  Texas.  Shortly  after 
the  defeat  of  Clay,  he  died  of  slow  consumption  June  8,  1845, 
being  then  seventy-eight  years  of  age  and  leaving  a  memory 
of  the  most  extraordinary  personal  success  ever  achieved  in 
American  politics. 

His  estate  was  small,  and  was  disposed  of  by  will  in  legacies, 
public  and  private. 

Democracy  an  Experiment. — In  a  certain  sense,  every 


346  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

son  of  man  is  sui  generis,  unique.  But  Andrew  Jackson  was 
unique  in  the  sense  that  he  was  more  unlike  each  and  every 
other  President  than  any  other  differed  from  his  predecessors 
and  successors.  Many  of  our  Presidents  have  had  distinctive 
characteristics,  even  distinctive  characters.  Of  all  Presidents, 
he  was  the  most  colorful.  The  nearest  approach  to  him  was 
Roosevelt ;  yet  Roosevelt  is  more  like  even  Buchanan  than  he 
was  like  Jackson. 

Spectacular,  pyrotechnic,  catastrophic,  almost  cataclysmic, 
Andrew  Jackson  led  the  new  people  out  of  the  last  palace  halls 
of  the  old  aristocratic  order  of  society  according  to  convention 
and  tradition  and  into  the  breezy,  rude,  rich,  perilous  wilder- 
ness of  equality  according  to  Nature, — which,  be  it  understood, 
is  no  assertion  that  all  men  are  created  equal.  With  him, 
privilege  was  driven  to  the  defensive  in  America  until  its  last 
fortress  is  taken,  and  it  dies  forever.  It  is  a  wilderness  of 
give  and  take;  of  swim  your  own  weight  and  load,  or  sink; 
of  hold  your  own,  face  front,  whatever  the  odds,  or  perish. 

Such  democracy  is  a  magnificent,  dangerous,  soul-absorbing 
experiment.  Within  every  reform  in  American  history,  within 
every  aspiration  for  change,  there  lives  the  spirit  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  as  it  were,  the  energetic  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  of 
American  politics. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
Martin  Van  Buren 

1837-1841 
1782-1862 

26  States  1840— Population  17,069,453 

Extraordinary  friendship  with  Aaron  Burr — early  life — leader  of  the 
bar — marriage — State  Senator— puts  an  end  to  imprisonment  for  debt 
— and  to  estates  tail — opposes  Burr  for  governorship — political  proscrip- 
tions— British  system  of  office-holding — rotation  in  office — Van  Buren 
a  pastmaster  of  small  politics — supports  War  of  1812 — New  York 
State  Attorney-General — the  Bucktails — anti-slavery— United  States 
Senator — member  State  Constitutional  Convention — a  reform  leader— 
a  high  protective  tariff  unstable — tries  to  restore  original  meaning  of 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  347 

Electoral  College — votes  against  occupation  of  Oregon — the  Albany 
Regency — anent  circuit  duties  of  Supreme  Court — a  civil  service  re- 
former— Governor  of  New  York — progressive — Secretary  of  State — 
right  hand  man  of  Jackson — minister  to  England — meets  Washington 
Irving — appointment  opposed  by  Clay,  Webster,  Calhoun  and  Hayne — 
made  Vice-President  by  outrage — price  paid  by  President — Panic  of 
1837 — tremendous  economic  changes — rhapsody  by  Clay  in  Senate — 
independent  treasury  bill — specie  payment  resumed  in  1839 — cotton 
and  Texas — loses  renomination  because  of  two-thirds  rule — log  cabin 
campaign  low  grade — tour  of  South — Free  Soilers  nominate  Van 
Buren — in  i860  supports  Douglas — compared  with  Madison — personal 
appearance — a  decentralizationist  and  an  exponent  of  freedom — in 
office  blameless  in  all  great  matters. 

His  Alliance  with  Jackson  and  with  Burr. — Martin 
Van  Buren,  who  was  neither  renominated  by  a  great  party  nor 
reelected,  is  one  of  the  problems  of  American  historical  scholar- 
ship. One  of  the  unknown  factors  in  the  problem  is  how  far 
he  influenced  and  how  far  he  was  influenced  by  Andrew  Jack- 
son. Another  factor  seeks  to  account  for  the  close  sympathy 
between  himself  and  Aaron  Burr.  Van  Buren  was  born  on 
December  5,  1782;  Burr  in  1756,  being  then  twenty-six  years 
old. 

Van  Buren's  reputed  father  was  a  farmer  and  an  inn- 
keeper. His  mother  was  a  second  wife.  Burr  was  a  boarder 
there  for  the  year  previous  to  Martin  Van  Buren's  birth.  The 
striking  similarity  of  the  two  in  appearance,  and  in  character 
and  ability,  the  inferiority  and  dissimilarity  of  the  other  Van 
Buren  children,  the  reputation  of  Burr  with  women  and  the 
extraordinary  affection  that  Martin  all  his  life  felt  for  Aaron 
Burr  gave  rise  to  significant  opinions  regarding  them, — which 
reported  circumstances  seem  to  bear  out. 

Fair  Elementary  Education. — Lawyer. — After  a  fair 
elementary  schooling  and  a  brief  period  in  Kinderhook  Acad- 
emy, Martin  Van  Buren  at  fourteen  years  of  age  began  his 
law-studies  at  Kinderhook  under  Francis  Sylvester.  Six  years 
later  he  went  to  New  York  to  study  with  W.  P.  Van  Ness,  an 
opportunity  secured  for  him  by  Aaron  Burr,  then  Vice-Presi- 
dent. In  1803,  at  his  majority,  he  became  partner  at  Kinder- 
hook with  his  older  half-brother  on  his  mother's  side,  J.  J. 
Van  Alen.  He  became  very  successful ;  by  1808  was  surrogate 
of  his  county,  Columbia;  and  soon  became  known  as  the  leader 


348  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

of  the  Republican  side  of  the  bar.  There  were  plenty  of  law- 
suits,— involving  old  rights,  feuds,  estates.1  The  ancient 
patroon  land-system  was  going  to  pieces,  the  Dutch  families 
to  whom  Van  Buren  belonged  were  having  a  hard  time  to 
hold  their  own  against  the  newcomers,  and  democracy  had 
set  in. 

Marriage. — Four  Sons. — In  1807,  Van  Buren  married 
Hannah  Hoes,  a  kinswoman  of  his  mother's  and  a  friend  since 
childhood.  It  was  a  marriage  of  but  twelve  years,  when  his 
wife  died,  leaving  four  sons.  Van  Buren  lived  forty-three 
years,  never  marrying  again.  He  had  seen  enough  of  fami- 
lies with  stepmothers  and  two  sets  of  half-brothers  and  half- 
sisters. 

State  Senator  and  Judge. — In  181 3,  the  young  lawyer, 
already  foremost  at  the  bar,  became  State  Senator  and  as  such, 
under  the  New  York  Constitution,  a  member  of  the  court  of 
errors,  in  the  fashion  of  the  British  House  of  Lords,  wherein 
the  hand  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  born  a  British  subject,  was 
displayed.  Theoretically,  Van  Buren  became  a  lay- judge.  In 
181 5,  he  became  State  Attorney-General  also,  holding  the  office 
four  years. 

He  removed  to  Albany,  a  city  then  of  but  ten  thousand  in- 
habitants, and  there  he  made  his  headquarters  until,  in  1829, 
Jackson  appointed  him  Secretary  of  State.  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  a  man  of  high  personal  distinction,  became  his  law 
partner. 

Ends  Imprisonment  for  Debt. — The  services  of  Martin 
Van  Buren  in  the  development  of  American  liberties  included 
no  less  a  matter  than,  as  a  judge  of  the  court  of  errors,  helping 
to  get  rid  of  imprisonment  for  debt,  that  monstrous  absurdity 
now  in  the  limbo  of  the  past.  What  a  far  cry  it  was  from  this 
jailing  of  debtors  to  our  present  national  bankruptcy,  in  which 
North  Carolina,  years  before,  had  taken  the  lead!  In  this 
decision  in  1813,  Van  Buren  opposed  the  famous  jurist,  Chan- 
cellor James  Kent.  Another  similar  service  was  rendered  in 
1823,  when  being  of  counsel  with  Aaron  Burr  and  a  United 
States  Senator,  in  the  Medcef  Eden  case,  he  helped  break 
down  "estates  tail."  Such  estates  tie  up  land,  are  the  defence 

1Cf.  the  early  days  of  Patrick  Henry  in  Virginia,  p.  137,  supra,  and  of 
John  Adams  of  Massachusetts,  p.  244,  supra. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  349 

of  primogeniture  and  of  social  inequality,  and  do  not  comport 
with  American  liberty.  This  work  of  his  was  like  that  of 
Jefferson  in  Virginia. 

The  End  of  the  Political  Career  of  Aaron  Burr. — 
The  first  test  of  the  strength  of  the  character  of  Martin  Van 
Buren  came  in  the  political  contest  of  1804  when  Burr,  who 
had  unsuccessfully  intrigued  for  the  Presidency,  ran  for  gov- 
ernor against  Morgan  Lewis,  candidate  of  the  Clintons  and 
Livingstons,  who  virtually  owned  the  offices  of  New  York 
State.  Despite  his  never-to-be-broken  personal  friendship  for 
Burr,  Van  Buren  voted  the  Lewis  ticket.  Like  many  another 
pair  of  friends,  they  dreamed  of  controlling  both  parties,  but 
this  defeat,  largely  due  to  the  killing  of  Hamilton  that  summer, 
closed  Burr's  political  career. 

Political  Proscriptions. — Then  followed  the  period  when 
New  York  State  learned  the  trick  of  discharging  political 
enemies  from  office.  Clintonians  proscribed  the  Federalists, 
and  Federalists  the  Clintonians.  Van  Buren  suffered  as  did 
all  other  officeholders.  The  spoils  system  arose  in  a  State 
of  limited  suffrage, — no  man  could  vote  for  governor  or 
senator  unless  possessing  a  freehold  of  £100  value,  or  for 
assemblymen  unless  possessing  a  freehold  of  £20  value  or  pay- 
ing yearly  rent  of  forty  shillings  and  being  an  actual  taxpayer, 
not  merely  an  heir  or  co-tenant.  Great  family  interests,  not 
democratic  partisanship,  established  rotation  in  office  in  New 
York  State.1 

Rotation  in  Office  versus  Vested  Rights. — Rotation  in 
office  is  the  extreme  contrast  with  the  British  view  of  vested 
right  to  office,  even  of  the  rights  of  inheritance,  of  sale,  and 
of  bequest  of  office. 

In  England,  government  offices  were  usually  private  prop- 
erty, and  religious  offices  were  universally  such.  We  made 
both  kinds  merely  temporary  services.  In  the  European  sense, 
our  governors  are  not  officers,  nor  are  our  ministers  such,  but 
servants.  And  yet  in  some  sections  of  New  England,  church 
pews  are  still  "real  estate"  and  as  such  heritable  and  alienable. 
And  in  various  cities,  even  States,  the  boss  may  secure  prop- 
erty in  many  offices  and  distribute  them  by  sale  or  by  favor  to 
his  henchmen.  But  compared  with  European  prices  for  offices, 
ours  are  cheap. 

^ce  p.  33i.  supra. 


350  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Americans  were  then  Jacks  of  all  Trades. — The  second 
and  third  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century  constituted  the 
end  of  a  different  age  from  ours.  There  were  few  experts 
and  fewer  specialists.  Nearly  all  Americans  were  still  farmers 
or  farm  laborers,  which  meant  that  they  did  a  hundred  things 
besides  what  we  now  call  "farming."  Most  of  the  rest  were 
merchants  and  clerks,  handling  usually  imported  goods.  Only 
a  few  were  manufacturers  and  mechanics,  or  miners,  or  sailors. 
England  had  won  the  sea-trade.  Our  own  people  were  all- 
around  men,  who  went  easily  from  farm  or  store  to  political 
office,  and  back  again ;  we  were  not  generally  so  laborious  and 
efficient  as  now,  though  we  kept  longer  hours.  Few  men  had 
learned  some  one  thing  so  well  that  they  had  no  time  to  learn 
a  little  of  everything.  Rotation  in  office  paralleled  rotation  in 
business. 

Men  of  the  type  still  survive  who  keep  a  hotel,  run  a 
farm,  serve  as  town  clerk,  sell  automobiles,  edit  a  paper, — 
do  whatever  comes  to  hand  promising  well.  In  the  old  days, 
the  offices  themselves  were  not  specialized  as  they  are  now. 
Then  a  young  fellow  taught  school,  groomed  horses,  kept 
store  accounts,  ran  a  postoffice,  shingled  a  house,  tended  a 
garden,  as  luck  decided.  But  all  girls  stayed  home  and  did 
housework  and  light  farm  chores. 

"Little  Van"  a  Pastmaster  of  Small  Politics. — In  this 
new  business  of  using  small  offices  to  help  out  supporters  of 
himself  and  party  for  the  great  offices  "Little  Van,"  as  Martin 
Van  Buren  was  generally  known,  quickly  became  a  pastmaster. 
He  had  a  winning  personality,  adroitness,  industry  and 
loyalty. 

A  War  of  1812  Jingoist. — In  181 2,  as  Senator,  he  voted 
against  the  Madison  electors,  and  for  DeWitt  Clinton.  It 
was  a  curious  move.  Most  of  the  Federalists  voted  with  him. 
Clinton  carried  the  Legislature  and,  of  course,  the  Electoral 
College.  Would  Clinton  have  made  a  better  President  than 
Madison? — it  was  at  the  beginning  of  the  War  of  1812.1 
Soon  afterwards,  Clinton  and  Van  Buren  became  hostile  to 
one  another.  Van  Buren  was  an  enthusiastic  advocate  of 
strong  war  measures, — of  stronger  measures  than  President 
Madison  and  Congress  ever  adopted,  but  he  saw  no  military 
service  himself.  In  181 4,  under  his  leadership,  New  York 
State  voted   12,000  soldiers   for  two  years,   2000  men  as 

^ee  p.  286,  supra. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  351 

"fencibles"  to  protect  the  seacoast,  and  2000  negroes  as  sol- 
diers, provided  that  their  masters  would  set  them  free.  This 
bill  was  drafted  by  "M.  V.  B."  in  his  own  hand  and  filed 
proudly  by  him  as  "a  memento  of  the  patriotism,  intelligence 
and  firmness  of  the  legislature," — to  quote  his  own  words  en- 
dorsed thereon  and  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  State  until 
the  great  fire  of  the  Capitol  in  May,  191 1. 

State  Attorney-General. — The  Republicans  now  had 
two  heroes, — "the  sage  of  Monticello"  and  "the  hero  of  New 
Orleans";  and  New  York  State  had  its  admitted  political 
guide,  Martin  Van  Buren,  whom  it  made  Attorney-General.  A 
few  months  later  he  became  also  a  member  of  the  Board  of 
Regents  of  the  University  of  the  State  of  New  York,  a  euphu- 
istic  name  for  the  body  controlling  all  New  York  higher 
educational  institutions. 

The  Bucktails. — The  details  of  the  life  of  Martin  Van 
Buren  for  the  next  few  years  belong  rather  to  New  York 
State  history  than  to  personal  biography.  He  helped  to  get 
the  Erie  Canal  bill  through  the  Legislature  in  181 7.  He  was 
a  Tompkins  adherent,  opposing  Clinton  usually.  As  such,  he 
was  a  "Bucktail,"  so  named  from  the  tail  of  deer  worn  at 
ceremonies  by  the  opponents  of  Clinton.  Tammany  Hall  was 
"Bucktail."  The  Tompkins  men  became  the  true  Democrats 
of  the  regular  party  organization  and  traditional  line.  In 
this  period  rose  Thurlow  Weed,  one  of  the  most  famous  New 
York  politicians, — an  opponent  of  Van  Buren.  In  1820  Van 
Buren,  though  a  man  of  party  affiliations,  often  an  indepen- 
dent, supported  the  Federalist  Rufus  King  for  reelection  as 
United  States  Senator,  who  was  successful.  King  voted 
against  admitting  Missouri  as  a  slave  State;  and  Van  Buren 
paved  the  way  for  this  by  calling  a  public  meeting  in  Albany 
to  protest  against  slavery  in  any  part  of  the  territory  beyond 
the  Mississippi. 

Two  Great  Honors. — In  February,  1821,  Martin  Van 
Buren  became  United  States  Senator.  It  was  his  lucky  month ! 
Half  of  all  his  great  honors  were  voted  to  him  in  that  month. 
Before  going  to  Washington,  he  sat  as  member  in  the  State 
constitutional  convention,  which,  despite  the  prophecy  of 
Chancellor  Kent  who  declared  "universal  suffrage"  a  "delu- 
sion" that  posterity  will  "deplore  in  sackcloth  and  ashes,"  took 
the  control  of  government  out  of  the  hands  of  the  owners  of 


352  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

land,  and  decentralized  administration,  then  too  closely 
directed  from  Albany.  Van  Buren  was  the  leader  for  wider 
suffrage  and  the  dispersion  of  governmental  powers  and 
for  reducing  the  number  of  officers  appointed  by  State 
authority. 

Judges  are  Men. — In  this  convention,  he  performed  the 
genuine  service  of  arguing  that  judges  are  not  less  open  to 
improper  influences  than  other  men;  the  strange  belief  that 
though  born  of  the  same  parents  as  the  rest  of  us,  they  are 
both  incorruptible  and  irreproachable  still  persists  in  some 
quarters.  The  truth  is  that  judges  are  men;  Van  Buren  was 
right  and  rendered  a  service  in  saying  so.  The  new  Constitu- 
tion was  adopted  by  the  freeholders  themselves  by  a  vote  of 
75,000  to  41,500.  What  a  strange  notion  that  property  qualifies 
for  voting.  Spending  property  for  knowledge,  therefore, 
disqualifies. 

Tends  Toward  Strict  Construction  of  the  Constitu- 
tion.— As  a  Senator,  Van  Buren  made  a  notable  but  not  a 
great  record.  He  was  astute  and  often  brave,  but  never  daring. 
His  political  opinions  and  course  of  action  gradually  changed 
from  regular  protectionism  upon  the  tariff  to  as  little  incidental 
protection  as  possible  and  from  liberality  in  matters  of  internal 
improvement  anywhere  and  everywhere  to  no  internal  im- 
provements, but  only  coastal  river  and  harbor  improve- 
ments. He  came  to  see  that  men  cannot  legislate  a  high  pro- 
tective tariff  into  a  state  of  stable  equilibrium  and  that  it 
always  builds  up  special  interests, — a  national  card-house 
structure  full  of  perils  to  all  occupants  and  in  itself  as  essen- 
tially wrong  as  slavery.1  As  to  internal  improvements,  he 
saw  that  these  are  matters  of  intra-State  or  inter-State 
enterprise. 

Would  Reconvene  the  Electoral  College. — He  voted 
unavailingly  to  prevent  the  free  admission  of  slaves  into 
Florida,  hoping  that  the  system  would  never  cover  our  South- 
ernmost State.  This  was  one  of  the  errors (  ?)  that  cost  him  a 
reelection  to  the  Presidency,  when  the  Jackson  fever  of  the 
public  had  quieted  down;  and  men  began  once  more  to  con- 
sider measures  and  issues,  forgetting  heroes.  He  was  a  sup- 
porter of  that  magnificent  man,  physically  considered,  William 
H.  Crawford,  whose  breakdown  in  health  from  overwork  and 

1See  p.  169,  supra. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  353 

bad  climate  in  Washington  was  the  main  cause  of  his  loss  of 
the  Presidency  to  J.  Q.  Adams  in  1828. 

Van  Buren  tried  to  secure  a  national  law  to  abolish  imprison- 
ment for  debt,  seeing  that  such  imprisonment  is  as  futile  as  it  is 
wicked.  He  sought  so  to  amend  the  Constitution  that  when 
the  electors  fail  upon  their  sealed  ballots,  they  should  re- 
convene. This  amendment  was  probably  the  true  meaning 
according  to  the  fathers  of  the  Constitution.  We  have  mechan- 
ized, even  automatized,  a  process  that  Madison,  Mason,  Ham- 
ilton and  their  colleagues  meant  to  be  deliberate  and  intelligent 
and  rational.  The  plan  of  Van  Buren,  if  successfully  worked 
out,  would  have  made  great  changes  in  later  history. 

He  was  no  imperialist  and  voted  against  the  occupation  of 
Oregon  by  the  United  States,  ranging  himself  against  his  two 
senatorial  friends,  Benton  of  Missouri  and  Jackson  of  Ten- 
nessee. It  was  a  vote  that  betrayed  the  limitations  of  his 
mind. 

The  Albany  Regency. — For  some  time,  now  he  had  been 
a  founder  and  main  member  of  what  was  called  "the  Albany 
regency,"  a  group  of  ten  or  a  dozen  active,  shrewd,  skillful  poli- 
ticians of  perhaps  the  better  type  who  meant  to  run  New  York 
State.  And  he  was  becoming  the  founder  of  National  Democ- 
racy which  as  a  machine  lasts  to  this  day.  He  was  collecting 
together  the  men  whom  Jackson  was  to  arouse  to  perfervid 
and  almost  senseless  enthusiasm:  and  he  was  forming  the 
issues  in  politics  for  many  years  to  come. 

Opposes  Pan-American  Congress. — Van  Buren  opposed 
the  first  Congress  at  Panama,1  asserting  that  it  would  lead  to 
an  unconstitutional  alliance  with  all  Spanish  America  and 
might  provoke  Europe  to  make  war  upon  us.  In  this  opposi- 
tion he  was  supported  ably  by  Henry  Y.  Hayne  of  South  Caro- 
lina on  the  ground  that  the  South  Americans  were  part 
Spanish,  part  Indian,  part  Negro,  and  wholly  inferior  to  the 
Caucasians  of  the  United  States.    By  delaying,  they  won. 

Let  Judges  Go  Among  the  People. — When  Marshall  and 
his  colleagues  of  the  Supreme  Court  sought  to  be  relieved  of 
circuit  duty,  Van  Buren  defeated  them,  arguing  that  strong 
judges  sitting  always  en  banc  can  conceal  the  weaknesses  of 
their  associates,  and  that  all  judges  need  to  go  out  among  the 
people.     He  feared  the  growing  bureaucratic  pride  of  the 

1Sce  p.  315,  supra. 


354  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

judicial  and  executive  branches  of  officers  if  always  resident  in 
Washington ;  and  here  he  was  clearly  right. 

Civil  Service  Reformer. — Early  in  the  administration  of 
J.  Q.  Adams,  with  Benton,  he  made  an  exhaustive  report  upon 
the  civil  service.  Some  plans  were  excellent,  others  bad. 
Among  the  good  plans  was  service  during  good  behavior  in 
many  offices;  among  the  bad,  was  distribution  of  patronage 
among  Congressmen.  The  report  was  not  accepted;  and  yet 
it  serves  as  a  landmark  in  the  history  of  the  civil  service. 

Governor  of  New  York. — The  service  of  Van  Buren  as 
Senator  ended  in  1828.  Webster  came  into  the  Senate  in  1827. 
Van  Buren  had  been  an  excellent  parliamentarian,  was  a  good 
speaker  and  influential  in  getting  business  done;  and  he  had 
grown  in  knowledge  of  men  and  of  issues.  But  he  had  not  yet 
stood  the  test  of  a  popular  election.  No  man  is  really  strong  in 
American  politics  until  he  has  been  up  for  nomination  and 
election  to  office  and  has  won.  The  death  of  Governor  DeWitt 
Clinton  in  office  gave  the  opportunity.  Van  Buren  was  nomi- 
nated by  the  Bucktails  for  the  governorship.    The  vote  was : 

Democrats  137,000,  National  Republicans  (Adams  men), 
106,500,  and  anti-Masons  33,500. 

Little  Van  Becomes  Jackson's  Heir. — Van  Buren  had 
almost  a  clear  majority.  Jackson  now  declared  that  this  meant 
a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  people  for  Van  Buren  to  be  next 
to  the  President.  In  early  days,  to  be  next  to  the  President 
was  to  be  Vice-President ;  but  when  Thomas  Jefferson  came  in, 
— 1 801, — American  politics  had  given  that  honor  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  State. 

A  Reform  Governor  of  Ten  Weeks. — Van  Buren  was  in- 
augurated Governor  January  1,  1829,  and  sent  to  the  legis- 
lature one  of  the  best  gubernatorial  messages  in  the  history  of 
New  York  and  indeed  of  all  the  States.  He  favored  internal 
improvements  at  State  cost ;  and  advocated  independent  private 
banks  under  State  supervision,  including  the  State  guarantee 
system.  These  for  some  years  have  been  established  in  Okla- 
homa and  neighboring  States,  and  declared  constitutional  by  the 
U.  S.  Supreme  Court  in  191 1.  Van  Buren  also  advocated  sepa- 
ration of  State  and  national  elections;  attacked  the  use  of 
money  in  elections;  took  liberal  views  as  to  the  duties  of  legis- 
lators, condemning  "jealousy  of  the  exercise  of  delegated  poli- 
tical power"  and  "too  rigid  and  scrupulous  economy"  as  "indi- 
cations of  a  contracted  spirit  unbecoming  the  character  of  the 
statesman" ;  showed  up  relentlessly  the  viciousness  of  the  mud- 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  355 

slinging  that  had  fouled  the  Jackson-Adams  campaign  of 
1828  j1  and  declared  that  the  election  of  1828  was  a  triumph  of 
sound  and  admirable  public  opinion. 

As  governor,  Van  Buren  made  excellent  appointments  to 
office,  naming  even  vigorous  political  opponents;  and  then, 
March  12th,  he  resigned  to  become  Secretary  of  State  in  Jack- 
son's administration. 

Secretary  of  State. — The  story  of  the  two  years'  service 
of  Van  Buren  as  Cabinet  leader  is  the  story  of  the  early  days 
of  Jackson  as  President.  He  was  the  first  politician  of  the 
party.  John  C.  Calhoun  had  tried  to  prevent  his  appointment ; 
and  later,  when  Jackson  discovered  that  in  the  administration 
of  J.  Q.  Adams,  Calhoun  had  recommended  a  court-martial 
for  "Old  Hickory"  in  the  case  of  the  missionaries  to  the 
Georgia  Indians,2  the  fiery  old  leader  turned  upon  the  Vice- 
President  to  his  final  undoing.  To  Andrew  Jackson,  we  owe 
the  breaking  of  the  power  of  the  most  brilliant  statesman  the 
South  ever  produced.  In  the  unfortunate  affairs  of  Mrs. 
Eaton,  who  by  alleged  infidelity  was  held  by  the  Washington 
women  responsible  for  her  first  husband's  suicide,3  Van  Buren 
as  a  widower  with  four  grown  sons  was  able  to  pursue  an  easy 
course.  He  made  a  formal  call  upon  her, — which  pleased  Gen- 
eral Jackson  and  could  not  be  censured  by  the  social  leaders. 

He  served  in  the  Cabinet  but  two  years  when  he  resigned 
with  the  frank  statement  that  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  suc- 
cession,— which  meant  a  candidate  against  Calhoun  and  Clay 
either  in  1832  or  in  1836,  as  Jackson,  who  was  in  poor  health, 
might  decide.  By  this  time,  the  policy  of  the  new  Democratic 
party  in  respect  to  the  protective  tariff  and  to  internal  improve- 
ments had  been  determined.  James  A.  Hamilton,  one  of  the 
eight  children  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  founder  of  Federalism, 
helped  Jackson  and  Van  Buren  formulate  these  doctrines  in 
State  papers.  It  is  one  of  many  striking  instances  that  show 
that  Andrew  Jackson  was  a  remarkably  good  judge  of  men 
for  his  purposes. 

A  Perfectly  Frank  Office-Seeker  Revealed. — Here  is 
a  passage  in  a  letter  from  Samuel  Swartwout  to  Lorenzo  Hoyt, 
"No  damned  rascal  who  made  use  of  his  office  or  its  profits  for 
the  purpose  of  keeping  Mr.  Adams  in,  and  General  Jackson 

^ce  p.  318,  supra.  "See  p.  327,  supra.  8See  pp.  333,  334,  supra. 


356  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

out,  is  entitled  to  the  least  lenity  or  mercy,  save  that  of  hang- 
ing. .  .  .  Whether  or  not  I  shall  get  anything  in  the  gen- 
eral scramble  for  plunder  remains  to  be  proven;  but  I  rather 
guess  I  shall."  He  did.  He  became  collector  of  customs  at 
New  York ;  and  a  few  years  later  was  a  defaulter  for  a  million 
dollars. 

Minister  to  England  and  the  Outrage. — In  the  summer 
of  1 83 1,  Jackson  sent  Van  Buren  as  minister  to  England.  It 
was  a  strangely  delightful  experience  with  a  rude  termination. 
The  new  Minister  found  Washington  Irving  as  charge 
d'affaires.  It  was  the  beginning  of  what  was  a  friendship  for 
the  rest  of  their  lives.  They  travelled  through  the  beautiful 
"Lake  Country"  together  in  an  open  carriage  and  saw  all  the 
other  famous  scenes  of  middle  and  north  England.  Upon 
their  return,  Van  Buren  found  himself  the  guest  upon  many 
occasions  in  many  households  and  social  affairs  hitherto  not 
open  to  American  diplomats.  But  in  February,  1832,  there 
was  a  violent  awakening, — the  Senate  had  refused  to  confirm 
the  recess  appointment  by  the  President.1  Van  Buren  was  now 
to  test  the  question  whether  or  not  it  is  an  advantage  to  a 
public  man  to  be  the  subject  of  an  outrage.  In  March,  he  dined 
with  the  king,  William  IV,  at  Windsor,  who  graciously  said  to 
him:  "Detraction  and  misrepresentation  are  the  common  lot 
of  all  public  men."  And  then  after  a  short  trip  upon  the  Con- 
tinent, he  returned  to  New  York,  arriving  early  in  July.  Clay, 
Webster,  and  Hayne  had  opposed  his  confirmation.  Webster 
based  his  opposition  upon  an  admission  of  Van  Buren's  in  a 
negotiation  with  the  British  ministry  that  a  part  of  the  Ameri- 
can claims  were  not  justifiable.  Said  Webster:  "In  the  pres- 
ence of  foreign  courts,  amidst  the  monarchies  of  Europe,  an 
American  minister  is  to  stand  up  for  his  country."  He  said 
that  he  hoped  his  own  speech  would  be  heard  in  the  defence  of 
everything  American  "by  every  minister  and  crowned  head 
in  Europe."  It  was  a  foolish  opposition.  No  sane  and  well- 
informed  citizens  ever  believed  that  General  Jackson  could  or 
would  send  a  minister  abroad  to  toady  to  European  kings. 
Vice-President  Calhoun  declared  of  the  rejection:  "It  will 
kill  him,  sir,  kill  him  dead.  He  will  never  kick,  sir,  never 
kick."  But  Senator  Benton  was  wiser, — he  affirmed :  "You 
have  broken  a  minister  and  elected  a  Vice-President." 

Vice-President. — A  few  days  after  his  return  from  Eng- 

^ce  pp.  152,  156,  supra. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  357 

land,  the  Democratic  party  nominated  Van  Buren  as  Vice- 
President  by  a  vote  of  nearly  three  to  one  upon  the  first  ballot. 
It  was  this  convention  that  adopted  the  two-thirds  rule  so 
unfortunate  for  Van  Buren  twelve  years  later.1  Jackson  and 
Van  Buren  were  triumphantly  elected,  securing  seven-twelfths 
of  all  the  votes  cast,2  and  winning  in  the  Electoral  College  by 
four  to  one. 

Powerful  and  Popular. — No  other  Vice-President, 
before  or  since,  was  ever  so  near  to  the  President  as  Van 
Buren  was  to  Jackson.  And  no  other  Vice-President  ever 
had  so  great  influence  in  the  Senate.  No  other  Vice-President 
was  ever  unanimously  nominated  for  the  Presidency  upon  the 
withdrawal  or  death  of  his  chief.  It  was  a  long  Presidential 
campaign,  lasting  a  year  and  a  half.  There  was  no  Democratic 
platform,  but  late  in  the  canvass,  in  August,  Van  Buren  wrote 
a  letter  in  which  he  set  forth  his  policies.  He  believed  that  any 
distribution  of  a  surplus  of  Federal  Government  funds  was 
unconstitutional.  Here  he  was  directly  in  opposition  to  Jack- 
son himself.  His  view  was  not  only  legally  correct  but 
economically  expedient.8  For  the  States  to  draw  from  the 
nation  would  be  to  weaken  and  debauch  them  while  vastly 
strengthening  the  central  government ;  it  would  set  up  the  rela- 
tion of  paupers  and  prince.4  He  opposed  dividing  among  the 
States  the  proceeds  from  the  sales  of  public  lands  in  which 
sheer  speculation  for  profits  was  rife.  He  opposed  improving 
navigable  rivers  above  the  ports  of  entry  at  National  cost.  He 
declared  that  a  National  Bank  was  unconstitutional.  Let  "the 
national  government  confine  itself  to  the  creation  of  coin."  He 
defended  expunging  the  censure  upon  President  Jackson. 

Players  of  Politics. — In  another  letter,  he  defended  slav- 
ery in  the  District  of  Columbia  as  inevitable  because  it  was  a 
small  section  between  two  slave  States.  For  the  folly  of  its 
location5  and  the  crime  of  its  social  condition  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton was  responsible,  not  Martin  Van  Buren.  As  Vice-Presi- 
dent, he  had  given  his  casting  vote  in  favor  of  excluding  anti- 
slavery  documents  from  the  mail.  And  yet  as  a  man,  like 
Washington  and  Jefferson,  Van  Buren  hated  slavery.  As  a 
politician,  he  necessarily  endured  it, — or  would  have  lost  the 

*For  the  vote,  see  p.  365,  infra.       *See  p.  II,  supra. 
"For  the  vote,  see  p,  331,  supra,    pp.  261,  262,  supra. 
*Se«  p.  345,  supra. 


358  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Presidency.  He  stood  upon  a  lower  plane  than  John  Quincy 
Adams  in  the  House,  and  yet  even  Adams  played  politics  often, 
indeed  usually.  He  had  to  advocate  high  protection  in  order  to 
keep  in  Congress.  On  this  equally  important  question  of  a 
protective  tariff,  Van  Buren  was  ethically  right,  and  Adams 
wrong. 

President. — The  election  showed  that  certain  enemies  of 
Jackson  and  of  Van  Buren  had  gained  ground.  Two  States 
where  Old  Hickory  had  always  been  strong, — Tennessee  and 
Georgia, — voted  for  Hugh  L.  White,  a  Senator  from  Ten- 
nessee, who  led  a  defection  from  the  Democratic  party.  Van 
Buren  made  some  gains  in  the  North  but  lost  many  votes  in 
the  South.  Massachusetts  voted  for  Webster,  her  great  Sen- 
ator. The  votes  in  the  Electoral  College  stood  as  follows, 
viz. : 

Van  Buren  170,  Harrison  73,  White  26,  Webster  14. 

The  West  had  voted  for  Harrison.1 

The  Electoral  College  had  failed  to  choose  a  Vice-Presi- 
dent. The  Senate  now  chose  from  the  candidates  Richard 
M.  Johnson,  who  had  been  Senator  from  Kentucky  for  ten 
years.  He  had  been  an  Indian  fighter  with  William  Henry 
Harrison  and  was  commonly  distinguished  as  "the  man  who 
killed  Tecumseh,"  but  the  fact  was  not  proven. 

"The"  Panic. — Martin  Van  Buren  took  Jackson's  counsel 
and  even  maintained  nearly  all  of  his  Cabinet  of  1837  in 
office.2  He  was  the  first  President  born  after  Yorktown  and 
remembering  nothing  of  colonial  or  Revolutionary  War  days. 
Sixty-one  years  had  passed  since  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence. The  new  President  looked  forward  to  a  happy,  pros- 
perous, constructive  administration.  But  the  "Panic  of  1837" 
then  fell, — the  worst  panic  in  our  history, — it  was  indeed  "the" 
Panic. 

Its  causes  were  more  than  one  or  two.  They  were  complex, 
not  simple.  They  were  profound,  not  superficial.  Some  causes 
were  psychological,  other  sociological  in  their  nature.  In 
truth,  our  ancestors  were  children  needing  to  go  to  the  school 
of  experience. 

Tremendous  Economic  Changes. — In  1837,  we  naa*  a  Dac* 
financial  system, — not  worse  than  in  the  days  of  the  deposits 

*See  p.  37i,  infra,  'See    p.  334,  supra. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  359 

in  the  National  Bank  of  the  United  States,1  but  bad.  Through- 
out the  West  men  were  buying  public  lands  and  paying  for 
them  with  paper  money  borrowed  on  promissory  notes  from 
the  local  banks, — eighty  of  these  local  banks  in  various  parts 
of  the  country  were  flush  with  funds  from  the  recent  deposits 
of  National  Government  money.  The  total  of  this  speculation 
was  several  hundred  million  dollars  in  a  country  with  a  popula- 
tion of  about  twenty  million  persons.  The  notes  ran  at  high 
rates  of  interest, — from  twelve  per  cent,  up, — and  the  specu- 
lators in  the  lands  did  not  work  them,  but  held  them  for  in- 
creases in  value.  Such  increases  appeared  likely  enough :  fine 
lands  changed  hands  at  $1.25  per  acre.  But  for  nearly  ten 
years,  the  speculation  had  run  wild.  And  interest  does  not 
grow;  it  has  to  be  earned  by  work.  Nearly  all  the  residents 
were  debtors  one  to  another  and  to  creditors  in  the  East. 
Debits  and  credits  were  the  staple  of  business.  Not  much 
specie  money  passed. 

A  Nation  of  Speculators. — Not  all  the  speculation  was 
in  Western  lands.  There  was  much  speculation  in  all  parts 
of  the  country  in  town  and  city  business  and  residence  lots. 
Americans  were  lunatic  with  the  discovery  of  the  "unearned 
increment"  and  how  to  get  it  by  means  of  paper  titles  to 
lands;  they  had  not  yet  learned  that  the  increment  is  earned 
by  the  working  community,  perhaps  even  by  the  owner  him- 
self as  an  important  factor  in  the  community.  Without  labor 
and  with  appetite,  there  is  loss,  not  gain. 

The  loans  were  pyramided,  with  profits  figured  on  paper. 
Farms  and  lots  were  sold — for  notes — at  apparent  profits; 
and  wealth — on  paper — increased  fabulously.  Jackson  had 
indeed  seen  through  it  all;  he  was  a  good  business  man,  and 
keen  for  the  fatal  fallacy.2 

Coincident  with  the  rise  of  lands  was  the  development  of 
canals  and  the  placing  of  steamboats  upon  the  rivers.  The 
canals  built  towns.  The  stocks  of  the  steamboat  companies 
became  profitable.  Men  saw  visions  of  easy  wealth.  They 
organized  banks  to  finance  navigation  companies  and  land 
speculators.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  men  who  might  have 
been  farmers  and  as  such  producers  of  wealth,  or  mechanics 
and  artisans,  gave  their  days  to  commercial  speculations  and 

xSee  pp.  336-338,  supra.  2See  pp.  344,  345,  supra. 


3<5o  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

their  nights  to  new  dreams  of  increasing  prosperity.  Ordinary 
gambling  at  cards  and  riotous  living  increased.  Of  necessaries 
of  life,  the  production  failed  to  keep  pace  with  need;  and  their 
prices  rose.  Fast  as  settlers  went  into  the  West,  they  did  not 
go  fast  enough  to  match  with  articles  of  value  through  labor 
the  paper  documents  of  value  through  hope.  We  are  in  the 
same  kind  of  epoch  now,  though  the  gambling  is  in  different 
terms. 

Bread- riot  in  New  York. — On  February  14,  1837,  the 
Jackson  Jacobins  met  in  front  of  the  New  York  City  Hall 
and  cried :  "Bread,  meat,  rent,  fuel.  Their  prices  must  come 
down." 

The  crashes  that  brought  the  panic  were  several.  On  Janu- 
ary 1,  1837,  $9,367,000  of  the  treasury  surplus  for  distribution 
to  the  States  had  to  be  taken  from  the  deposit  banks ;  this  was 
real  money.  Loans  had  to  be  called  in,  and  specie  secured. 
The  country  lived  through  that.  On  April  1,  a  similar  distri- 
bution took  place.  In  the  meantime,  there  had  been  financial 
trouble  in  England.  With  this  was  connected  the  fact  that 
some  Americans  as  they  grew  rich, — often  only  on  paper, — 
bought  heavily  of  English  goods ;  and  England  had  to  be  paid 
in  gold  and  silver.  By  April  11,  New  York  City  had  seen  128 
failures,  one-fourth  being  those  of  real  estate  speculators, 
nearly  one-half  of  wholesalers,  jobbers  and  commission  mer- 
chants, the  worst  being  failures  of  foreign  and  local  bankers 
and  brokers.  And  prices  started  down  fast.  Everything  came 
down, — rent,  wages,  bread,  meat.  Cotton  fell  from  20^  to 
10^  per  pound.  Fortunes  melted  like  snow  in  a  chinook  in 
Idaho. 

Whereupon,  fifty  merchants  as  a  committee  went  to  Wash- 
ington and  told  the  President  that  he  must  stop  asking  coin 
for  the  public  lands !  He  must  accept  paper.  Like  drunkards, 
they  proposed  more  whiskey  as  a  cure. 

In  May,  the  banks  of  the  country  everywhere  stopped  specie 
payment.  And  bankruptcy  prevailed  in  every  city,  town,  vil- 
lage and  hamlet.  It  was  a  terrible  summer  for  millions  out 
of  work  for  want  of  employers  with  capital  to  pay  them 
wages,  being  too  poor  to  work  upon  their  own  lands  with  their 
own  tools  as  independent  producers. 

A  Characteristic  Rhapsody  by  Clay. — Van  Buren  called 
a  special  meeting  of  Congress  for  September  and  sent  in  one 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  361 

of  the  ablest  State  papers  in  our  history,  asserting  that  it  is 
not  the  business  of  government  either  to  repair  private  losses 
or  to  seek  to  improve  private  fortunes.  In  this  paper,  he 
outlined  the  scheme  of  an  independent  treasury,  such  as  we 
have  now  had  for  many  years,  and  happily  so.  Webster,  Clay 
and  the  business  classes  denounced  his  propositions.  The  Ken- 
tuckian  exclaimed  rapturously, — "people,  States,  Union,  banks, 
.  all  entitled  to  the  protecting  care  of  a  paternal  gov- 
ernment." It  is  the  child's  view  of  a  world  with  demigods  in 
it, — the  ignorant  man's  notion  that  government  is  a  thing  apart 
from  us,  a  notion  derived  from  days  before  government  be- 
came "by  the  people"  themselves,  part  and  parcel  "of  them." 
No  "parental  government"  can  be  good  "for  the  people"  since 
it  keeps  them  forever  under  tutelage.  The  independent  treas- 
ury bill  passed  the  Senate  but  was  defeated  in  the  House  by 
120  to  106.  Van  Buren  was  successful,  however,  in  blocking 
any  further  payments  to  the  States  of  the  once  existent 
"surplus."  He  won  against  Clay  and  Webster  in  the  Senate 
by  28  to  17  and  against  J.  Q.  Adams  in  the  House,  by  118  to 
105.  The  only  concession  that  Van  Buren  made  to  the  needs 
of  the  times  was  to  recommend  the  issuance  of  $10,000,000  in 
interest  bearing  treasury  notes,  none  smaller  than  $50/  These 
were  paid  to  government  creditors  because  the  government 
could  not  get  cash  from  its  own  debtors.  They  were  not  fiat 
money  or  greenbacks  but  publicly  admitted  debts.  Non-in- 
trinsic or  paper  or  flat  money  is  really  debt  denied  and  con- 
cealed from  the  eyes  of  the  foolish  and  simple.  It  is  a  false 
pretence,  whereby  something  is  gotten  for  nothing.2 

Urges  an  Independent  Treasury. — Again  and  again  in 
his  messages  to  Congress,  Van  Buren  urged  the  independent 
treasury  plan.  At  last,  in  1840,  Congress  passed  the  bill  in 
each  House  by  small  majorities ;  and  the  divorce  of  bank  and 
government  was  complete.  Thereby,  Hamilton's  plan  of  bank- 
ing was  buried,  let  us  hope,  forever. 

Specie  Payment  Resumed. — The  plans  of  Van  Buren  re- 
specting the  panic  had  worked  so  well  with  the  natural  laws  of 
the  present  economic  regime  of  interest,  rent,  wages  and  taxes 
that  by  April,  1838,  in  a  convention  of  all  the  important  banks, 

^ee  pp.  540,  541,  infra. 

2See  pp.  88,  89,  supra;  also  the  Greenback  party,  pp.  118,  119,  supra. 


362  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

the  business  community  resolved  to  resume  specie  payment  for 
New  York  in  May  and  gradually  to  cover  all  the  country  so 
that  by  January  i,  1839,  the  whole  situation  should  be  that  of 
sound  money.  It  was  a  working  out  of  the  plans  of  Senator 
Benton  of  Missouri;  and  a  victory  for  the  Loco  Focos  and 
Equal  Rights  men  of  New  York. 

If  the  United  States  Bank  under  Nicholas  Biddle  had  been 
properly  managed,  the  country's  prosperity  would  have  been 
perfectly  restored  by  1840  and  Van  Buren  would  have  been  re- 
elected President.  But  Biddle's  United  States  Bank  of  Penn- 
sylvania failed  in  a  crashing  ruin.1 

The  Rebellion  in  Canada. — In  1837,  by  a  vote  of  seven 
to  one,  Parliament  in  England  overruled  the  Lower  Houses  of 
each  of  the  Canadian  Provinces  in  a  serious  matter  of  taxation. 
A  less  serious  act  of  tyranny  from  overseas  occasioned  the 
American  Revolution.  Lower  Canada  revolted,  but  the  revolt 
was  suppressed  within  a  month.  Toronto  revolted  but  was 
subdued.  Many  refugees  fled  into  New  York  State  and  tried 
to  get  support  in  their  rebellion.  On  December  29,  1839,  a 
Canadian  force  invaded  the  United  States,  captured  the  rebels' 
steamer,  the  "Caroline,"  and  sent  it  blazing  with  fire  down 
Niagara.  Of  course,  the  rebels  had  violated  the  neutrality 
laws ;  and  President  Van  Buren  dealt  with  the  situation  accord- 
ingly. In  what  he  did,  he  was  supported  by  the  great  majority 
both  of  Americans  and  of  Canadians. 

In  1838,  the  land  system  of  the  United  States  was  changed 
into  preemption  by  actual  settlers.  Here  Webster  and  Clay 
split,  Webster  following  the  Van  Buren  policy.  It  was  a  most 
fortunate  change. 

Osceola. — Finally  to  clear  the  Indians  out  of  Florida  and 
to  put  the  survivors  into  the  Indian  Territory,  cost  $14,000,000 
and  years  of  effort  and  bloodshed.  Their  leader,  a  half-breed 
named  Powell,  calling  himself  "Osceola,"  was  taken  with  a 
flag  of  truce  and  dishonorably  sent  to  Fort  Moultrie  in  Charles- 
ton harbor  where  he  soon  died, — after  speeches  regarding  his 
Indian  forebears  that  rang  through  the  country  and  will  ring 
through  the  ages.  The  story  of  the  Seminoles  and  of  Osceola, 
together  with  the  great  costs  of  the  war  of  ambuscades  and 
assassination,  added  another  burden  of  unpopularity  to  Van 
Buren. 

And  there  was  the  old  yet  ever  fresh  trouble  over  the  Maine- 

^ee    p.  344,  supra. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  363 

New  Brunswick  boundary;  and  the  Maine  frontiersmen  did  not 
like  the  disposition  of  Van  Buren  to  settle  it  by  arbitration. 
Congress  voted  50,000  volunteers  and  $10,000,000  of  money 
for  war. 

More  Financial  Troubles. — In  1840,  cotton  fell  to  five 
cents  a  pound.  Hundreds  of  plantations  were  abandoned,  and 
their  owners  took  the  slaves  and  moved  outside  of  the  United 
States  into  Texas.  There  were  wide  fluctuations  in  interna- 
tional trade.  In  October,  1840,  the  Philadelphia  banks  again 
suspended.  A  few  days  later,  Baltimore  and  many  Western 
cities  watched  their  banks  go  down  like  cards  in  a  row. 

Van  Buren  had  seen  the  national  expenses  of  1839  reduced 
by  $6,000,000  under  those  of  1838;  and  $1 1,000,000  more  cut 
off  in  1840.  He  saw  now  the  grave  crisis  when  the  control 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  turned  upon  the  validity  of 
the  election  of  five  New  Jersey  Congressmen.  The  Demo- 
crats finally  seated  their  men,  probably  with  right  upon  their 
side. 

The  Cabinet. — Toward  the  end  of  his  administration,  there 
were  a  few  Cabinet  changes  so  that  the  membership  stood : 

State, — John  Forsyth  of  Georgia. 

Treasury, — Levi  Woodbury  of  New  Hampshire. 

War, — Joel  Poinsett  of  South  Carolina. 

Attorney-General, — Henry  D.  Gilpin  of  Pennsylvania,  who 
had  succeeded  Felix  Grundy  of  Tennessee. 

Postmaster-General, — John  M.  Niles  of  Connecticut. 

Navy, — James  K.  Paulding  of  New  York. 

The  first  three  served  throughout  the  administration,  Grundy 
two  years  and  Niles  three  years. 

Van  Buren  evidently  got  along  well  with  his  official  house- 
hold ;  but  it  did  not  contain  any  man  of  exceptional  ability  or 
reputation. 

Whig  Politics. — In  December,  1839,  ten  long  months 
before  many  of  the  State  elections,  the  Whigs  nominated  Wil- 
liam Henry  Harrison,  taking  Tyler  of  Virginia  to  balance  the 
ticket  and  to  secure  Southern  votes.  Thurlow  Weed,  the 
shrewdest  politician  New  York  State  ever  produced,  had 
thrown  Clay  aside  and  taken  General  Harrison  because  he 
was  "available"  and  "tractable."  They  said  only  the  first,  but 
they  meant  the  second  also;  and  they  adopted  no  platform 


364  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

lest  some  planks  in  it  alienate  some  voters,  other  planks  other 
voters,  and  so  on  until  the  election  should  be  lost.  To  win, — 
that  was  their  one  aim.    Winning  meant  getting  into  office. 

Van  Buren  Stands  on  Solid  Platform. — The  Demo- 
cratic convention  met  in  May,  1840,  at  Baltimore,  and  adopted 
a  straightforward  platform  opposing  the  deposit  of  public 
moneys  in  private  banks,  internal  improvement  paid  from 
National  revenues,  National  assumption  of  State  debts,  help- 
ing some  industries  at  the  expense  of  all  others, — a  policy 
known  as  a  protective  tariff, — and  a  National  Bank.  It  sup- 
ported slavery,  and  denounced  the  abolitionists.  Van  Buren 
himself  favored  the  gag  rule  that  Adams  denounced. 

It  is  wrong  to  judge  Van  Buren  or  the  Democrats  in  the 
light  of  these  later  times.  General  Harrison  himself  hastened 
to  deny  the  "slander"  that  he  was  an  abolitionist,  and  to  say 
that  he  favored  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  until  Vir- 
ginia and  Maryland  emancipated  their  slaves. 

The  Low  Grade  Presidential  Campaign. — It  was  the 
lowest  grade  Presidential  campaign  in  American  history.  The 
nation,  Clay  asserted,  was  "like  the  ocean  when  convulsed  by 
some  terrible  storm."  There  was  a  cry  for  "change"  voiced 
most  loudly  by  Daniel  Webster  himself.1  "The  log  cabin, 
hard  cider  whirlwind"  was  upon  the  nation.  There  were 
hitherto  unknown  public  processions  with  log  cabins,  coon- 
skins,  cider,  barrels,  banners,  torches,  and  songs. 

"Tippecanoe 
And  Tyler,  too," 
was  cried  everywhere. 

Defeated. — The  Electoral  College  vote  was  234  for  Har- 
rison, 60  for  Van  Buren.  The  latter  carried  only  Illinois, 
Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Alabama,  Arkansas,  and  Missouri. 
The  popular  vote  increased  over  that  of  1836  by  900,000,  rising 
from  1,500,000  to  2,400,000.  Van  Buren  actually  polled 
350,000  votes  more  than  in  1836,  and  yet  he  was  outvoted  by 
150,000.  All  the  world  had  come  to  the  poll  to  vote.  The 
movement  from  the  Democrats  to  the  Whigs  had  been  gen- 
eral, and  there  was  no  overwhelming  majority  in  any  State. 

Dutch  Thrift. — As  Jackson  had  welcomed  Van  Buren  to 
the  White  House,  remaining  there  several  days  after  the 
inauguration,  so  Van  Buren  welcomed  Harrison.    And  it  is  a 

*See  p.  106,  supra. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  365 

curiously  significant  fact  that  the  latter  retired  from  the  Presi- 
dency, with  savings  of  some  $50,000  from  the  four  years  of 
the  salary  of  $25,000  a  year.  He  was  now  worth  nearly  or 
quite  $200,000.  Perhaps  Dutch  thrift  accounted  for  this. 
"The  Panic  of  1837"  had  meant  nothing  personally  to  him. 
And  yet  since  Washington,  this  thrifty  widower  with  four 
grown  sons  had  maintained  the  White  House  hospitality  more 
adequately  than  any  other  President.  There  is  a  deal  in  good 
management.  It  was  never  proven  that  he  benefited  by  bear 
operations  in  the  stock  market,  or  otherwise. 

Tour  of  the  South. — In  1842,  Van  Buren  came  out  of 
his  retirement  at  his  noble  hilltop  mansion  at  Lindenwald  and 
made  a  pilgrimage  through  the  South,  visiting  Jackson  at 
The  Hermitage  and  Clay  at  Ashland.  Every  one  supposed  that 
he  would  be  nominated  in  1844.  Tyler,  who  had  succeeded 
to  the  Presidency  on  April  4,  1841,  upon  the  death  of  Harri- 
son,1 was  apparently  his  only  rival  for  the  Democratic  nomina- 
tion. The  crucial  test  was  what  opinion  Van  Buren  still  held 
as  to  the  annexation  of  Texas.  "Old  Hickory"  was  for  it. 
The  South  was  for  it.  So  far,  Van  Buren  had  steadily  op- 
posed it;  and  he  stood  his  ground  and  put  his  opinion  in 
writing.  Most  of  the  delegates  had  been  instructed  for  Van 
Buren.  By  a  vote  of  148  to  118,  the  Convention  adopted  the 
two-thirds  rule;  58  Northern  men  with  Southern  principles 
voted  with  90  Southerners.  It  was  really  a  vote  for  Texas 
and  for  more  slave  territory  and  against  Van  Buren. 

Two-thirds  Rule  Defeats  Third  Nomination. — On  the 
first  ballot,  he  had  146  votes,  all  others  133.  The  instructed 
delegates  began  to  fall  away  from  Van  Buren.  On  the  ninth 
ballot,  New  York  turned  its  35  votes  to  Polk,  who  then  won. 
Polk  was  Jackson's  second  choice.  He  was  the  first  "dark 
horse"  candidate.2  It  is  said  that  the  historian,  George  Ban- 
croft, head  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation,  urged  his  name 
at  the  Convention. 

Van  Buren  loyally  supported  Polk  in  the  campaign  that  fol- 
lowed. In  the  years  of  his  rival's  administration,  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  New  York  State  split  into  the  anti-Texas,  pro- 
Van  Buren  "Barnburners"  and  the  "Hunkers"  who  "hank- 
ered" for  office.    The  former  were  led  by  Van  Buren's  oldest 

"See  pp.373,  374,  infra,  'See  pp.    55,  165,  supra. 


366  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

son,  "Prince  John" ;  the  latter  by  William  L.  Marcy  of  "spoils" 
fame.1  The  death  of  Jackson  in  1845  widened  the  schism.  In 
1848,  the  party  split,  the  Barnburners  becoming  Free  Soilers 
because  of  their  support  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,2  while  the 
Hunkers  secured  control  of  the  Democratic  party  machinery. 
In  May  of  that  year,  they  refused  to  stay  in  the  National  Con- 
vention at  Baltimore,  which  nominated  Lewis  Cass  for  Presi- 
dent. 

Free  Soilers  Nominate  Van  Buren. — In  August,  1848, 
at  Buffalo,  the  Barnburners  or  Free  Soilers  held  their  first 
National  Convention.  Martin  Van  Buren  was  their  choice 
for  President,  by  a  vote"  of  159  to  129  for  John  P.  Hale. 
Charles  Francis  Adams,  son  of  John  Quincy  Adams  and  grand- 
son of  John  Adams,  future  Minister  to  England  by  choice  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  presided  at  the  Convention  and  was  chosen 
as  Vice-Presidential  candidate.  These  mighty  words  closed 
their  platform :  "We  inscribe  on  our  banner,  Free  Soil,  Free 
Speech,  Free  Labor,  and  Free  Men ;  and  under  it  we  will  fight 
on  and  fight  ever  until  a  triumphant  victory  shall  reward  our 
exertions."  To  this  day,  soil  and  speech,  labor  and  men  have 
always  been  in  peril. 

There  were  good  men  among  the  Free  Soilers, — David 
Dudley  Field,  later  codifier  of  the  laws  of  New  York  State; 
Joshua  R.  Giddings,  Ohio's  anti-slavery  orator ;  David  Wilmot, 
author  of  the  Proviso  that  set  man  and  man  apart ;  Benjamin 
F.  Butler,  New  York  lawyer;  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  who  drove 
Tweed  to  well-deserved  ruin ;  Gerritt  Smith,  millionaire  philan- 
thropist and  reformer;  John  A.  Dix,  destined  to  many  high 
offices ;  and  Charles  Sumner,  scholar,  reformer,  orator,  political 
attorney  for  capitalists  and  fanatic. 

Enter  Zachary  Taylor. — The  Whigs,  setting  aside  Clay 
and  Webster,  had  nominated  rich,  war-loving  and  pious  Zach- 
ary Taylor,  hero  and  victim  of  the  glorious  raid  into  Mexico. 
In  the  campaign,  such  men  as  William  H.  Seward  and  Horace 
Greeley,  professing  to  choose  between  Cass,  Taylor,  and  Van 
Buren,  supported  Taylor;  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  fresh  from 
his  single  term  in  Congress,  stumped  New  England  in  favor 
of  the  slaveholding  General.  Oh,  consistency!  oh,  intellect  of 
man!    They  weren't  sure  of  the  sincerity  of  Van  Buren;  and 

^ee  pp.  330,  331,  supra.  *See  pp.  394,  395,  infra. 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  367 

habit,  the  habit  not  to  think  but  to  repeat,  mastered  them.  It 
saves  us  from  what? — sometimes  from  progress. 

Van  Buren  received  not  one  electoral  vote,  but  in  the  popu- 
lar vote  he  led  Cass,  though  not  Taylor,  in  Massachusetts,  Ver- 
mont, and  New  York.1  In  all,  300,000  voters  went  Free  Soil 
that  year;  New  York  120,000,  Massachusetts  38,000,  and 
Ohio  35,000.  Free  Soil  pocketed  big  Lew  Cass  for  the  Presi- 
dency and  let  Taylor  in  at  the  front. 

In  i860,  a  Douglas  Democrat. — So  ended  the  political 
career  of  Martin  Van  Buren.  In  his  old  age,  he  wavered  in 
his  loyalty  to  the  great  cause  of  human  freedom,  being  de- 
ceived by  the  compromises  of  Clay.  During  the  administration 
of  Pierce  he  spent  two  years  in  Europe.  In  i860,  he  opposed 
the  election  of  Lincoln,  favoring  Douglas,  but  with  the  first 
signs  of  active  war  for  secession  and  slavery  came  to  the 
support  of  the  President.  On  July  24,  1862,  at  nearly  eighty 
years  of  age,  he  died  of  asthma  and  catarrh. 

Martin  Van  Buren  belongs  neither  among  the  mediocre  nor 
among  the  accidental  Presidents.  He  was  a  statesman,  though 
in  but  a  narrow  field,  that  of  governmental  finance.  He  was  a 
master  of  politicians.  He  was  a  popular  man  at  the  polls.  But 
for  the  unwarranted  and  undemocratic  Democratic  two-thirds 
rule,  he  would  probably  have  been  a  recurrent  two-term  Presi- 
dent in  the  Cleveland  -style;  and  there  certainly  would  have 
been  no  manifest  destiny  in  1845  to  annex  Texas  and  in  1846 
to  make  a  Viking  foray  into  Mexico.  He  was  a  better  man 
than  Clay  or  Webster,  and  almost  as  able  as  any  of  the  im- 
mortal trio, — Clay,  Webster,  and  Calhoun, — who  never 
reached  the  Presidency. 

Among  the  Best  Presidents. — In  the  cases  of  many  Presi- 
dents, their  terms  do  not  constitute  the  best  years  of  their 
record ;  but  John  Quincy  Adams,  who  admired  and  hated  him, 
is  sufficient  authority  for  the  opinion  that  the  Presidency  of 
Van  Buren  was  the  true  glory  of  his  career.  Let  him  have 
his  due  rank  as  not  far  below  the  best  of  our  Presidents.  He 
thought  that  he  resembled  Madison  more  than  any  other  of 
his  predecessors.  Of  later  men  as  President,  Cleveland  was 
nearest  the  Van  Buren  performances  though  unlike  him  in 
manner  and  in  method. 

Personal  Appearance  and  Character. — In  person,  Van 
Buren  was  small  and  strong,  not  heavy.    His  face  was  attrac- 

*See  pp.  394-396,  infra. 


368  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

tive,  with  keen,  bright  eyes,  and  a  winning  smile.  His  man- 
ners were  easy,  he  knew  the  ways  of  the  world.  His  temper 
was  cool ;  his  disposition  cautious,  through  foresight  and  poise, 
not  from  fear.  He  cherished  no  enmities.  No  man  was  big 
enough  for  him  to  hate.  He  had  none  of  the  meaner  qualities 
that  mar  so  many  men.  Like  McKinley,  he  was  always 
amiable.  Base  calumnies  followed  him  through  life;  few  of 
them  seem  to  have  any  foundation.  He  did  have  "gold  spoons" 
at  the  White  House.  He  did  resemble  Aaron  Burr  in  person, 
in  manner,  in  mind,  but  not  in  morals.  He  was  "the  bankers' 
friend."  He  was  not  perfect;  but  his  conduct  under  calumny 
and  strain  has  stood  the  verdict  of  history,  which  is  that  he 
was  in  all  main  matters  blameless.  In  American  national  poli- 
tics for  an  able  man  to  be  blameless  is  to  be  good  and  really 
great. 


CHAPTER  IX 
William  Henry  Harrison- 

1841 
1773-1841 

a6  State*  Population  18,000,000 

An  official  accident — "any  man  to  beat  Jackson's  man" — not  of  Electoral 
College  grade — compared  with  Lincoln — early  life — father  a  Governor 
of  Virginia — Hampden-Sidney  graduate — ensign  in  army — marriage — 
secretary  and  governor  of  Indiana  Territory — Tecumseh — battle  of 
Tippecanoe — Major-General  U.  S.  A. — victory  at  Detroit — member  of 
House  of  Representatives — Ohio  State  Senator — minister  to  Colombia 
— recalled — ran  a  whiskey  distillery  in  his  dark  days — defeated  for 
President  in  1835 — "Tippecanoe  and  Tyler,  too" — President — office- 
seekers  and  climate  killed  the  old  man  quickly — the  honorable  record 
of  the  Harrison  family. 

An  Official  Accident. — The  ninth  President  was  an 
accident.  There  were  at  least  scores  of  other  citizens  more 
deserving,  and  as  many  more  likely  to  render  good  service. 
For  the  first  time,  the  Whig  politicians  were  looking  for  a 
man  who  could  be  elected.  Washington  and  Jackson  had  been 
war-heroes.  Ergo,  look  for  a  war-hero.  The  cry  of  the 
Whigs  was, — "Any  man  to  beat  Jackson's  man."    They  feared 


WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON  369 

such  a  Jacksonian  dynasty  as  the  Jefferson  had  been.  "An 
eye  for  an  eye."  The  proscribed  intended  to  proscribe,  the 
despoiled  to  spoil. 

"Any  Man  to  Beat  Jackson's  Man/' — Not  that  William 
Henry  Harrison  was  an  unfit  man,  a  disgraceful  choice.  He 
was  in  fact  less  unfit  than  Jackson  had  seemed  to  be  in  1824 
and  in  1828  before  he  was  actually  tried  in  office.  Inferiority 
is  relative.  Harrison  was  not  an  inferior  among  Americans, 
but  on  the  contrary  decidedly  superior.  He  was  in  fact  an 
F.  F.  V.  of  Virginia.  But  he  was  relatively  inferior  not  in 
morals  or  in  mind  but  in  training  and  experience, — less  fit 
than  any  of  his  predecessors  with  the  apparent  exception  of 
Andrew  Jackson.  He  was  such  a  man  as  the  Electoral  College 
of  its  own  motion  would  never  have  considered,  such  a  man  as 
only  emergency  or  craft  calls  forth. 

It  is  well  not  to  be  too  harsh  in  our  judgments.  In  i860 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  apparently  much  less  fit  for  the  Presi- 
dency than  Harrison  was  in  1840. 

Early  Life;  Educated  at  Hampden-Sidney. — William 
Henry  Harrison  was  born  at  Berkeley,  Charles  City  County, 
Virginia,  on  February  9,  1773.  His  father  was  a  member  of 
the  Continental  Congress  and  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  He  was  Governor  of  Virginia  from  1781  to 
1784;  and  in  1788  he  opposed  ratifying  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion, supporting  Henry  and  attacking  Madison  and  Washing- 
ton. He  died  in  1791.  But  in  the  mean  time  he  had  given  to 
his  third  son  a  classical  education  at  Hampden-Sidney  College 
and  had  started  him  at  medicine  in  Philadelphia.  Except  J.  Q. 
Adams,  no  other  President  had  so  meritorious  and  distin- 
guished a  father. 

In  the  Army  Service. — Immediately  upon  his  father's 
death,  William  entered  the  army  as  an  ensign  at  Cincinnati. 
And  the  army  was  nearly  all  his  career.  He  soon  became 
aide-de-camp  to  General  Anthony  Wayne,  whom  Washington 
had  sent  into  the  Northwest  Territory  to  subdue  the  Indians 
and  to  protect  American  treaty  rights.  In  1795  he  married 
Anna  Symmes,  a  daughter  of  a  pioneer  settler  in  the  Big 
Miami  valley.  In  1798  he  became  Secretary  for  the  entire 
Territory,  and  in  1799  delegate  from  the  Territory  to  Con- 
gress. He  took  a  prominent  part  in  devising  legislation  to 
encourage  the  entrance  of  settlers  into  the  fertile  Northwest 


370  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

territory,  and  in  the  disposal  of  the  public  lands;  but  no 
money  ever  stuck  to  his  own  hands,  or  lodged  in  his  own 
pockets.  In  1800  President  Adams  appointed  him  governor 
of  the  Indian  Territory,  where  he  continued  until  181 2. 

Governor  of  Indian  Territory. — Governor  Harrison 
negotiated  several  important  treaties  with  the  Indians  for  the 
promotion  of  the  settlement  of  the  region  by  white  families. 
For  four  brief  months  in  1804,  he  was  also  territorial  governor 
of  all  the  Louisiana  Purchase.  In  1809  the  rising  of  the 
Indians  under  Tecumseh  began. 

Wins  Battle  of  Tippecanoe  River. — On  November  7, 
181 1,  the  battle  of  the  Tippecanoe  River,  near  Lafayette,  In- 
diana, was  fought.  This  victory  gave  to  General  Harrison 
fame  and  ultimately  the  Presidency.  In  181 2  Kentucky  ap- 
pointed Harrison  major-general  of  militia ;  not  long  afterwards 
he  was  made  a  Brigadier-General  and  later  a  Major-General, 
U.  S.  A.  Not  until  1 81 3,  after  the  victory  of  Oliver  Hazard 
Perry  at  Lake  Erie,  did  he  accomplish  anything  effective  for 
the  American  cause.  Then  in  October  he  defeated  the  British 
and  retook  Detroit,  which  Hull  had  surrendered. 

Representative  in  Congress. — From  this  time  until  181 6 
Harrison  was  busy  with  Indian  affairs,  though  he  resigned  his 
army  commission.  Then  he  was  elected  member  of  Congress, 
serving  a  term  and  a  half,  in  which  time  he  interested  himself 
in  pensions  for  soldiers,  in  Indian  wars  and  treaties,  and  in 
public  lands.  He  opposed  the  course  of  General  Jackson  in 
the  Seminole  War.  From  181 2  to  1821,  he  was  a  member  of 
the  Ohio  Senate.  Then,  as  a  candidate  for  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives again,  he  was  defeated. 

Senator. — In  1825  this  habitual  officeholder  or  office-seeker 
was  elected  United  State  Senator.  He  served  three  years, 
when  President  John  Quincy  Adams  sent  him  as  Minister  to 
Colombia.  But  he  was  too  democratic  in  nature  for  Bolivar 
the  Liberator;  and  President  Jackson  recalled  him.  Now 
came  dark  days.  To  get  cash  to  run  his  farm,  he  operated  also 
a  whiskey-distillery  until  he  discovered  that  he  was  enriching 
himself  from  the  impoverishment  and  degradation  of  his 
neighbors.  Then  he  gave  it  up  and  was  miserably  dejected 
until  a  lucrative  clerkship  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  of 
Hamilton  county  came  his  way. 


WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON  371 

Defeated  for  the  Presidency. — By  1835,  reflecting  upon 
his  recall  by  Jackson,  the  country  began  to  talk  of  Harrison  as 
an  anti-Jacksonian  Presidential  candidate.  So  true  is  it  that 
a  man  is  made  by  his  enemies !  Henry  Clay  was  a  Mason  and 
a  protective  tariff  advocate.  The  Whigs  in  1836  took  up  the 
war-hero,  and  in  the  campaign  he  had  73  electoral  votes  to 
170  for  Van  Buren. 

Elected. — In  1840  they  tried  him  again  in  combination 
with  John  Tyler  of  Virginia  in  order  to  get  the  Southern  vote 
out.  It  was  an  extraordinary  campaign  with  its  'Tippecanoe 
and  Tyler,  too,"  its  parades,  log  cabins  and  coon  skins,  and  its 
indifference  to  political  arguments.  An  Eastern  Democratic 
editor  said  in  type  that  Harrison  would  be  more  comfortable 
in  a  log  cabin,  drinking  hard  cider  and  wearing  a  coon-skin 
cap  than  in  the  White  House.  This  remark  helped  to  elect 
Harrison.  Harrison  took  the  stump,  despite  his  years  and  his 
deficiencies  as  a  public  speaker.  The  country  felt  ripe  for 
change,  and  the  Whigs  won  easily. 

Harrison  had  234  electoral  votes ;  Van  Buren  but  60. 

His  excellent  Virginia  ancestry,  his  education,  his  wonder- 
fully picturesque  and  adventurous  life,  his  repute  as  the  man 
who  killed  Tecumseh, — which  was  not  true, — his  advanced 
years  and  his  reputation  for  good  judgment,  the  gratitude  of 
the  public  for  long  years  of  service,  his  modest  home-life,  arid 
above  all  his  comparative  non-committalism  on  all  the  political 
issues  conspired  to  win  votes  against  the  President  under 
whom  had  occurred  the  "panic  of  1837"  and  its  loud  echo  in 
1839.1 

Killed  by  Climate  and  Office-Seekers. — Once  in  office, 
with  the  new  railroads  and  the  spoils  system,  President  Harri- 
son was  hounded  by  eager  office-seekers.  The  spring  climate 
of  Washington,  the  sudden  change  in  circumstances,  the  ha- 
rassment of  spoilsmen,  brought  on  pneumonia ;  and  the  old 
man  died  April  4,  1841.  He  had  chosen  an  able  Cabinet,  and 
had  reason  to  expect  a  prosperous  administration. 

The  Cabinet. — His  official  council  was  as  follows,  viz. : 

State, — Daniel  Webster  of  Massachusetts. 

Treasury, — Thomas  Ewing  of  Ohio. 

War, — John  Bell  of  Tennessee. 

Attorney-General, — John  J.   Crittenden  of   Kentucky. 

Postmaster-General, — Francis  Granger  of  New  York. 

1See  p.  358  et  seq.,  supra. 


272  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Navy, — George  E.  Badger  of  North  Carolina. 

They  were  mostly  young  men,  geographically  well-dis- 
tributed. 

The  Honorable  Record  of  the  Harrisons. — General 
Harrison  was  of  the  better  type  of  American  volunteer  soldiers. 
He  was  a  good  executive ;  and  as  a  legislator  was  wise  enough 
to  confine  his  activities  to  matters  within  his  experience. 

His  wife,  the  mother  of  his  six  sons  and  four  daughters, 
two  years  his  junior,  survived  until  1864,  to  die  at  eighty-nine 
years  of  age,  after  seeing  one  grandson,  Benjamin  Harrison, 
become  a  Major-General. 

In  the  Adams  lineal  descent,  America  has  had  two  Presi- 
dents and  a  Minister  to  England,  in  three  successive  genera- 
tions,— John,  John  Quincy,  and  Charles  Francis.  In  the  Har- 
rison family,  which  has  one  source  in  the  Indian  girl,  Poca- 
hontas, America  has  had  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  and  two 
Presidents, — Benjamin,  his  son,  William  Henry,  and  his  great 
grandson,  Benjamin.  It  is  the  very  honorable  record  of  a 
family  evidently  biologically  fit  to  survive  and  intellectually 
superior. 


CHAPTER  X 
John  Tyler 

1841-1845 

1790-1862 
36-27  States  Population  20,000,000 

Admitted:  Florida. 

First  Vice-President  to  succeed  by  death  of  chief — renegade  or  sorehead 
— early  life — good  family — educated  at  William  and  Mary — member 
Virginia  House  of  Delegates — fought  in  War  of  1813 — marriage- 
Representative  in  Congress — Governor  of  Virginia — United  States 
Senator — strict  constructionist — a  Calhoun  Democrat  and  yet  not  a 
nullifier — held  right  view  as  to  District  of  Columbia — supported 
National  Bank — resigned  after  obeying  his  State  Legislature — member 
Virginia  House  of  Delegates — great  popular  triumph — not  a  spoils- 


JOHN  TYLER  373 

man — no  Democrat,  no  Whig — and  lost — death  of  wife — second  mar- 
riage— President  Peace  Congress  at  Washington — an  inconsequential 
person  but  agreeable. 

A  Vice-President  Becomes  President. — The  first  Vice- 
President  to  succeed  to  the  Presidency  during  his  term  of 
office  by  reason  of  the  death  of  chief  was  John  Tyler  of  Vir- 
ginia, whom  the  Whigs  had  nominated  with  William  Henry 
Harrison  of  Ohio  in  order  to  be  sure  to  win.  They  did  win 
so  overwhelmingly  that  every  one  saw  that  taking  an  anti- 
Jackson  Democrat,  temporarily  a  Whig  on  personal  grounds, 
had  been  an  unnecessary  concession  to  expediency.  They 
thought  that  as  President  of  the  Senate,  Tyler  would  do  no 
harm;  they  did  not  reckon  upon  the  contingency  of  the  suc- 
cession, within  thirty-one  days!  And  now  Tyler  was  Presi- 
dent, without  a  party.  The  Democrats  looked  upon  him  as  ai 
renegade,  the  Whigs  as  a  sorehead.  It  was  a  hard  fate  for  a 
naturally  agreeable  gentleman,  who  was  probably  right  in  much 
of  his  distrust  of  Andrew  Jackson  and  almost  certainly  right  in 
being  at  heart  a  convinced  Democrat. 

Early  Life. — John  Tyler  was  born  at  Greenway,  Charles 
City  county,  Virginia,  March  29,  1790.  William  Henry  Har- 
rison was  just  removing  from  that  county  to  Philadelphia  at 
the  same  time.  He  was  the  second  son  of  John  Tyler,  who  was 
governor  of  Virginia  later,  from  1808  to  181 1.  The  Tyler 
family,  like  the  Harrisons,  was  of  English  descent. 

Educated  at  William  and  Mary. — John  Tyler  went  to 
William  and  Mary  College,  being  graduated  in  1807,  and  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar  in  1809.  At  twenty-one  years  of  age,  he 
became  a  member  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Delegates.  He 
saw  some  militia  service  in  the  War  of  181 2.  In  181 3,  while 
in  army  service,  he  married  Letitia  Christian,  a  lady  of  his 
own  age,  who  lived  until  1842,  and  was  the  mother  of  three 
sons  and  four  daughters.  In  181 6  he  became  a  member  of 
Congress,  serving  until  1821.  It  was  a  career  of  easy,  steady 
progress,  such  as  sometimes  characterizes  the  early  life  of  well- 
born, industrious,  agreeable  men.  In  politics  he  was  a  consistent 
Jeffersonian.  At  this  time,  nearly  all  men  of  prominence  were 
Jeffersonians.  Tiring  of  life  at  Washington,  he  returned  to 
the  Virginia  Legislature,  and  then  was  governor  from  1825 
to  1827. 


374  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Governor  of  Virginia;  Senator. — Before  his  term  ex- 
pired, he  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate  to  succeed 
the  brilliant,  erratic,  forceful  but  lonely  John  Randolph. 

In  the  Senate,  as  a  strict  constructionist,  Tyler  voted  con- 
sistently against  all  protective  tariffs.  He  even  voted  against 
the  "Force  Bill"  to  enable  the  customs  officers  to  collect  the 
revenues,  and  was  the  only  Senator  to  do  so.  He  was  more 
of  the  Calhoun  Democrat  than  of  the  Clay  or  Whig.  He 
tried  to  get  the  slave  trade  abolished  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, and  yet  illogically  asserted  the  necessity  of  slavery 
there  because  of  the  contiguity  of  Maryland  and  of  Virginia, 
both  slave  States.  As  a  State's  rights  man,  he  argued  that 
since  Maryland  and  Virginia  had  ceded  the  lands  to  the  United 
States  for  the  District,  this  peculiar  domestic  institution  could 
not  be  abolished  without  their  consent;  in  other  words,  the 
United  States  is  only  a  tenant  by  continuing  free-will  of  the 
owners  of  the  lands.  We  may  adopt  this  view  yet  in  order 
to  create  an  American  government  there. 

In  respect  to  the  National  Bank,  with  Henry  Clay  and 
against  the  President,  he  stood  for  it.  He  was,  in  short,  a  free 
lance,  with  opinions  that  no  one  could  safely  predict.  His 
predecessor,  Randolph,  had  taught  him  this  mood.  The 
course  of  Tyler  in  1836,  when  Senator  Hugh  L.  White  of 
Tennessee  ran  for  President  upon  a  split  in  the  Democratic 
party,  and  when  he  himself  ran  for  Vice-President,  showed 
his  capricious  nature.  Tyler  had  forty-seven  votes,  yet  Van 
Bur  en  and  Johnson  carried  the  State  of  Virginia  against  White 
and  Tyler  as  well  as  against  Harrison  and  several  other 
candidates. 

Resigns. — When  the  Virginia  Legislature  instructed  the 
United  States  Senators  to  support  Benton's  resolution  to 
expunge  from  the  journal  of  the  Senate  the  resolution  of 
censure  against  President  Jackson,1  Tyler  admitted  the  right 
of  the  Legislature  to  instruct  the  Senators  but  promptly  re- 
signed his  seat  on  February  29,  1836.  This  act  caused  him 
to  be  counted  a  Whig,  and  probably  more  than  any  other  gave 
him  the  Presidency,  for  it  seemed  to  indicate  him  as  a  man 
with  a  working  conscience  and  of  independent  judgment.  In 
1838  he  became  for  the  third  time  a  member  of  the  Virginia 
House  of  Delegates.  As  President  of  the  Virginia  Coloniza- 
tion  Society,   he  began  active  work   for  the  return   of  the 

xSee  pp.  344,  345,  supra. 


JOHN  TYLER  375 

negroes  to  Africa,  a  quixotic  enterprise  that  fascinated  many 
imaginative  but  ineffective  men.  The  notion  was  strongly 
favored  even  by  Abraham  Lincoln.  In  1839,  Tyler  ran  for  the 
United  States  Senate  again  but  was  defeated. 

And  now  luck  came  his  way.  The  Whigs  picked  him  up  as 
ex-Governor  of  Virginia,  ex-United  States  Senator,  and  de- 
feated candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency  to  run  with  the  once 
defeated  Harrison  upon  their  ticket  in  1840. 

Elected  Vice-President. — The  two  native  Virginians  of 
the  same  county  made  a  picturesque  pair.  Harrison  was  now 
sixty-seven  years  old,  Tyler  fifty.  Harrison  was  strong  in 
the  Northwest  territory,  and  Tyler  in  the  Lower  South.  Har- 
rison was  a  military  man,  not  a  politician,  though  often  in 
office;  and  he  was  a  good  administrator.  Tyler  was  a  politi- 
cian, rather  doctrinaire.  Neither  was  in  any  proper  sense  in 
the  Presidential  or  Vice-Presidential  class.  They  made  their 
appeal,  however,  directly  to  the  people,  in  language  that  the 
people  could  not  well  avoid  understanding.  It  was  the  era 
of  the  enfranchisement  of  the  masses ;  and  the  new  voters  were 
not  accustomed  to  judge  either  men  or  measures.  Whether 
Tyler  greatly  strengthened  the  ticket  is  doubtful ;  but  the  victory 
was  overwhelming.  The  Electoral  College  stood  234  to  60. 
The  popular  vote  was : 

Harrison  1,275,017,  Van  Buren  1,128,702. 

This  was  the  first  election  in  which  James  G.  Birney  of  the 
Liberty  Party  ran.     He  had,  however,  but  7,000  votes. 

No  Whig  and  No  Democrat. — When  Harrison  died  so 
suddenly,  Tyler  succeeded  to  the  Presidency.  He  refused  to 
follow  the  spoils  system,  and  kept  nearly  every  incumbent  in 
office.  The  story  of  the  Cabinet,  however,  tells  how  he  satisfied 
no  one  and  lived  in  political  turmoil. 

For  the  Department  of  State,  Tyler  began  with 

Daniel  Webster,  who  lasted  two  years.  Then  followed  two 
ad  interim  men.     Next  came 

Abel  P.  Upshur,  who  stayed  seven  months;  and  last  was 

John  C.  Calhoun,  who  served  six  days. 

For  the  Treasury,  he  began  with 

Thomas  Ewing,  but  soon  took 

Walter  Forward,  who  lasted  half  a  year.    After  him  came 

John  C.  Spencer  and  George  M.  Bibb,  each  of  whom  served 
about  a  year. 


376  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

For  the  War  Department,  he  had,  first, 

John  Bell,  then  John  McLean,  then  John  C.  Spencer,  of 
whom  the  third  stayed  a  year  and  a  half.    Then 

James  M.  Porter  and  William  Wilkins  served  about  a  year 
each. 

His  Attorney-Generals  were 

John  J.  Crittenden,  a  brief  incumbent, 

Hugh  S.  Legare,  who  stayed  two  years  as  head  of  the  De- 
partment of  Justice,  and  was  succeeded  by 

John  Nelson,  who  served  about  two  years. 

In  the  Postoffice,  he  had 

Francis  Granger  for  a  little  time,  then 

Charles  A.  WicklifTe,  and  last, 

Selah  R.  Hobbie. 

For  the  Navy, 

George  E.  Badger  soon  gave  way  to 

Abel  P.  Upshur,  who  after  two  years,  was  succeeded  by 

David  Henshaw,  a  man  of  a  half  year;  and  then  came 

Thomas  W.  Gilmer,  for  a  brief  time.    Last  was 

John  Y.  Mason. 

Tyler  could  scarcely  find  any  man  who  would  serve  him 
long  and  whom  he  liked.  He  improved  in  his  knowledge  of 
men  during  his  term ;  but  he  seems  to  have  been  a  poor  judge 
of  human  nature, — that  is,  of  men.  He  was  more  fortunate  in 
his  choice  of  domestic  helpmeets. 

His  Difficulties. — President  Tyler  vetoed  the  fiscal  cor- 
poration, an  alias  for  a  new  and  third  National  Bank,  a  curious 
move  in  view  of  his  former  course.1  This  angered  the  bankers 
and  large  capitalists  who  said  that  he  had  the  limited  view  of 
an  ignorant  planter.  He  stood  between  the  two  parties  and 
was  supported  by  neither.  He  whipsawed  back  and  forth  un- 
happily, even  distressfully.  He  forwarded  the  Webster- Ash- 
burton  Treaty;  whereas,  if  he  had  been  either  a  hothead  or 
a  jingoist,  he  might  have  begun  a  third  war  with  England,  for 
Congress  was  ready  to  declare  war.  The  Treaty  conceded  to 
us  only  half  of  the  12,000  square  miles  claimed  by  Maine.  It 
was  a  reminder  of  Jay's  Treaty,  of  half  a  century  earlier. 
For  no  greater  reason,  Clay  had  set  on  foot  the  "War  of 
1812";  and  for  no  reason  at  all,  Polk  was  to  stir  up  soon  the 
Mexican  War.    But  John  Tyler  was  no  Clay  and  no  Polk. 

*Sec  p.  374,  supra. 


JOHN  TYLER  377 

State's  Rights  in  the  North. — In  1842  the  Supreme 
Court  decided  that  under  the  statute  of  1793,  the  States  need 
not  order  their  officers  to  arrest  and  to  return  runaway  slaves. 
In  New  York  State  Governor  William  H.  Seward  refused 
extradition  papers  respecting  men  who  had  stolen  slaves  in  the 
South.  In  Congress,  J.  Q.  Adams  was  one  of  thirteen  mem- 
bers to  publish  a  statement  that  the  annexation  of  Texas  would 
fully  justify  dissolution  of  the  Union.  South  Carolina  an- 
swered in  mass-meetings  that  "to  be  out  of  the  Union  with 
Texas  was  a  finer  prospect  than  to  be  in  the  Union  without 
Texas." 

Incidentally,  in  this  same  period,  Rhode  Island  was  in  the 
throes  of  the  travail  of  the  new  idea  to  her  people  of  universal 
"free  suffrage."  Dorr's  Rebellion  was  a  civil  war,  but  with- 
out bloodshed. 

The  End  of  Tyler  as  President. — Van  Buren,  maneuver- 
ing behind  the  scenes,  said  that  Tyler  was  surely  no  Demo- 
crat ;  he  kept  the  Whigs  in  office.  Clay  repudiated  him  as  no 
Whig  because  he  was  anti-bank,  anti-tariff,  and  anti-internal 
improvements. 

But  Tyler  had  favored  the  annexation  of  Texas;  and  a 
nomination  for  the  Presidency  was  actually  given  to  him  by 
a  special  convention  of  Democrats  at  Baltimore  in  May,  1844; 
its  members  were  mostly  office-holders,  a  situation  that  no 
longer  embarrasses  ambitious  Presidents.1  Upon  reflection, 
after  the  nomination  of  Polk  by  the  regular  Democratic  party 
convention  in  August,  Tyler  withdrew  from  the  campaign. 

His  last  official  act  was  to  dispatch,  on  March  3,  orders  to 
annex  Texas. 

Domestic  Vicissitudes. — It  is  unavoidable  to  see  that  the 
death  of  his  first  wife  early  in  his  administration  affected  seri- 
ously the  course  of  John  Tyler.  Two  years  later,  almost  of 
necessity,  owing  to  his  large  family  of  children,  he  married 
Julia  Gardiner,  a  lady  who  was  thirty  years  his  junior.  Anxiety, 
death  and  loss,  courtship  and  wedding  filled  three  of  the  four 
years  of  his  term.  Vicissitudes  unbalanced  a  judgment  never 
secure  and  consistent.     A  young  wife's  enthusiasm  and  the 

*In  the  convention  that  nominated  Roosevelt  in  1904  were  67  office- 
holders, and  in  that  which  nominated  Taft  in  1908  were  156. 


378  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

support  of  Federal  office-holders  led  to  the  mistake  of  the 
Baltimore  nomination. 

Once  out  of  office,  Tyler  retired  to  his  plantation  and  set 
out  to  acquire  property.  The  former  President,  however,  ap- 
peared frequently  as  a  speaker  upon  public  occasions. 

President  of  the  Peace  Congress  in  i860. — In  De- 
cember, i860,  when  South  Carolina  seceded,  John  Tyler  op- 
posed the  measure.  Two  months  later,  he  presided  over  the 
Peace  Congress  at  Washington,  which  was  called  at  the 
instance  of  the  Virginia  Legislature.  But  as  the  secession 
movement  proceeded,  he  was  swept  into  its  current.  Through 
all  of  1861,  though  past  three-score  and  ten,  he  served  in  the 
Virginia  Convention  at  Richmond.  He  was  active  in  the  work 
of  organizing  the  Confederacy,  and  when  he  died  was  a 
member  of  the  Confederate  Congress.  The  date  of  his  death 
was  January  18,  1862;  and  the  cause,  as  popularly  reported, 
"a  bilious  attack."  His  second  wife,  the  mother  of  five  sons 
and  two  daughters,  survived  until  1889. 

He  Did  Nothing  Great  and  Little  III. — John  Tyler 
was  an  inconsequential  person,  of  charming  manners,  who 
never  led.  Fate  placed  him  in  a  position  where  men  sometimes 
do  great  harm  or  great  good.  It  may  be  thought  that  the  Presi- 
dency was  higher  than  his  abilities  and  character  warranted. 
This  is  on  the  hypothesis  that  a  President  should  rule.  Quite 
a  different  view  of  a  democratic  governor  may  be  supported 
with  strong  argument.  Yet  Fate  dealt  unkindly  with  Tyler 
in  placing  him  in  contrast  with  Jackson  and  the  Adamses.  It 
dealt  with  him  unkindly  in  the  misfortune  whereby  his  life 
was  broken  in  two  at  its  middle  by  the  death  of  his  first  wife. 
By  editing  his  speeches  and  writing  a  biography,  a  loyal  son 
of  his  second  wife  did  much  to  make  a  genuinely  respectable 
man  seem  worthy  of  some  admiration.  But  in  fact  the  im- 
mortality of  John  Tyler  is  due  solely  to  his  association  with  real 
immortals  in  the  list  of  the  Presidents  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  He  did  little  ill ;  he  did  some  good ;  but  he  did 
nothing  great.  The  space  from  Richmond  to  Washington 
measured  most  of  his  life;  and  it  is  by  no  means  clear  that  he 
knew  which  was  really  greater,  Virginia  or  the  United  States. 

Nor  may  the  candid  historian  ignore  the  fact  that  as  the 
father  of  fourteen  children,  the  memory  of  John  Tyler  is 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK  379 

quite  as  secure  as  though  he  had  been  a  far  abler  man.  There 
is  a  biologic  fitness  that  the  Tylers,  like  the  Harrisons,  amply 
manifest. 

The  Sovereignty. — At  first,  his  neighbor,  Robert  E.  Lee, 
who  might  have  led  the  Union  armies,  was  almost  as  much  in 
doubt.  It  was  a  trying  time  for  younger  men  than  old  John 
Tyler.  Perhaps,  the  city  of  Washington  is  a  little  too  near 
for  Virginians  to  see  it  in  full  and  true  perspective.  Yet  those 
who  live  nearest  to  Washington,  unless  they  have  investments 
there.,  are  seldom  centralizationists.  Eternal  truth  rests  in 
decentralization,  for  the  community  is  the  true  social  mind  of 
the  individual,  who  is  eternal.  State's  rights  in  the  terms  of 
universal  history  is  near  to  individual  freedom  and  respon- 
sibility. 

The  simple  question  is  whether  or  not  State's  rights  were 
suitably  invoked  in  the  cause  of  negro  slavery.  To  less  excited 
times,  it  appears  that  when  the  South  pushed  for  the  expan- 
sion of  slavery  under  the  Constitution,  it  invoked  centraliza- 
tion; and  pleaded  State  sovereignty  only  when,  fearing  defeat 
under  the  Stars  and  Stripes  on  the  moral  issue,  it  undertook 
secession. 

Very  likely,  the  Compromise  of  1850,  which  the  former 
President  favored,  was  in  part  unconstitutional;  and  a  slave 
once  out  of  the  sovereign  State  in  which  he  was  held  in  slavery 
became  free.  Such  was  the  law  of  civilization  through  several 
thousand  years.  But  the  issue  itself  is  dead.  And  save  for 
such  enlightenment  as  history  may  afford  for  the  future,  it  is 
well  to  "let  the  dead  past  bury  its  dead." 


CHAPTER  XI 
James  Knox  Polk 

1845-1849 
1795-1849 

27-30  States  Population  22,000,000 

Admitted:    Texas,  Iowa,  Wisconsin. 

Polk  seen  as  black  or  white— early  life — educated  at  North  Carolina  State 
University — compared  with  Tyler,  with  Clay  and  with  Washington — 
member  Tennessee  Assembly — married   Sarah   Childress,   a   lady  of 


380  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

wealth— member  House  of  Representatives— Speaker— office  compared 
with  Presidency — Governor  of  Tennessee — defeated  for  reelection — 
"dark  horse"  nominee — George  Bancroft  of  Massachusetts — issues  of 
campaign— error  by  Clay— President— charges  of  fraud  and  bribery 
— how  Texas  was  annexed — compared  with  Cass — how  Polk  provoked 
the  Mexican  War — Zachary  Taylor — the  independent  Treasury— a 
broken  campaign  promise— Oregon  boundary— why  the  South  desired 
Oregon — opposed  by  Cabinet — three  States  admitted — Mexico  avenged 
— died  in  Nashville — a  meteoric  career. 

Black  or  White. — Like  Jackson,  Polk  invited  partisan- 
ship. Jackson  seems  either  a  beneficent  force,  conveying  for 
the  first  time  to  the  people  their  right  to  rule  themselves  with- 
out experts  or  as  a  maleficent  force,  tearing  down  the  institu- 
tions of  the  fathers.  Polk  likewise  seems  either  an  expan- 
sionist promoting  our  manifest  destiny  under  pressure  of 
economic  determinism  or  a  slaveholders'  tool  trying  to  spread 
wider  a  foul  labor-system. 

Several  Presidents  were  unfortunate  in  surviving  so  long 
out  of  the  office.  This  is  true  of  John  Adams  and  of  John 
Tyler.  Of  other  Presidents,  their  deaths  near  the  close  of 
their  terms  seem  fortunate  in  silencing,  or  at  least  hushing, 
criticism.  As  far  as  men  can  see,  it  was  fortunate  for  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  that  he  died  soon  after  Appomattox;  for  George 
Washington  that  he  died  soon  after  writing  the  Farewell  Ad- 
dress; and  for  James  Knox  Polk  that  he  was  not  left  many 
years  to  wrangle  about  the  merits  and  the  demerits  of  his 
single  term.  Now  in  the  cooler  air  of  two  generations  later, 
seeing  the  difficulty,  we  may  perhaps  pass  upon  the  policies 
of  Polk  without  partisanship. 

Early  Life. — James  Knox  Polk  was  born  in  Mecklenburg 
County,  North  Carolina,  November  2,  1795,  the  first  elected 
President  whose  birth  postdated  the  beginning  of  the  National 
Period  of  our  history.  It  was  a  backwoods  community,  yet 
not  so  lost  to  civilization  as  the  natal  spot  of  Andrew  Jackson. 

Educated  at  North  Carolina  State  University. — In 
that  remote  country,  Polk  lived  until  he  was  eleven  years  old, 
and  then  like  Jackson,  he  went  into  Tennessee,  though  not  as 
an  orphan  but  with  parents,  who  prospered  and  at  length  were 
able  to  send  him  back  to  North  Carolina  for  education  at  the 
State  University,  where  he  was  graduated  in  181 6,  at  twenty- 
one  years  of  age.    He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1820. 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK  381 

Compared  with  Others. — James  K.  Polk  had  three  char- 
acteristics,— first,  personal  force,  with  the  usual  accompani- 
ment of  self-assertion;  second,  long  views  with  intense  pur- 
poses; and  third,  trickiness.  He  was  no  inconsequential 
person  full  of  excellent  words  and  equipped  with  casuistry  like 
John  Tyler.  He  was  also  no  shortsighted  compromiser  like 
Henry  Clay,  successively  upon  all  sides  of  questions.  He  was 
something  like  Washington,  however,  laboriously  and  man- 
fully going  forward  to  an  announced  goal.  He  was  driving, 
purposeful,  shifty,  both  a  statesman  and  a  politician.  He  was 
wealthy,  and  independent.  His  wife  was  beautiful,  religious, 
exclusive.  His  college  education,  his  wealth  and  his  wife  saved 
him  from  being  erratic  like  the  other  Tennesseean  Presidents, 
Jackson  and  Johnson,  whom  temperamentally  he  closely  re- 
sembled. He  had  no  children  and  but  little  family  life,  so  that 
he  was  free  to  devote  an  ardent  soul  to  the  development  of  the 
territory  of  the  nation,  and  incidentally  to  ruin  his  health  by 
overwork. 

Marriage. — At  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  Polk  was  elected 
to  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Tennessee.  On  January  1, 
1832,  he  married  Sarah  Childress,  eight  years  his  junior, 
daughter  of  a  merchant  and  capitalist  of  his  adopted  State.  A 
few  months  later,  he  went  to  Congress,  where  he  served  seven 
terms,  for  the  last  two  of  which  he  was  Speaker  of  the  House. 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. — This  dis- 
tinctive honor  lifted  him  above  all  ordinary  politicians.  An 
office  that  Henry  Clay  was  proud  to  hold  for  six  terms  does 
not  come  twice  to  really  mediocre  men.  The  three  great  offices 
of  the  American  Government  are  the  Chief  Justiceship,  the 
Presidency,  and  the  Speakership  of  the  House.  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson and  Aaron  Burr  made  the  Vice-Presidency  a  function 
like  the  Speakership  of  the  British  House  of  Commons.  Fame 
attaches  to  the  Presidency  more  than  to  the  Justiceship,  and  to 
the  Justiceship  more  than  to  the  Speakership;  and  the  three 
offices  require  different  kinds  of  ability.  But  incommensurate 
as  are  these  kinds  of  ability,  taking  the  short  list  of  the  Chief 
Justices,  and  the  much  longer  lists  of  the  Presidents  and  of 
the  Speakers,  one  does  not  find  the  average  of  ability,  as  esti- 
mated in  common  opinion,  greatlv  in  favor  of  any  one  list  as 
over  against  the  others. 

Polk  was  the  first  Speaker  of  the  House  ever  to  become 


382  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

President.  Speakers  usually  create  too  many  antagonisms 
to  be  successful  candidates  for  the  Presidency.1  His  term  as 
Speaker  covered  the  last  two  years  of  the  rule  of  Jackson  and 
the  first  two  years  of  the  struggle  of  Van  Buren,  very  unhappy 
times.  In  1839  Polk  was  glad  to  retire  to  become  governor 
of  Tennessee.  He  was  the  Jackson  leader  for  the  State;  but 
the  Whigs  defeated  him  for  reelection  in  1841  and  again  in 

1843. 

Dark  Horse  Nominee. — Often  and  often,  however,  in 
men's  lives  a  defeat  or  several  defeats  prove  the  necessary  road 
to  later  victory.  It  is  sometimes  necessary  to  lose  battles  in 
order  to  win  a  campaign.  In  the  life  of  Polk,  this  was  now 
to  be  demonstrated  brilliantly.  The  leaders  had  fixed  upon 
him  as  candidate  in  1844  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  almost 
irrespective  of  who  the  Presidential  candidate  should  be, 
though  nearly  all  expected  to  see  Van  Buren  win  the  nomi- 
nation. The  President  did  secure  a  fair  majority  of  the  con- 
vention, but  not  the  requisite  two- thirds.  As  the  vote  of  Van 
Buren  dwindled  upon  the  next  few  ballots,  because  of  fear 
that  the  "panic"  President  would  not  run  well  against  the 
Whig  candidate,  Polk  was  brought  forward  as  a  dark  horse. 
As  Jackson  in  his  day  had  been  brought  into  political  im- 
portance by  his  personal  friends,  so  now  Gideon  J.  Pillow, 
later  to  became  a  minor  hero  of  the  Mexican  War  and  the  first 
victim  of  Grant's  audacious  campaigning, — he  was  the  Pillow 
of  Fort  Donelson  to  whom  Grant  sent  the  famous  telegram : 
"No  terms  but  unconditional  surrender," — urged  the  claims 
of  the  former  Speaker  of  the  House  and  Governor  of  Ten- 
nessee. The  historian,  George  Bancroft  of  Massachusetts,  led 
his  delegation  to  the  support  of  Polk.  This  was  the  man  who 
gave  the  color  of  Northern  Federalism  to  all  of  our  early 
history, — falsely  and  yet  deliberately  for  political  ends. 

The  Issues  in  1844. — Clay  was  the  opposing  Whig  candi- 
date. So  far  as  there  were  any  issues,  they  were  four.  Of 
these,  the  first  was  the  annexation  of  Texas;  the  second,  the 
proper  boundary  of  Oregon;  the  third,  the  tariff;  and  the 
fourth,  the  Jacksonian  dynasty.  The  Democrats  meant  to  add 
Texas,  to  get  a  great  Northwest  territory,  to  lower  the  tariff, 
and  to  keep  the  government  Jacksonian  in  spirit,  for  Polk  was 
the  second  choice,  perhaps  first,  of  "Old  Hickory,"  now  in 
retirement  at  the  Hermitage.     Henry  Clay  and  the  Whigs 

1See  pp.  313,  371,  supra,  and  535,  infra,  as  to  Speakers  Clay  and  Blaine. 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK  383 

desired  to  get  office  and  vacillated  in  their  policies;  Polk  and 
the  Democrats  stood  on  firm  ground.  The  vote  in  the  Electoral 
College  stood: 

Polk  170,  Clay  105. 

And  the  cry  went  up  all  over  the  North:  "Who  is  Polk?" 
sometimes  varied  to  the  form:  "Who  the  devil  is  Polk?" 
They  meant  thereby  to  bedwarf  Polk  in  comparison  with 
Henry  Clay,  who  was  already  sixty-four  years  of  age  and  was 
famous  among  two  generations  of  men. 

The  fact  was  that  in  many  ways  James  Knox  Polk  was  just 
as  "big  a  man"  as  Clay.  Morally,  he  was  far  superior  to  Clay; 
he  took  no  retainers  from  manufacturers  for  official  work 
done  in  Congress ;  he  did  not  gamble,  and  he  did  pay  his  bills ; 
he  was  strictly  obedient  to  the  Seventh  Commandment.  But 
he  was  a  younger  man;  and  he  was  not  an  orator. 

How  Polk  Defeated  Clay. — As  a  political  proposition, 
Clay  should  have  carried  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  He 
lost  New  York  by  5,000  votes  because  his  Kentucky  friend, 
James  G.  Birney  of  the  new  Liberty  party,  had  15,000  votes 
in  that  State,  nearly  all  taken  by  the  abolition  leader  from 
Clay  because  of  a  certain  letter  written  by  him  to  an  acquain- 
tance in  Alabama,  in  which  he  made  concessions  to  the  Texas 
annexationists.  In  this  letter,  Clay  made  the  serious  mistake 
of  trying  to  gain  Southern  votes,  whereby  he  lost  Northern 
votes  in  the  critical  States.  The  abolitionists  knew  that  the 
annexation  of  Texas  meant  the  extension  of  slavery.  Herein 
Clay  made  what  was  politically  a  false  move. 

But  he  lost  Pennsylvania  in  part  because  of  the  trickery  of 
Polk  and  the  Democrats.  Polk  in  a  letter  to  a  Pennsylvanian 
said  that  he  was  in  favor  of  laws  for  the  protection  of  manu- 
facture, agriculture,  commerce,  everything  else.  With  cam- 
paign transparencies  marked  "Polk!  Dallas!  and  the  tariff  of 
1842!"  the  Democrats  convinced  the  Pennsylvanians  that  they 
were  better  protectionists  than  Clay  and  the  Whigs,  which  was 
false,  as  early  developments  proved.    Polk  was  a  free  trader. 

And  there  were  minor  causes.  Theodore  Frelinghuysen  of 
New  Jersey,  the  Whig  nominee  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  was 
an  ardent  anti-Catholic,  frightened  by  the  fact  that  a  million 
and  a  half  of  immigrants  were  arriving  from  the  Old  World 
in  every  decade  at  this  period  of  industrial  expansion.  The 
recently  naturalized  citizens  voted  against  the  Whigs.    There 


384  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

were  charges  ot  wholesale  Democratic  stuffing  of  ballot-boxes, 
intimidation  and  bribery  of  voters,  and  other  frauds,  as  to 
which  the  truth  now  appears  to  be  that  the  frauds,  though 
committed,  were  not  large  enough  to  affect  the  result. 

A  Political  Error. — Henry  Clay  was  a  Southern  man 
with  some  Northern  principles,  such  as  high  protection  and 
internal  improvements.  Because  he  was  a  Southerner,  he 
always  lost  votes  in  the  North.  Because  he  had  Northern 
policies,  he  always  lost  votes  in  the  South.  He  was  a  man 
with  a  bad  moral  reputation — and  character.  The  older  he 
grew  the  more  the  truth  came  out.  And  the  Whigs  were 
divided,  not  harmonious.  They  were  fairly  scrupulous  in  their 
methods ;  their  frauds  did  not  offset  the  Democratic. 

Polk  a  Factor  in  a  Crisis. — The  election  of  1844  was  one 
of  the  most  important  in  our  history.  Had  Clay  been  elected, 
we  should  not  have  annexed  Texas  and  a  war  at  the  same 
time ;  nor  would  slavery  have  spread  so  fast  as  it  did  westward. 
What  would  our  history  have  been  without  the  annexation  of 
Texas  in  1845  and  the  Mexican  War  in  1846-7! 

In  the  lives  of  some  Presidents,  such  as  Washington  and 
John  Adams,  the  Presidency  has  been  the  final  phase  and  rela- 
tively not  important.  In  the  lives  of  several  Presidents,  it  was 
all-important.  Such  is  the  case  with  James  Knox  Polk.  More- 
over, the  Presidency  of  Polk  proved  to  be  an  overwhelmingly 
important  matter  to  the  American  people, — not  because  he 
was  a  great  and  noble  character,  whose  influence  was  wholly 
for  good,  but  because  he  was  what  he  was, — energetic,  purpose- 
ful, unscrupulous,  and  successful  accordingly.  Like  Jefferson 
and  Jackson,  he  dominated  his  Cabinet  and  managed  Congress. 

His  Secretaries. — For  his  executive  colleagues,  he  chose 
men  of  considerable  distinction.    The  record  was  this,  viz. : 

State, — James  Buchanan  of  Pennsylvania. 

Treasury, — Robert  J.  Walker  of  Mississippi,  an  able  man 
of  good  right,  for  he  was  a  grandson  of  Benjamin  Franklin. 

War, — William  L.  Marcy  of  New  York. 

Attorney-General, — General  John  Y.  Mason  of  Virginia,  a 
year  and  a  half;  Nathan  Clifford  of  Maine,  nearly  two  years; 
Isaac  Toucey  of  Connecticut,  not  quite  one  year. 

Postmaster-General, — Cave  Johnson  of  Tennessee. 

Navy, — George  Bancroft  of  Massachusetts,  year  and  a  half ; 
John  Y.  Mason,  two  years  and  a  half. 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK  385 

Nearly  every  man  was  of  excellent  quality,  as  their  later 
careers  showed. 

Texas  Annexed. — The  annexation  of  Texas  was  nearly 
accomplished  before  Polk  actually  took  office,  and  the  business 
was  characterized  by  a  scandalously  unconstitutional  method. 
The  annexation  should  have  been  by  treaty  requiring  two- 
thirds  vote  in  the  Senate.  It  was  accomplished  by  a  joint 
resolution  of  both  houses  of  Congress,  requiring  only  ma- 
jorities. On  March  3,  1845,  President  Tyler  dispatched  a 
commissioner  to  Mexico  who  later  reported  a  treaty  agreeing 
not  to  settle  the  Texas  question  save  with  the  consent  of 
Mexico, — which  treaty  President  Polk  repudiated.  Moreover, 
this  country  took  advantage  of  a  revolution  in  Mexico  to  cheat 
that  smaller  nation  of  other  treaty  rights.  We  were  expansion- 
ists, whose  law  is  "Might  makes  right."  And  yet  when  Texas 
came  in  as  a  State,  she  greatly  disappointed  the  slavery  enthu- 
siasts by  refusing  to  split  into  four  States  and  thereby  giving 
to  the  South  eight  new  pro-slavery  Senators.  Her  pride  in 
that  for  a  time  she  had  been  an  independent  nation,  courted  by 
England,  who  hoped  to  see  added  to  the  world's  powers  one 
more  non-slaveholding  people  (for  abolition  was  then  strong 
in  Texas)  was  such  that  she  would  not  consent  to  being  broken 
into  fragments.  In  1910,  Texas,  the  first  State  in  area,  was 
already  the  fifth  in  population  and  correspondingly  powerful  in 
national  politics,  though  with  eight  Senators,  from  North, 
South,  East  and  West  Texas  the  province  might  be  more 
powerful  still.  For  one-fourth  the  area,  the  province  of  New 
England  has  twelve  Senators. 

What  Polk  Did. — James  Knox  Polk  provoked  the  war; 
the  full  story  of  the  intrigues  would  make  a  considerable  book. 
When  we  annexed  Texas,  the  moving  spirits  in  that  region 
were  themselves  Americans.  They  occupied  it  with  scattering 
settlements  along  the  Gulf  Coast  as  far  south  as  the  Nueces 
river,  between  which  and  the  Rio  Grande  was  a  section  a 
hundred  miles  wide  without  much  population  save  a  settlement 
of  Mexicans  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande.  This  section 
belonged  of  right  to  Mexico  still ;  but  the  Rio  Grande  runs  a 
thousand  miles  northwest,  and  would  make  a  far  better  boun- 
dary, a  more  natural  boundary  than  the  comparatively  small 
Nueces.  Besides,  the  Texans  desired  the  land  down  to  the 
Rio  Grande.    Polk  sent  General  Taylor  thither  to  get  it.1  How: 

xSce  pp.  392  et  seq.,  infra. 


386  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

they  got  it  and  how  Abraham  Lincoln,  then  in  Congress,  ex- 
posed how  Polk  used  Taylor  in  getting  it,  belong  rather  in 
their  lives  than  in  that  of  Polk.  But  the  gist  of  the  matter 
came  in  the  order  of  the  President  to  the  General  to  defend 
Texas  from  invasion  from  Mexico,  and,  if  need  be,  to  cross 
the  Rio  Grande  and  to  attack  the  Mexicans  there.  This  Taylor 
somewhat  reluctantly  did.  After  blood  had  been  shed,  blood 
rose  on  both  sides ;  and  in  the  United  States,  it  became  patriotic 
to  vote  men,  supplies  and  money.  Many  Senators  and  Repre- 
sentatives who  did  not  believe  in  the  War  voted  to  support  it. 
Polk  had  kindled  a  backfire  among  the  people  that  forced  their 
delegates  into  his  camp. 

The  Independent  Treasury  Established. — To  Polk  we 
owe  the  final  establishment  of  that  independent  treasury  system 
which  Van  Buren  first  urged.  It  was  a  matter  of  transcendent 
importance;  by  it  all  talk  of  another  National  Bank  became, 
as  Henry  Clay  said,  "obsolete." 

A  Broken  Campaign  Promise. — In  1846  came  the  Walker 
Tariff  Act  by  which  the  duties  were  greatly  lowered,  and  the 
Pennsylvanians  learned  that  the  promises  of  campaign  days  are 
made  for  campaign  purposes.  Polk  never  meant  to  keep  them. 
They  are  like  the  summer  flirtations  ending  in  summer  engage- 
ments ;  ending  there,  and  meaning  no  more.  But  for  the  pros- 
pective war,  this  betrayal  of  the  protectionists  would  have  done 
the  administration  immediate  damage;  but  as  with  Kings  so 
with  Presidents,  foreign  war  is  a  counter-irritant  to  domestic 
distress  and  discontent.  The  protected  manufacturers  now 
had  an  army  to  equip  with  their  productions. 

"540  40'  or  Fight." — In  1846  the  Oregon  boundary  was 
settled.  Polk,  Cass  and  all  the  other  expansionists  meant  to 
"reoccupy"  the  Northwest  and  "Oregon,"  way  up  to  540  40' 
because  that  was  the  southern  line  of  the  possessions  of  Russia 
in  America.  They  intended  thereby  to  shut  Great  Britain  off 
from  the  Pacific.  But  British  diplomacy  and  opposition  in 
Congress  forced  Polk  to  accept  the  present  boundary  of  490. 
The  cry  "Fifty-four  forty  or  fight"  availed  nothing  more  than 
to  hasten  the  settlement  and  to  save  what  is  now  the  State  of 
Washington.  The  more  sensible  men  in  Congress  did  not 
propose  to  annex  all  the  Northwest  and  another  war  with 
Great  Britain.  If  Henry  Clay  had  been  President,  probably 
we  should  have  secured  more  of  the  Northwest,  but  not  have 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK  387 

gained  California,  which  was  the  real  objective  of  the  plans  of 
Polk. 

Nearly  all  expansion  leaders  looked  upon  the  Columbia 
river  region  as  far  more  desirable  than  the  arid  deserts  of  the 
Southwest.  Even  the  Southerners  understood  that  the  mild 
climate  of  the  Puget  Sound  country  was  more  like  their  own 
Gulf  country  than  the  Southwest  was.  And  yet  Polk  never 
dreamed  of  slavery  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.  He  was 
far  more  of  an  expansionist  than  slavery  advocate.  He  pro- 
posed to  get  the  land.  After  that,  we  could  settle  and  rule  it 
as  we  chose.  Herein,  he  had  the  historically  correct  view. 
Land  is  permanent.     Slavery  proved  ephemeral. 

Highly  Efficient. — There  is  little  enough  to  be  said  in 
defence  of  the  Mexican  War.  Perhaps  in  all  our  history,  we 
have  had  no  other  President  who  would  have  hurried  us  into  it. 
Polk  was  an  efficient  War  President,  prosecuted  the  War  with 
vigor,  and  got  the  ugly  business  done  with  in  two  summers  of 
campaigning.  He  was  a  far  better  man  for  the  realization  of 
America's  alleged  imperial  destiny  than  Madison  in  his  time, 
or  McKinley  half  a  century  later.  Taylor  in  the  first  season 
and  Scott  in  the  second,  against  the  odds  usually  of  vastly 
greater  numbers,  swept  forward  till  Mexico  City  was  in 
American  hands,  Men  of  Spanish  and  Indian  blood  were  un- 
availing against  the  "Anglo-Saxon."  It  is  quite  likely  that 
with  a  little  patient  diplomacy  within  a  few  years  we  might 
have  bought  upper  Mexico.  Hasty  men,  however,  do  not  stop 
at  bloodshed. 

The  Cabinet  Desires  All  Mexico. — At  the  close  of  the 
War,  the  Cabinet  was  for  holding  all  Mexico;  and  a  strong 
party  in  the  Senate,  including  some  Northerners,  favored  this. 
But  Polk,  in  the  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  in  1848,  gave 
Mexico  really  liberal  terms  such  as  no  defeated  nation  ever 
before  knew;  he  sliced  off  lands  that  Mexico  was  ill-fitted  to 
govern  and  paid  $15,000,000  in  gold,  besides  assuming  some 
$3,000,000  of  claims  of  Americans  against  Mexicans. 

Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis. — To  George  Bancroft,  the 
historian,  Secretary  of  War  in  this  administration,  is  due  the 
final  success  of  the  plan  of  President  John  Quincy  Adams  to 
have  a  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis  equal  with  the  War 
Academy  at  West  Point.  This  was  begun  in  1845.  *n  ^at 
same  year,  assisted  by  the  new  railroads,  rates  of  postage  for 


388  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

letters  were  greatly  reduced,  becoming  5^  for  less  than  500 
miles,  10^  for  more. 

The  North  Gains  in  the  Senate. — The  administration 
of  Polk  was  marked  by  the  admission  of  three  States  into  the 
Union, — Texas  with  265,800  square  miles  as  "rectified"  later, 
and  Iowa  and  Wisconsin  each  with  56,000.  It  was  again  "bad 
politics/'  for  the  South  might  have  had  six,  eight,  even  ten  new 
Senators  to  stand  against  the  Northern  four.  Instead,  the 
South  had  two  less. 

The  time  will  come  when  the  West  will  see  the  point, — will 
see  that  the  East  averages  two  Senators  for  every  20,000 
square  miles  while  it  averages  three  times  as  many.  On  the 
New  England  scale,  Illinois  should  have  ten  Senators. 

The  year  1846  saw  the  first  successful  sewing-machine  and 
power-loom.  Then  also  anaesthetics  were  brought  into  use  in 
America.  A  year  later  saw  the  first  rotary-press  for  printing. 
And  in  the  year  1847  tne  Mormons  occupied  Utah. 

Not  Even  Renominated. — Now  came  punishment  the 
avenger  upon  Polk  the  politician.  He  had  earned  the  reward 
of  a  reelection.  He  had  been  an  efficient  War  President  and 
faithful  to  those  who  made  him.  But  he  did  not  get  even  a 
renomination  by  his  own  party.  He  was  in  fact  too  ill  with 
malaria  to  care  for  a  renomination.  Because  of  his  evasions, 
he  had  become  known  as  "Polk  the  Mendacious."  The  sins 
of  his  slave-party  were  visited  upon  him,  as  the  scapegoat.  All 
through  his  term  he  had  been  taunted  with  the  fact  that  the 
nomination  of  Silas  Wright,  the  friend  of  Van  Buren  for  Gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  had  pulled  him  through.  Moreover,  he 
had  been  a  working  President,  while  in  his  own  party  Cass, 
the  great  Senator,  had  played  politics  against  him.  And  finally 
his  backer  and  maker,  Andrew  Jackson,  was  dead;  and  he 
himself  had  never  made  friends  among  national  politicians 
though  not  for  want  of  opportunity.  In  May,  1848,  upon 
the  fourth  ballot  at  the  Baltimore  Convention,  Lewis  Cass  was 
nominated  for  the  Presidency.  He  was  political  boss  of  Michi- 
gan; the  leading  opponent  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso;  and  the 
first  organizer  of  the  doctrine  of  Squatter  Sovereignty.  But 
Taylor  defeated  him,  to  his  vast  surprise, — Taylor  whom 
Polk  had  made  and  then,  after  his  Buena  Vista  victory,  broken. 

Died  Unhappy  and  Childless. — And  James  Knox  Polk 
left  office  in  March,   1849,  after  adding  a  territory  to  the 


JAMES  KNOX  POLK  389 

United  States  equal  to  all  New  England,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Delaware,  the  Virginia  of 
1847,  tne  Carolinas,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  and  Missis- 
sippi together,  by  his  descent  upon  distracted  Mexico.  He 
left  office  ruined  in  health  by  the  malaria  of  the  Potomac  valley 
and  broken  in  heart  by  the  ingratitude  of  those  who  had  used 
him  and  by  the  condemnation  of  more  patient  and  scrupulous 
citizens ;  and  soon  afterwards,  on  June  15,  1849,  died  unhappy 
and  childless  at  his  mansion  in  Tennessee.  His  widow  sur- 
vived until  1 89 1,  being  then  eighty-eight  years  old. 

A  Meteoric  Career. — Without  the  grace  of  Clay  or  the 
ponderous  eloquence  of  Cass,  or  the  mighty,  though  partly  mis- 
taken, patriotism  of  Webster,  or  the  terrible  convictions  of 
Calhoun,  or  the  keen  insight  of  Benton,  Polk  was  at  least  a 
vigorous  executive  and  a  politician  who  won  his  immediate 
ends.  Polk  shortcircuited  a  nation  to  a  quick  triumph.  He 
took  upper  Mexico  and  hastened  the  day  of  the  Interstate  War. 
He  taught  war  to  a  generation  that  might  otherwise  never  have 
known  it.  He  made  bloodletting  a  little  less  horrible  because 
somewhat  familiar;  and  only  fourteen  years  after  the  Mexican 
War  were  to  pass  before  Sumter  fell.  Soldiers  of  that  War 
led  the  armies  South  and  North.  A  soldier  of  that  War  was 
President  of  the  Confederacy.  Another  soldier  of  that  War 
became  the  foremost  leader  of  the  Union  armies. 

James  Knox  Polk  played  a  great  part,  not  the  less  great 
because  so  much  of  it  was  discreditable  that  his  own  party  re- 
jected him  and  he  became  doubtful  of  the  rectitude  and  wisdom 
of  his  own  course.  His  was  a  strange  career,  like  that  of  a 
far-thrown,  aerial  bomb  bursting  in  lurid  terror  in  a  starlit, 
windy  night. 


39o  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

CHAPTER  XII 
Zachary  Taylor 

1849- 1850 
1 784- 1 850 

30  States  1850 — Population   23,191,876 

The  Virginia  stock — lieutenant  U.  S.  A. — marriage — colonel — Black 
Hawk  War — Brigadier-General  U.  S.  A. — Indian  fighter — acquires 
wealth — Mexican  War — "Spot  Resolutions"  of  Abraham  Lincoln- 
three  gold  medals — Buena  Vista — "Old  Rough  and  Ready"  resigns — 
popular  hero — nominated  for  President  by  Whigs — the  Wilmot  Proviso 
— Cass  invents  "squatter  sovereignty"  doctrine — the  South  goes 
Whig — Clay  returned  by  Kentucky  to  United  States  Senate — Taylor 
a  "traitor  to  the  South" — Webster  delivers  "Seventh  of  March" 
speech — issues  of  Compromise  of  1850 — Washington  Monument  dedi- 
cation leads  to  death  of  President — change  of  course  of  events — his 
simple  and  positive  mind  and  character. 

The  Virginia  Stock. — The  twelfth  President  of  the 
United  States  was  General  Zachary  Taylor,  "Old  Rough  and 
Ready,"  hero  of  the  early  period  of  the  Mexican  War.  He 
came  of  the  same  Virginia  stocks  that  had  already  given  to  the 
nation  Tyler,  Harrison,  Monroe,  Madison,  Jefferson,  and 
Washington.  Polk,  though  a  native  of  North  Carolina,  was 
of  the  same  Saxon  strains,  but  Jackson  was  partly  Celtic.  Like 
William  Henry  Harrison  before  him,  Zachary  Taylor  had  a 
distinguished  father,  Colonel  Richard  Taylor,  veteran  of  the 
Revolutionary  War,  and  also  like  Harrison,  Taylor  came  to  the 
Presidency  late  in  life,  for  he  was  born  September  24,  1784, 
and  was  therefore  sixty-four  years  of  age  at  his  inauguration. 
He  was  in  vigorous  health.  But  neither  age  nor  state  of  bodily 
health  has  as  much  to  do  with  a  vigorous  administration  as? 
temperament  has.  Jackson  was  both  old  and  feeble  physically. 
Yet  he  completed  two  terms  and  survived  for  years. 

No  other  man  ever  came  to  the  American  Presidency  with 
so  little  preparation  and  of  so  little  right  as  Zachary  Taylor. 
His  claims  consisted  in  being  the  hero  of  a  great  victory  and 
the  victim  of  an  outrage.  Out  of  these  materials,  Thurlow 
Weed  made  him  President. 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR  391 

Early  Life. — In  1785  Colonel  Taylor  moved  his  family 
from  Orange  County,  Virginia,  to  a  farm  near  Louisville,  Ken- 
tucky. Upon  that  stirring  frontier,  amid  its  Indian  struggles 
and  its  pioneer  hardships,  Zachary  Taylor  grew  up,  not  indeed 
in  the  desperate  poverty  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  a  quarter  of  a 
century  later  in  middle  Kentucky ;  but  at  best  the  advantages 
were  few  and  the  trials  many.  Though  the  family  prospered, 
Taylor  had  almost  no  schooling.  He  grew  to  be  a  large  man, 
energetic  and  self-reliant.  We  know  little  about  him  until  at 
twenty- three  years  of  age,  in  1808,  he  became  first  lieutenant 
in  the  Seventh  U.  S.  Infantry. 

Marriage. — With  this  position  in  life  secured  to  him,  Lieu- 
tenant Taylor  went  back  East  to  Maryland,  and  took  to  wife 
Margaret  Smith  of  Calvert  County,  then  twenty- two  years  old, 
who  had  good  family  connections,  a  small  dowry,  and  immense 
faith  in  her  husband's  future.  This  event  took  place  upon 
June  18,  1 810.    Two  years  later,  Taylor  rose  to  a  captaincy. 

Officer  U.  S.  A. — In  the  War  of  1 812,  Captain  Taylor  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  the  gallant  defence  of  a  stockade  known 
as  Fort  Harrison  in  central  Indiana,  successfully  keeping  out 
the  Indians.  When  the  fighting  ended,  he  received  a  major's 
commission,  and  then  was  reduced  to  a  captaincy,  which  caused 
him  to  leave  the  service  in  disgust.  But  in  181 6,  he  became 
major  again,  and,  in  1819,  lieutenant-colonel.  Thirteen  years 
later,  he  was  raised  to  command  as  colonel  and  took  an  in> 
portant  part  in  the  posse  comitatus  known  as  the  "Black  Hawk 
War,"  being  the  very  officer  to  whom  the  Indian  chief  sur- 
rendered. Abraham  Lincoln,  then  twenty-three  years  of  age, 
was  a  volunteer  captain  of  militia  in  this  same  short  war 
against  the  Sacs.  Just  as  reputed  killing  Tecumseh  had  helped 
to  make  Harrison,  so  defeating  Black  Hawk  helped  to  make 
Taylor.  Jackson,  Harrison,  and  Taylor  were  all  "Indian 
fighters."  Taylor  soon  became  Indian  agent  for  the  upper 
Mississippi  Valley.  In  June  of  1835,  he  gave  his  daughter 
Knox  in  marriage  to  Jefferson  Davis  of  Mississippi,  who  had 
served  as  lieutenant  under  him  in  the  Black  Hawk  War.  That 
fall  both  the  young  man  and  his  wife  had  cholera;  and  she 
died. 

Indian  Fighter. — In  1836  Taylor  went  from  Wisconsin 
to  Florida  to  fight  the  Seminole  Indians.  On  Christmas 
Day  in  1837,  he  gave  to  them  a  crushing  defeat  at  Lake  Okee- 


392  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

chobee.  And  then  for  four  years,  he  chased  the  remnants 
about  in  the  Everglades.  He  became  brigadier-general  and  was 
placed  in  command  of  the  First  Department  of  the  Army,  with 
headquarters  in  Louisiana. 

Acquires  Wealth. — By  this  period  in  his  career,  General 
Taylor  had  already  accumulated  a  great  property,  including  a 
plantation  in  Mississippi  with  more  than  a  thousand  slaves. 
The  exact  processes  of  his  increase  in  wealth  do  not  bear  too 
close  an  inspection.  The  Southern  Indians  were  negro 
thieves  and  smugglers.  And  white  Indian  agents  and  fighters 
had  several  ways  of  profit-getting.  Early  in  1845,  General 
Taylor  received  orders  from  President  Polk  to  proceed  into 
Texas  as  soon  as  that  State  should  accept  the  terms  of  the 
Joint  Resolution.1 

The  Mexican  Boundary. — By  the  spring  of  1846,  General 
Taylor  was  upon  the  west  bank  of  the  Nueces  river,  ready 
for  war.  He  was  now  ordered  to  advance  upon  pitiable  Mexico, 
torn  with  the  dissensions  of  Santa  Anna,  Poredes,  Herrera 
and  still  other  leaders  and  revolutionists.  If  the  United  States 
meant  to  maintain  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  boundary,  Taylor 
must  proceed  to  it.  Here  he  built  Fort  Texas,  since  known  as 
Brownsville,  opposite  Matamoras.  The  Mexicans  now  de- 
manded that  he  retire  behind  the  Neuces ;  being  under  orders, 
he,  of  course,  refused.  On  April  24,  the  Mexicans  ambushed 
and  captured  a  small  American  party  under  Captain  Seth  B. 
Thornton.  At  once  Polk  rushed  a  message  to  Congress  urging 
war;  said  he,  war  exists  "by  the  act  of  Mexico  herself,"  for 
she  "has  passed  the  boundary  of  the  United  States,  has  in- 
vaded our  territory  and  shed  American  blood  upon  American 
soil.,, 

The  "Spot  Resolutions/' — Whereupon  rose  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  demanded  that 
Polk  name  the  spot  where  the  blood  was  shed.  But  Jefferson 
Davis  in  the  Senate  did  not  bother  with  replying  to  this  famous 
"Spot  Resolution" ;  he  promptly  resigned  and  entered  the  army 
under  Taylor,  who  welcomed  him  heartily. 

Taylor  Disagrees  with  Polk. — May  8,  1846,  saw  the 
battle  of  Palo  Alto,  eight  miles  northeast  of  Brownsville, 
and  the  next  day  saw  the  battle  and  victory  of  Resaca  de  la 
Palma,  four  miles  north  of  Brownsville.  Ten  days  after  Palo 
[Alto,  General  Taylor  was  at  Matamoras  upon  Mexican  soil. 

*Sec  p.  377,  supra. 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR  393 

But  Mexico  still  refused  to  enter  into  treaty  negotiations  re- 
specting the  Texas  boundary;  and  Polk  ordered  Taylor  to  go 
forward.  In  September  he  occupied  Monterey,  capital  of  the 
Nuevo  Leon  State.  There  he  made  a  truce  with  the  Mexicans, 
which  Polk  resented  as  pusillanimous.  Taylor  was  ordered  to 
go  forward,  which  he  did,  occupying  all  northeast  Mexico.  He 
was  now  major-general  and  possessed  three  gold  medals 
ordered  by  Congress.  The  question  now  arose  whether  to 
proceed  overland  from  the  north  against  Mexico  City  or  by 
sea  to  Vera  Cruz  and  thence  eastward  to  the  Capital.  Taylor 
disliked  the  first  plan  and  would  not  endorse  the  second.  He 
was  sixty  years  old  and  rich;  he  had  settled  the  boundary 
question.  It  was  enough.  He  was  a  soldier  of  civilization, 
pious,  not  bloodthirsty. 

Polk  then  put  Winfield  Scott  in  command  of  the  Vera  Cruz 
campaign,  though  he  disliked  Scott;  and  the  naval  force  was 
ordered  to  let  Santa  Anna  from  his  exile  in  Cuba  get  through 
into  Mexico  in  the  hope  that  increased  internal  dissensions 
would  weaken  the  enemy. 

Buena  Vista  Won. — From  Taylor,  the  President  withdrew 
all  but  5,000  troops.  General  Santa  Anna,  who  at  once  had 
secured  the  Presidency  of  Mexico,  rushed  20,000  troops  north- 
ward and,  on  February  22,  1847,  fought  Taylor  at  Buena 
Vista,  near  Saltillo.  The  scene  was  a  narrow  mountain  pass ; 
the  issue,  victory  for  Taylor.  Within  a  month,  Taylor  was 
the  people's  own  choice  for  Presidential  candidate.  "Old 
Rough  and  Ready"  the  soldiers  called  him.  And  now  he 
became  hateful  in  the  eyes  of  Polk.  Party  lines  were  to  dis- 
appear. Though  Taylor  was  more  Whig  than  Democrat,  he 
was  to  be,  like  Madison  and  Monroe,  "President  of  the  whole 
people."  He  had  been  too  busy  fighting  and  making  money 
ever  to  vote.  He  was  no  party-man.  The  South  liked  him 
because  he  was  a  great  slaveholder ;  the  West  because  he  was 
both  a  Western  and  a  Southern  Indian  fighter.  Only  the  East, 
the  upper  East  of  New  England  and  New  York,  held  back. 
Taylor  political  meetings  and  Taylor  newspapers  appeared 
"everywhere."  At  first  Taylor  disliked  the  idea ;  but  the  party 
politicians  saw  in  him  Whig  salvation  and  the  recovery  of 
the  long-lost  offices.    Taylor  soon  resigned  from  the  army. 

Senator  Lewis  Cass. — The  Democrats  felt  the  pressure 
and  knew  that  the  stampede  was  on.    They  had  put  General 


394  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Jackson  forward  in  such  a  stampede  and  had  seen  General 
Harrison  crush  Van  Buren.  They  decided  that  rich  Lew  Cass, 
ex-minister  to  France,  United  States  Senator  from  Michigan, 
"Father  of  the  Northwest,"  in  his  youth  a  hardy  and  brave 
adventurer,  was  the  man  to  block  the  stampede,  and  in  May 
at  Baltimore  they  nominated  him  upon  the  fourth  ballot.  At 
one  period  in  the  balloting  before  the  nomination  of  Polk,  in 
1844,  he  had  a  clear  majority.  But  Polk  would  not  again 
allow  his  name  to  be  presented.  He  had  sown  the  wind,  and 
would  escape  the  whirlwind;  in  the  wind  of  war  arose  the 
whirlwind  of  Taylor  politics.  Polk  had  used  and  misused 
"Old  Rough  and  Ready"  and  fled  to  his  cyclone  cellar  in  Nash- 
ville. Upon  his  conscience  was  the  first  "army  of  occupation" 
under  Taylor;  and  the  second  "army  of  invasion"  under  Scott. 
Conscience  had  made  him  a  coward;  and  the  Potomac  river 
valley  fog  had  made  him  an  invalid. 

"Old  Rough  and  Ready"  Nominated. — Next  month  at 
Philadelphia,  the  Whigs  met.  The  candidates  for  the  nomi- 
nation were  Taylor,  Clay,  Scott,  and  Webster, — from  which 
fact  much  later  history  arose.     The  vote  was  on  the 

First  ballot,  Taylor  III,  Clay  97,  Scott  43,  Webster  22. 

Fourth  ballot,  Taylor,  171,  Clay  32,  Scott  63,  Webster  13. 

Necessary  for  a  choice  141. 

The  military  heroes  led,  the  statesmen  took  the  rear.  It 
was  "anything  for  votes."  With  Taylor  for  President,  Mil- 
lard Fillmore  of  New  York  State  was  put  up  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. He  had  seen  some  useful  legislative  service,  but  was 
scarcely  more  of  the  Presidential  class  than  John  Tyler. 

The  Wilmot  Proviso. — There  was  but  one  issue  in  the 
campaign,  which  was  whether  the  new  western  territory  should 
be  slave  or  free.  America  was  bound  to  grow,  but  how  ?  Was 
slave  labor  or  free  labor  to  be  the  American  system  ?  Several 
answers  were  proposed,  but  all  turned  upon  the  Wilmot  Pro- 
viso, a  rider  upon  an  appropriation  bill  upon  which  politics  had 
been  turning  for  years.  There  might  have  been  some  con- 
fusion in  1844  as  to  the  annexation  of  Texas ;  there  was  to  be 
none  now  as  to  the  domestic  institutions  within  the  newly 
acquired  regions  of  Texas,  California,  and  Oregon  as  well  as 
within  the  Louisiana  Purchase.  Some  voters  honestly  believed 
that  if  we  did  not  annex  Texas,  some  European  power,  prob- 
ably England,  would  seize  the  little  nation.    But  the  new  issue 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR  395 

had  no  connection  with  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  It  was  a  per- 
fectly simple  question — to  every  voter.  "Are  you  for  or 
against  the  extension  of  slavery?" 

"Squatter  Sovereignty." — And  yet  there  was  great  effort 
to  confuse  the  voters.  One  of  the  three  candidates  was  him- 
self not  wholly  clear.  He  put  forward  the  Democratic  doc- 
trine of  State's  rights : — Let  the  people  of  each  State  decide ; 
for  "Squatter  Sovereignty"  is  local  option,  decentralization, 
immediate  liberty.  This  statesman  who  ducked  the  issue  was 
Lew  Cass,  who  had  outlived  his  real  usefulness,  Lew  Cass, 
who  was  in  his  day  as  brave  a  man  as  George  Washington  and 
as  necessary  to  the  development  of  the  Northwest  as  Wash- 
ington had  been  to  the  West  of  his  day.  Cass  had  been  born 
in  New  Hampshire  in  1782,  the  same  year  as  Martin  Van 
Buren,  John  C.  Calhoun,  Thomas  Hart  Benton,  and  Daniel 
Webster.  He  was  now  nearly  sixty-six  years  old, — two  years 
older  than  Taylor,  but  five  years  younger  than  Clay. 

Said  Cass, — in  the  critically  important  Nicholson  letter  of 
December  24,  1847, — "^  tne  relation  of  master  and  slave  may 
be  regulated  or  annihilated,  so  may  the  relation  of  husband 
and  wife,  of  parent  and  child,  and  of  any  other  condition 
which  our  institutions  and  the  habits  of  our  society  recognize." 
Let  the  Territories  become  States  and  in  their  Constitutions 
settle  the  affair.  But  the  Wilmot  Proviso  took  a  different 
view. 

David  Wilmot  was  a  youngster  in  politics, — a  Pennsyl- 
vanian,  born  in  1814.  He  had  been  in  Congress  just  one  year 
when  in  August,  1846, — he  was  then  thirty-two  years  old, — he 
moved  an  amendment  to  a  bill  appropriating  $2,000,000  for 
the  purchase  of  a  part  of  Mexico, — "That,  as  an  express  and 
fundamental  condition  to  the  acquisition  of  any  territory  from 
the  republic  of  Mexico,  by  the  United  States,  neither  slavery 
nor  involuntary  servitude  shall  ever  exist  in  any  part  of  the 
territory."  The  House  passed  this;  but  the  Senate  defeated 
it.  At  the  time,  Cass  had  said  that  he  was  sorry  for  the  defeat. 
The  remark,  revived  and  quoted  everywhere,  cost  Cass  many 
votes  in  1848.  In  this  year  of  crisis,  Wilmot  was  supporting 
old  Martin  Van  Buren  in  the  best  cause  that  wise  politician 
ever  advocated.1 

The  South  is  Split. — When  the  votes  were  counted,  it 
appeared  that  Taylor  had  carried  eight  slave  States  for  Whig- 

1See  p.  365,  supra. 


396  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

gery  and  Cass  but  seven  of  them  for  Democracy.  The  South- 
erners had  trusted  the  Whig  Southern  slaveholder  without  a 
political  record  rather  than  the  Democratic  Northern  " Squatter 
Sovereignty,"  wage-labor,  rich  man,  for  all  his  pro-slavery 
record.  They  knew  that  Cass  believed  that  in  the  new  States 
free-labor  would  drive  out  slave-labor  and  that  simply  in  order 
that  he  might  win  the  Presidency,  he  had  advocated  letting 
each  State  decide.    In  the  Electoral  College,  the  vote  stood : 

Taylor  163,  Cass  137. 

Martin  Van  Buren,  Free  Soil  candidate,  former  Democrat 
and  to  be  a  Democrat  again,  had  taken  enough  votes  from  Cass 
in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  to  defeat  him.1 

The  Control  of  the  Senate. — Already  California  was 
seeking  admission  into  the  Union,  and  the  South  was  greatly 
worried.  The  political  fulcrum  of  the  South  was  the  control 
of  the  gerrymandered  Senate,  in  which  they  had  been  outplayed 
by  the  North  with  its  smaller  States,  for  despite  all  the  allow- 
ance of  3/5  of  the  slaves  in  the  voting  representation,  the 
North  controlled  the  House  of  Representatives.  In  his  last 
message  to  Congress,  Polk  advocated  stretching  the  Missouri 
Compromise  line  westward  to  the  Pacific  and  organizing  New 
Mexico  and  California  as  territories.  In  January,  1849,  Michi- 
gan reelected  Lewis  Cass  as  United  States  Senator,  for  he  had 
resigned  in  order  to  prosecute  vigorously  his  Presidential  can- 
didacy; but  the  vote  was  close,  44  to  38,  and  Free  Soil  was 
near  to  victory.  The  return  of  Cass  to  the  Senate  greatly 
affected  the  next  turn  of  events. 

Business  Men  Pay  the  Debts  of  Henry  Clay. — In  the 
same  year  Henry  Clay,  who  for  several  years  had  been  in  re- 
tirement upon  his  farm  at  Ashland  in  Kentucky,  was  sent,  with 
all  his  debts  paid  by  generous  admirers  in  the  business  world, 
conspicuous  among  whom  was  John  Jacob  Astor,  German 
expatriate,  back  to  the  United  States  Senate  by  the  Legislature 
on  unanimous  vote.  He  was  now  past  seventy,  his  birth  year 
being  1777.  A  marvellous  conjunction  of  legislation  and  of 
judicial  decision  by  old  men  who  could  not  see  the  new  issues 
was  about  to  take  place. 

Taylor  Chooses  a  Bi- Sectional  Cabinet. — Zachary 
Taylor  took  the  Presidential  office  upon  March  5th,  for  the  4th 
fell  upon  Sunday.  For  his  Cabinet,  he  chose  four  Southern 
and  three  Northern  Whigs.    Its  membership  was  as  follows: 

1See  p.  366,  supra. 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR  397 

State, — John  M.  Clayton  of  Delaware. 

Treasury, — William  M.  Meredith  of  Pennsylvania. 

War, — George  W.  Crawford  of  Georgia,  who  was  suc- 
ceeded in  1850  by  Edward  Bates  of  Missouri. 

Attorney-General, — Reverdy  Johnson  of  Maryland. 

Postmaster-General, — Jacob  Collamer  of  Vermont. 

Navy, — William  B.  Preston  of  Virginia. 

Interior  (just  created), — Thomas  Ewing  of  Ohio. 

General  Taylor  hoped  by  an  honest  admission  of  sectional 
feeling  to  reconcile  both  sections  and  thereby  to  promote  har- 
mony. It  is  a  pleasant  theory.  Minority  representation  is  part 
of  it.     By  it,  responsibility  is  lost. 

California  Comes  In. — In  the  fall  of  1849,  the  Calif or- 
nians  adopted  an  anti-slavery,  Free-Soil  Constitution  in  con- 
vention, which  the  people,  fearing  lest  negro  slavery  should  be 
established  in  their  new  gold  and  silver  mines  as  proposed  by 
Southern  leaders,  ratified  by  12,000  votes  to  800.  Next  month 
Henry  Clay  arrived  in  Washington  to  be  Senator  again.  At 
heart,  he  favored  the  Wilmot  Proviso ;  and  the  South  was  now 
terribly  afraid  of  him. 

"Traitor  to  the  South." — For  three  weeks,  the  House  of 
Representatives  was  in  turmoil  over  the  election  of  Speaker, 
in  the  end  electing  a  man  of  thirty- four  years,  Howell  Cobb 
of  Georgia,  a  strong  proslavery  politician.  Suddenly,  Presi- 
dent Taylor  found  himself  charged  with  being  "a  traitor  to  the 
South"  because  he  advocated  admitting  both  California  and 
New  Mexico,  though  they  proposed  to  exclude  slave-labor. 
Fierce  talk  and  fierce  articles  urging  the  South  to  disunion 
raged  from  Baltimore  to  Corpus  Christi. 

Our  Greatest  Senate. — And  now  in  the  greatest  Senate 
that  American  history  ever  saw,  Henry  Clay  found  himself 
the  unquestioned  leader,  working  harder  and  more  success- 
fully than  ever  before.  With  him  were  Webster,  Calhoun, 
Benton,  Sam  Houston,  Jefferson  Davis,  Cass,  Dickinson, 
Douglas,  Corwin,  Hamilton,  John  P.  Hale,  Seward,  and  Chase : 
— to  mention  less  than  half  of  those  already  famous  or  soon 
to  become  so.  Late  in  January,  1850,  Clay  proclaimed  the 
outlines  of  the  famous  Compromise,  his  last  exploit  in  states- 
manship. A  few  days  later,  he  made  his  wonderful  two-days' 
speech.  Then  came,  early  in  March,  Calhoun's  last  effort, — 
so  weak  was  he  that  Senator  Mason  of  Virginia  read  the 


398  XIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

speech  for  him.  Next  fell  the  doom  of  Webster's  Seventh 
of  March  Speech,  which  shut  him  forever  out  of  the  Presi- 
dency, delayed  the  civil  war  eleven  years,  according  to  his 
critics,  marked  him  down  from  the  blessed  immortals  of 
American  history,  and  revealed  how  weak  at  best  the  great  may 
be  when  they  cherish  personal  ambitions.  On  the  nth  of 
March,  Seward  proclaimed  his  "higher  law"  doctrine,  while 
Webster  sneered  and  Clay  lamented.  March  31,  1850,  John 
C.  Calhoun  died,  and  all  the  South  was  wrapped  in  gloom  for 
their  faithful,  fallen  leader,  the  statesman  easily  chief  of  the 
"Cause." 

Issues  Great  and  Small. — There  were  several  matters  in 
issue, — the  admission  of  California  as  a  free  State,  still  further 
reducing  the  power  of  the  slave-holding  South  in  the  Senate; 
the  territorial  governments  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico,  with 
or  without  the  Wilmot  Proviso ;  the  slave  trade  and  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia;  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves  escaped 
into  the  free  States;  the  boundary  line  between  Texas  and 
New  Mexico. 

Taylor  on  the  Compromise  of  1850. — Now  Zachary 
Taylor  spoke.  His  words  were  of  alarming  power.  The  Gen- 
eral spoke,  not  the  politician.  "Old  Rough  and  Ready"  had 
thought  it  over,  and  made  up  his  mind.  His  simple  nature 
was  not  bothered  with  confusions  or  hesitations.  First,  let 
California  in  now.  Second,  let  New  Mexico  hold  a  Constitu- 
tional Convention  and  decide  what  she  pleases.  Third,  let 
Texas  keep  her  militia  out  of  New  Mexico,  or  I  will  go  down 
there  myself  with  the  United  States  Army.  Fourth,  let  the 
South  once  proceed  to  armed  disunion,  and  I  will  arrest  the 
seceders  for  treason,  and  execute  them  according  to  military 
law.  Clay  called  the  situation  "the  five  bleeding  wounds," — 
California,  the  territories,  the  Texas  boundary,  the  fugitive 
slaves,  and  the  slave  trade  at  the  Capital. 

Dedication  and  Death. — In  this  crisis, — Taylor,  Benton, 
and  Seward  on  one  side,  Clay  and  Webster  on  the  other, — in 
the  dreadful  summer  climate  of  Washington,  on  the  Fourth 
of  July,  Zachary  Taylor  drank  copiously  the  water  of  that 
infected  region,  had  a  sunstroke,  developed  typhoid  fever  and 
on  the  9th  instant,  died.  It  was  a  strange  omen  for  the  Wash- 
ington Monument  at  whose  corner-stone  laying  the  President 
had  officiated.    Years  later,  it  was  necessary  to  go  down  deeper 


MILLARD  FILLMORE  399 

and  wider,  and  to  make  far  stronger  foundations.  It  was  a 
grievously  hot  day, — the  Southerners  present  complained  that 
it  was  never  so  hot  at  Savannah  or  Mobile  or  Charleston  or 
Atlanta. 

Taylor  was  survived  by  his  wife,  the  mother  of  his  son  and 
five  daughters.    She  died  two  years  later. 

The  death  of  Zachary  Taylor  was  one  of  the  worst  mis- 
fortunes that  ever  befell  the  American  people,  South  and  North 
alike.  It  was  another  item  in  that  endless  bill  of  costs  due  to 
the  compromise  of  Alexander  Hamilton  by  which  the  Capital 
was  located  where  George  Washington,  Daniel  Carroll,  and 
Robert  Morris  might  conveniently  make  some  money.1 

Simple  and  Positive  Character  of  Zachary  Taylor. — 
Of  course,  those  who  think  that  whatever  has  happened  has 
been  necessary  and  inevitable  and  those  who  think  that  the 
slavery  question  could  have  been  settled  only  by  war  are  not 
likely  to  agree  that  the  death  of  Taylor  was  of  vital  impor- 
tance. But  others  see  in  it  the  driving  hand  of  destiny.  Had 
Taylor  lived  to  finish  his  term,  in  other  words,  had  the  Capital 
of  the  United  States  been  in  a  cool  hill  country  fit  for  summer 
habitation,  the  Compromise  of  1850  might  have  been — vetoed. 
Zachary  Taylor  had  sufficient  character  to  veto  an  Omnibus 
bill  that  was  full  of  miseries  for  this  country;  and  the  Thirty- 
first  Congress  would  not  have  carried  the  bill  over  his  veto. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
Millard  Fillmore 

1850- 1853 
1800-1874 

30-31  States  Population  25,000,000 

Admitted :    California. 

A  test  of  greatness — early  life — school  teacher  and  law  clerk — marriage 
— a  great  law  firm — State  Assemblyman — Representative  in  Congress 
— the  telegraph — State  Comptroller — Vice-President — second  to  suc- 
ceed to  Presidency  by  death  of  chief — favors  Compromise  of  1850 — 

*See  p.  239,  supra. 


4oo  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

his  Cabinet — New  Mexico  votes  for  slavery — the  fatal  Fugitive  Slave 
Act — another  "era  of  good  feeling" — prosperous  international  relations 
— second  marriage — a  hand-to-mouth  politician. 

Early  Life. — On  February  7,  1800,  in  the  last  year  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  Millard  Fillmore,  to  become  typical  New 
York  State  politician,  was  born,  to  represent  an  old  era  upon 
the  threshold  of  a  new.  He  heard  the  voices  of  Clay  and  of 
Webster,  not  of  Seward  and  of  Giddings,  not  of  Stephens 
and  other  Southern  statesmen. 

His  birthplace  was  Summerhill,  Cayuga  County,  where  four 
years  before  his  father  had  made  a  clearing.  There  were  no 
schools  in  the  neighborhood,  and  his  father  and  mother  were 
his  only  teachers.  At  fifteen  years  of  age,  with  the  increased 
population,  there  was  a  call  for  an  apprentice  to  a  fuller  and 
clothier,  and  Millard  was  indentured  as  a  maker  and  dyer  of 
cloth.  Four  years  later,  his  master  released  him — for  a  promis- 
sory note  of  $30 — and  Fillmore  took  up  the  study  of  law.  It 
was  a  scarcely  more  auspicious  beginning  of  life  than  was  to 
befall  Andrew  Johnson.  But  Fillmore  made  his  way  to 
Buffalo,  a  hundred  and  twenty  miles  west,  and  in  1820  be- 
came a  school-teacher,  of  a  kind,  and  a  clerk  in  the  postoffice 
of  the  village.  In  1823,  having  been  admitted  to  the  bar,  he 
went  to  Aurora  to  join  his  father. 

Marriage. — There  in  1826,  he  married  Abigail  Powers, 
two  years  his  senior,  a  lady  descended  from  that  famous  Henry 
Leland  who,  coming  early  to  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  in 
1850  had  9624  descendants.  Such  a  stock  has  immense  powers 
of  adjustment  and  of  success,  as  its  progress  testifies. 

In  1830  Fillmore  went  back  to  Buffalo,  which  was  thriving 
with  the  new  business  of  the  Erie  Canal,  and  soon  became  a 
partner  of  a  firm,  three  of  whose  members, — himself,  A.  G. 
Haven,  and  N.  K.  Hall, — later  became  members  of  Congress. 
The  firm  prospered,  and  though  Fillmore  never  grew  to  be  a 
distinguished  lawyer  like  Van  Buren,  he  did  make  money. 

In  Congress. — From  1829  to  1832,  Fillmore  served  in  the 
New  York  State  Assembly  as  an  independent  Democrat.  Then 
he  was  elected  Representative  in  Congress  as  an  Anti-Jackson 
Democrat,  serving  one  term.  For  two  years  thereafter,  he  de- 
voted himself  again  to  his  law  practice;  but,  in  1837,  he  was 
back  again  in  Congress,  to  serve  three  consecutive  terms  as  a 


MILLARD  FILLMORE  401 

Whig.  He  opposed  the  annexation  of  Texas  in  the  early 
years  of  the  agitation.  The  Democratic  theory  was,  first,  that 
Texas  was  really  a  part  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase  and,  second, 
that  J.  Q.  Adams  had  let  Texas  go  in  order  to  get  Florida.1 
The  Democrats  called  their  theory  the  "reoccupation  of 
Texas,"  which  was  plausible  and  patriotic  expansionism.  Fill- 
more advocated  internal  improvements  at  Federal  Govern- 
ment cost,  supported  Congressman  J.  O.  Adams  in  maintaining 
the  right  of  offering  in  Congress  the  anti-slavery  petitions, 
favored  prohibition  of  the  Interstate  slave  trade  and  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  In  all  this 
business,  he  was  moderate  and  dispassionate. 

The  Telegraph. — In  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress,  he  was 
made  Chairman  of  the  highly  important  Ways  and  Means 
Committee,  and  in  that  capacity,  against  great  opposition, 
carried  an  appropriation  of  $30,000,  contrary  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, for  the  assistance  of  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse  in  his  new 
telegraph.2  His  idea  was  to  make  the  telegraph  a  government 
affair  like  the  mails.  This  was  an  event  of  major  importance 
in  government  and  politics,  for  the  instantaneous  transmission 
of  news  and  orders  has  revolutionized  the  conditions  of  politi- 
cal as  well  as  of  commercial  and  nearly  all  other  affairs.  Gov- 
ernment used  to  be  weak  at  the  periphery  of  its  jurisdiction. 
It  is  now  equally  strong  everywhere.  But  for  Fillmore's  timely 
assistance  to  this  invention,  its  success  might  have  been  delayed 
many  years.  Fillmore  also  reported  the  Tariff  Bill  of  1842 
with  its  small  concessions  to  the  South  and  to  free  trade. 

New  York  State  Comptroller. — In  1844  Fillmore  was 
defeated  for  the  Governorship  of  New  York  State;  but  in 
1847  ne  became  a  candidate  for  the  lesser  State  office  of  Comp- 
troller and  was  successful.  His  nomination  for  Vice-President 
was  upon  the  plan  that  the  Vice-Presidential  candidate  should 
come  from  the  opposite  wing  of  the  party  from  the  Presiden- 
tial candidate  in  order  to  win  and  hold  all  the  votes  of  the 
party.  Seward  was,  in  fact,  the  most  popular  Whig  in  New 
York  State  at  the  time ;  and  the  backers  of  Taylor  would  have 
preferred  him.  But  he  was  not  politically  available  to  balance 
the  pair. 

Succeeds  to  the  Presidency. — Millard  Fillmore  did  not 

'See  pp.  311,  312,  supra. 


402  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

add  to  or  detract  from  the  ticket.  Theoretically,  he  was  far 
better  prepared  for  the  Presidency  than  Zachary  Taylor.  But 
the  next  three  years  practically  disposed  of  the  theory.  On 
July  10,  1850,  he  took  the  oath  of  office  as  President.  He 
had  presided  over  the  Senate  and  had  listened  to  the  Compro- 
mise bills  and  debates.  Experience,  ingenuity  and  eloquence 
were  upon  the  side  of  Clay.  Moral  enthusiasm  was  on  the 
side  of  Taylor,  Benton,  and  Seward.1  Fillmore  was  always 
judicious  and  cautious  and  moderate.  Moreover,  he  disliked 
Seward.  He  disliked  even  more  Martin  Van  Buren,  who  had 
led  the  Free  Soilers  in  1848.  The  Free  Soilers  were  not  com- 
promisers. 

Volte  Face. — At  once,  upon  the  entrance  of  Fillmore,  the 
policy  of  the  executive  branch  of  the  Government  changed 
volte  face.  He  appointed  a  new  Cabinet,  taking  as  Secretary 
of  State  that  Daniel  Webster,  half  of  whose  income  came  from 
rich  admirers  and  tariff  beneficiaries  in  free  gifts, — to  help  him 
live  comfortably  in  Washington.  We  call  this  corruption 
nowadays.  But  then  not  a  few  of  the  eminent  men  of  the 
past  would  have  served  terms  in  Federal  and  State  peniten- 
tiaries, if  the  moral  standards  of  our  day  had  suddenly  been 
applied  in  theirs.  In  1852,  Webster  was  a  fit  patient  for  a 
modern  sanitarium.  It  was  not  his  fault  wholly;  he  had 
known  bitter  domestic  affliction  and  calumny  in  large  part  pure 
fiction;  and  the  times  were  different. 

Peaceful  Cabinet  Days. — The  Cabinet  of  Fillmore  was 
as  follows,  viz. : 

State, — Daniel  Webster,  two  years  (until  his  death)  ;  Ed- 
ward Everett,  both  of  Massachusetts. 

Treasury, — Thomas  Cor  win  of  Ohio. 

War, — Charles  M.  Conrad  of  Louisiana. 

Attorney-General, — John  J.  Crittenden  of  Kentucky. 

Postmaster-General, — Nathan  K.  Hall  of  New  York,  two 
years ;  Samuel  D.  Hubbard  of  Connecticut. 

Navy, — William  A.  Graham  of  North  Carolina,  two  years; 
John  P.  Kennedy  of  Maryland. 

Interior, — A.  H.  H.  Stuart  of  Virginia. 

The  Compromise  Bills  Carried  and  Signed. — The  Clay 
Omnibus  bill  was  itself  defeated,  but  all  of  its  component 
measures  with  several  allied  bills  were  passed  by  rather  close 
votes.    The  proposition  to  split  California  into  two  parts,  the 

JSee  p.  394  supra. 


MILLARD  FILLMORE  403 

north  free-labor,  the  south  slave-labor,  at  the  extended  line  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  360  40'  was  defeated;  and  the  whole 
State  came  in  free.  Its  division  into  two  or  more  parts,  with 
slavery  in  neither,  would  have  been  better.  But  it  was  agreed 
that  Deseret  (Utah)  and  New  Mexico  were  to  be  organized  as 
territories  without  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 

In  1849  tne  New  Mexico  territorial  legislature  voted  to  per- 
mit slave-labor,  though,  under  the  Constitution  of  Mexico, 
slavery  had  been  forbidden — on  paper.  It  was  a  strange  retro- 
gression for  a  territory  added  to  "Columbia,  the  home  of  the 
brave  and  the  free."  The  slave-trade  was  forbidden  in  the 
Capital  of  the  United  States;  this  was  the  second  offsetting 
gain  of  the  abolitionists.  But  Texas,  a  slave  State,  received 
$10,000,000  for  a  mythical  loss  in  adjusting  the  boundary  with 
New  Mexico.  And,  worst  of  all,  a  new  drastic  Fugitive  Slave 
Law  was  passed.  This  denied  to  the  man  arrested  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus  and  terrorized  all  free  negroes.  This  futile 
and  wretched  law  angered  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  in 
the  North  and  was  itself  one  of  the  potent  causes  of  the  rise 
of  the  Republican  party.  It  set  in  operation  the  underground 
railroads  by  which  slaves  escaped  from  the  Southern  States 
into  Canada.  It  suggested  to  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe  the  writ- 
ing of  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  which  was  published  in  1852, 
and  made  world-wide  mischief.  Not  Machiavelli  himself  could 
have  devised  a  more  perfect  boomerang  for  the  slaveholders. 
What  slavery  needed  was  time,  time  with  silence.  The  law 
was  unnecessary,  for  the  common  law  and  earlier  statutes  dealt 
sufficiently  with  the  matter.  Under  the  new  act,  moreover, 
it  usually  cost  as  much  as  a  slave  was  worth  to  get  him  back. 
Despite  all  the  protestations  of  his  neighbors  and  of  many 
leading  Northern  politicians,  Fillmore  signed  this  bill;  it  was 
the  political  death-warrant  of  himself  and  of  the  slavery 
system. 

The  Second  "Era  of  Good  Feeling." — But  now  from 
over  all  the  land  arose  the  cry,  "Peace,  peace."  After  the 
Compromise,  for  three  years,  there  was  a  peace  like  that  of  the 
Era  of  Good  Feeling  in  the  time  of  Monroe.1  Everything  was 
now  finally  settled !  Webster's  Seventh  of  March  Speech  was 
justified.  The  nation  was  permanently  saved.  Fillmore  had 
time  to  do  several  good  things.  He  blocked  the  filibustering 
in  Cuba  that  aimed  both  to  add  a  slave  island  with  several 

1See  p.  298,  supra. 


404  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

States  to  the  Union,  and  to  get  part  of  northern  Mexico  for 
the  same  purpose.  The  expedition  of  Perry,  who  opened  Japan 
to  the  world,  came  in  this  epoch,  and  our  army  explored  the 
Amazon  valley. 

Disappears  from  Politics. — But  important  internationally 
as  were  these  several  matters,  nothing  could  now  secure  a  re- 
nomination  by  the  Whigs, — Fillmore  was  politically  dead.  He 
tried  again,  four  years  later ;  and  when  in  Europe  received  the 
nomination,  first,  of  the  Know  Nothings  or  Americans,  who 
meant  to  keep  out  foreigners,1  and,  second,  of  the  Whigs;  but 
both  Know  Nothingism  and  Whiggery  were  dead.  In  the 
Electoral  College,  only  Maryland  voted  for  Millard  Fillmore 
in  1856  for  President.  He  had  lost  his  opportunity.  He  was 
never  heard  of  again  in  politics  anywhere.  He  had  lived  upon 
the  crater  of  a  volcano  and  had  called  it  cool  and  solid  rock. 

Domestic  Affairs. — Fillmore  married,  first,  Abigail 
Powers  in  1826,  who  was  the  mother  of  his  two  children,  a 
daughter  and  a  son.  She  died  in  1853,  the  year  that  he  went  out 
of  office.  In  1858  he  married  a  widow,  Mrs.  Caroline  G.  Mcin- 
tosh, thirteen  years  his  junior,  who  survived  him  seven  years 
until  1 88 1.  He  died  without  other  known  cause  than  the  gen- 
eral debility  of  old  age,  March  8,  1874,  having  been  politi- 
cally silent  through  the  fatal  years  of  the  Interstate  War,  and 
in  these  last  years  displaying  abundant  evidence  that  he  was 
by  nature  dependent  upon  his  surroundings  and  upon  his 
friends.  He  was  no  leader  or  prophet  or  statesman.  He  had 
been  safe,  sane,  and  mistaken;  but  he  was  no  hypocrite, — 
simply  blind. 

A  pleasant  glimpse  of  him  comes  from  an  incident  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1 86 1,  when  President-elect  Lincoln  stayed  overnight  at 
his  house  in  Buffalo.  They  went  to  church — a  Unitarian 
church — on  Sunday, — and  when  they  stood  up  together  they 
were  shoulder  to  shoulder,  though  Lincoln  was  the  taller.  Fill- 
more, though  then  sixty-one  years  old,  and  nine  years  the 
senior,  looked  the  younger  man.  This  hospitality  cheered 
Lincoln  not  a  little.  Fillmore  acquired  a  comfortable  and 
adequate  but  not  large  property. 

Lived  for  the  Day. — In  his  day,  he  was  scarcely  above 
political  chicanery  and  hand-to-mouth,  day-by-day  trades.  Un- 
fortunately for  his  fame  as  well  as  for  his  character,  ethical 

lSe«  pp.   iog-iiot  supra, 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE  405 

laws  rule  nations  and  individuals;  and  principle,  not  expedi- 
ency, guards  the  door  to  the  pantheon  of  final  human  glory. 
To  him,  this  idea  was  almost  meaningless. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
Franklin  Pierce 

1853-1857 
1804-1869 

31  States  Population  27,500,000 

Great  men  in  history — early  life — a  distinguished  and  continuously  helpful 
father — Nathaniel  Hawthorne — educated  at  Bowdoin — lawyer — State 
Assemblyman — Speaker — marries  daughter  of  President  of  Bowdoin — 
Representative  in  Congress — United  States  Senator — private  law 
practice — United  States  District  Attorney — personal  appearance — 
Mexican  War  private — brigadier-general  of  volunteers — President 
State  Constitutional  Convention — dark  horse  Presidential  candidate — 
the  two- thirds  rule — ebbtide  in  national  life — a  notable  Cabinet — a 
spoilsman — Kansas-Nebraska  Act — old  parties  both  proslavery — South 
for  centralization  temporarily — international  successes — Gadsden 
Purchase — "Bleeding  Kansas" — not  renominated — life  in  Europe — sup- 
ports Vallandigham — his  failure  as  President. 

Great  Men  in  History. — There  is  a  theory  much  exploited 
in  the  last  two  centuries  that  "social  forces  make  history"  and 
that  "individuals  don't  count."  This  theory  is  sometimes 
qualified  by  the  admission  that  occasionally  a  social  force  plays 
in  an  individual  and  in  him  only ;  through  him,  it  smashes  into 
history.  It  is  an  ingenious  theory  entrancing  to  mechanical 
minds  incapable  of  rising  above  conceptualism  into  the  higher, 
colder  and  thinner,  yet  earth-embracing  and  star-reaching 
ether  of  the  rational. 

Certainly,  the  history  of  the  United  States  under  President 
Pierce  is  an  admirable  illustration  of  "economic  determinism." 
He  let  work  whatever  would  work.  Where  a  Jackson  would 
have  struck  and  a  Lincoln  would  have  contrived,  Franklin 
Pierce  benignantly  waited  to  see  things  happen.     Well, — the 


4o6  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

people  have  usually  reelected  the  interfering  men  of  genius; 
but  they  dropped  Pierce  like  an  inconsequential  clerk.  He  was 
never  thought  of  even  for  renomination. 

Early  Life. — The  fourteenth  President  of  the  United 
States  was  born  November  23,  1804,  at  Hillsborough,  New 
Hampshire.  He  was  the  first  of  the  Presidents  born  in  the 
nineteenth  century  and  the  third  and  the  last  of  the  New  Eng- 
land Presidents,  all  of  them  one-termers.1  Like  the  Adamses, 
he  had  an  excellent  education.  His  early  life  had  some  re- 
semblance to  that  of  William  Henry  Harrison,  for  his  father 
had  served  with  distinction  all  through  the  Revolutionary  War, 
had  been,  for  four  years,  a  member  of  the  New  Hampshire 
Legislature,  and  had  served  a  term  as  governor  of  the  State, 
1827-9. 

Educated  at  Bowdoin. — General  Pierce  gave  to  his  son  a 
thorough  education,  completed  at  Bowdoin  College  in  1824. 
There  was  begun  his  lifelong  friendship  with  the  novelist, 
Nathaniel  Hawthorne,  no  unimportant  feature  in  his  career, 
for  it  was  Hawthorne's  eulogistic  campaign  biography  of  his 
college-mate  that  helped  make  Pierce  President. 

Speaker  of  State  Assembly. — The  college  graduate,  son 
of  a  famous  father,  at  once  proceeded  to  study  law  at  his 
home  village ;  and  in  1827  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  When  he 
was  but  twenty-five  years  of  age,  he  became  a  member  of  the 
State  legislature,  and  from  1831  to  1833  was  Speaker.  Much 
of  the  product  of  our  State  legislatures  is  amateur  and  puerile 
because  so  many  of  the  members  are  not  yet  out  of  the  last 
stages  of  adolescence. 

Gains  Social  Prestige  by  ^Carriage. — In  November, 
1834,  Franklin  Pierce  married  Jane  Means  Appleton,  two 
years  his  junior,  daughter  of  the  President  of  Bowdoin  Col- 
lege. This  marriage  added  to  his  social  prestige  as  well  as 
to  his  happiness.  He  was  soon  in  Congress  as  Representative, 
urged  there  by  his  father,  who  had  become  governor  of  New 
Hampshire.  Franklin  Pierce  worked  hard  in  committee  as  a 
supporter  of  the  policies  of  Andrew  Jackson.  This  was  the 
period  in  New  Hampshire  politics  when  the  State  sent  that 
enterprising  journalist,  Isaac  Hill,  to  the  United  States  Senate. 
and  Jackson  made  him  a  favored  member  of  his  kitchen  cabi- 
net.    Franklin  Pierce  was  always  the  creature  of  others  both 

^ee  p.  58,  supn^. 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE  407 

in  State  and  National  politics.    To-day,  we  would  call  Hill  the 
State  "boss"  and  Jackson  the  National  one. 

United  States  Senator. — In  1837  Pierce  was  made 
United  States  Senator,  serving  until  1842,  when  he  resigned. 
In  1839  his  father  died,  and  for  financial  reasons,  Pierce  re- 
moved to  Concord,  the  State  Capital,  and  for  several  years 
gave  himself  wholly  to  his  law  business,  refusing  the  governor- 
ship, but  accepting  in  1845  tne  Post  °f  United  States  District 
Attorney,  which  he  held  for  two  years.  In  1846,  President 
Polk  offered  him  the  post  of  United  States  Attorney-General, 
but  he  declined. 

Personal  Appearance  and  Temperament. — A  pros- 
perous career  of  this  kind  displays  an  alert,  versatile,  happy, 
agreeable  and  industrious  man.  Franklin  Pierce  had  all  the 
minor  virtues  save  one, — moderation  in  respect  to  intoxicating 
drink.  He  had  talents  also.  His  personal  appearance  was 
fascinating,  his  manners  courtly;  his  personality  was  that 
of  a  poet.  And,  within  his  nature,  he  had  no  small  element 
of  the  spontaneous  and  unchecked  impulse  of  the  poet,  as  the 
next  important  event  of  his  life  indicated,  for  in  February, 
1847,  he  abandoned  the  law  and  enlisted  as  a  private  in  the 
army  for  the  Mexican  War. 

Brigadier-General. — But  by  August  the  son  of  General 
Pierce  was  colonel  of  the  Ninth  Regiment  in  the  army  of  Gen- 
eral Winfield  Scott;  and  in  March,  1848,  he  became  a  briga- 
dier-general of  volunteers.  At  the  battle  of  Contreras,  August 
19,  he  was  thrown  from  his  horse  and  badly  injured. 

President  of  State  Constitutional  Convention. — At 
the  end  of  the  war,  General  Pierce  went  home  to  Concord,  and 
in  1850  presided  at  a  Constitutional  Convention  of  his  State, 
unsuccessfully  advocating  on  the  floor  the  removal  of  the  dis- 
abilities of  non-Protestants  in  respect  to  the  suffrage.  This 
convention  held  its  session  for  nearly  two  years,  keeping 
Pierce  prominently  before  the  State.  In  January,  1852,  the 
New  Hampshire  Legislature  by  resolution  proposed  him  for 
the  Presidency.  And  in  June  of  that  year,  in  the  Democratic 
National  Convention,  New  Hampshire  brought  forward  his 
name  upon  the  thirty-fifth  ballot. 

Dark  Horse  Nominee. — The  contest  in  the  convention  had 
been  between  Lewis  Cass,  the  defeated  candidate  of   ^848, 


4o8  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

William  L.  Marcy  of  New  York,  and  James  Buchanan, — vet- 
erans all  of  them.    The  vote  on  the  first  ballot  was — 

Cass  116,  Buchanan  93,  Marcy  27,  scattering  27.  On  the 
thirtieth  ballot,  Stephen  A.  Douglas  had  92  votes.  On  the 
thirty-fifth,  Cass  had  131.  But  the  two-thirds  rule  made  180 
votes  necessary  to  a  choice.  Even  as  late  as  the  forty-fifth 
ballot,  when  Pierce  was  being  voted  for,  Marcy  had  97  votes. 
On  the  forty-ninth  ballot,  Pierce  won. 

The  South  in  the  Convention. — There  were  several 
reasons  and  causes  for  the  selection  of  Pierce.  One  reason 
was  that  in  peace  and  war  he  had  always  been  popular  and 
successful.  Another  reason  was  that  he  was  a  good  Demo- 
crat in  a  Northern  State.  But  the  main  causes  were  three : — 
first,  the  public  already  knew  too  much  of  Cass,  of  Marcy,  and 
of  Buchanan;  second,  the  party  leaders  were  forced  to  com- 
promise upon  some  one  with  a  colorless  record  as  to  statesman- 
ship ;  and,  third,  the  two-thirds  rule  gave  to  the  Southerners 
virtually  a  veto  upon  proceedings,  for  it  was  easy,  as  the 
ballots  showed,  to  hold  a  minority  of  a  third  and  more  against 
every  national  politician.  A  "dark-horse"  candidate  again  had 
won. 

With  Pierce  for  President,  the  South  named  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  William  R.  King,  of  Alabama,  who  had  been  in 
the  United  States  Senate  thirty-two  years  and  was  already 
sixty-six  years  old.    He  survived  but  two  years  longer. 

The  Whigs  Try  to  Come  to  Life  Again. — The  Whigs 
were  in  great  distress  as  to  their  proper  course  for  coming  to 
life  again.  Their  candidates  before  the  convention  were  Scott, 
Fillmore,  and  Webster.  Even  under  the  ordinary  rule  of  the 
majority  vote,  it  required  fifty-three  ballots  for  them  to  decide 
upon  Scott.  Thus,  a  brigadier-general  of  the  Mexican  War 
was  pitted  against  a  major-general  of  the  same  war.  From 
the  first,  victory  inclined  to  the  Democracy.  The  Barnburners 
of  New  York,  with  Martin  Van  Buren  at  their  head,  returned 
to  their  Democratic  allegiance.  In  the  Electoral  College,  there 
was  a  landslide,  the  vote  standing : 

Pierce  254,  Scott  42. 

Democratic  Landslide. — The  Whigs  had  carried  only 
Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee. 

The  Compromise  of  1850  had  put  the  country  to  sleep.    Only 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE  409 

James  Monroe  had  secured  a  greater  Electoral  College  victory. 
And  yet  the  popular  plurality  for  Pierce  was  but  215,000.  The 
Free  Soilers  had  lost  ground.  In  1848  they  had  cast  291,000 
votes  for  Van  Buren;  in  1852  they  cast  only  156,000  for  J.  P. 
Hale. 

Personalities. — With  the  victory  of  Pierce  over  Scott, 
personality  had  much  to  do.  Scott  was  big,  lazy,  pompous, 
uncouth,  grandiose,  servile.  Taylor  had  made  him  unpopular 
with  the  people.  Official  Washington  held  him  in  humorous 
and  ribald  contempt,  talking  of  him  as  a  soldier  stuffed  for 
dress  parade.  Pierce  was  active,  gracious,  clean,  apparently 
independent.  In  personal  morals  and  in  ability,  Hale  excelled 
each  of  them;1  but  this  nation  votes  by  habit,  which  saves 
thinking  and  keeps  it  in  a  relatively  fixed  course. 
.  The  Cabinet. — Ebbtide  lasted  for  four  years.  Pierce 
chose  a  Cabinet,  every  one  of  whose  members  remained  in 
office  throughout  the  administration.  It  continued  low  tide 
and  calm  all  over  the  surface  of  political  society.  The  youngest 
President  to  that  time  handled  the  Presidency  smoothly  and 
skillfully. 

The  Cabinet  was  notable : 

State, — William  L.  Marcy,  author  of  the  saying,  "To  the 
victor  belong  the  spoils.'* 

War, — Jefferson  Davis  of  Mississippi,  grown  rich  and 
philosophical. 

Treasury, — James  Guthrie  of  Kentucky,  first  president  of 
the  Louisville  and  Nashville  railroad. 

Navy, — James  C.  Dobbin  of  North  Carolina. 

Interior, — Robert  McClelland  of  Michigan. 

Postmaster-General, — James  Campbell  of  Pennsylvania. 

Attorney-General, — Caleb  Cushing  of  Massachusetts,  who 
had  been  envoy  to  China  and  was  at  the  time  on  the  bench  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  his  State. 

It  was  an  able  Cabinet,  not  wholly  proslavery,  for  Cushing 
was  an  abolitionist.  In  one  respect,  the  Secretary  of  State 
dominated  it,  for  Pierce  set  about  replacing  Whigs  with  Demo- 
crats, though  as  Senator  he  had  himself  objected  to  the  spoils 
system. 

Domestic  Sorrow. — Scarcely  had  Pierce  been  elected  Presi- 
dent, when  his  only  surviving  son  was  killed  in  a  railroad 
accident     This  sorrow  affected  his  own  health  and  made  his 

*See  p.  109,  supra, 


410  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

wife  an  invalid.  The  parents  never  regained  their  former 
interest  in  life. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Act. — The  great  domestic  issue  of 
the  administration  of  Franklin  Pierce  was  the  Kansas-Ne- 
braska bill,  with  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  The 
l7ree  Soilers  were  quite  right. — The  Democrats  and  the  Whigs 
were  the  two  wings  of  the  great  proslavery  party;  and  Fill- 
more the  Whig  was  no  more  strongly  abolitionist  than  Pierce 
the  Democrat.  Both  were  Northern  men  with  Southern 
principles. 

In  January,  1854,  Senator  Douglas  introduced  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill.  It  provided  that  the  people  of  each  territory 
should  decide  whether  or  not  to  admit  slavery.  The  two  terri- 
tories lie  north  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line.  The  doc- 
trine was  one  of  the  non-intervention  of  the  National  Govern- 
ment in  the  domestic  affairs  of  the  territories.  The  public 
called  it  "Squatter  Sovereignty"  because  so  many  of  the  early 
settlers  held  their  lands  not  by  deed  but  by  mere  possession. 
Transients,  adventurers,  renegades,  rascals,  might  decide  the 
future  of  the  trans-Missouri  country. 

The  South  Abandons  Its  Historic  Ground. — In  the 
Senate,  Cass  favored  the  bill,  and  upon  its  passage  in  May, 
Pierce  signed  it.  The  South  had  now  retreated  from  its 
sectionalism  and  was  asserting  its  right  to  compete  on  equal 
terms  everywhere  in  the  territories  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  ran.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  had  given  to 
Southern  slaveowners  full  right  above  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line  to  hunt  slaves  with  the  assistance  of  Federal  and  State 
courts,  police,  constables  and  militia.  Now  the  Kansas-Ne- 
braska Act  wiped  out  the  Missouri  Line.1  A  new  day  was 
dawning.    Few  saw  the  storm  in  its  wings. 

International  Successes. — As  Fillmore  had  done  credi- 
table work  abroad  in  international  diplomacy,  so  did  Tyler 
likewise.  The  Koszta  affair  of  1853  showed  that  the  United 
States  meant  to  protect  its  naturalized  citizens  abroad.  In 
1848,  Martin  Koszta,  Hungarian  revolutionist,  temporarily 
resident  in  this  country,  had  taken  out  papers  declaring  his 
intention  to  become  a  citizen;  but,  in  1853,  he  went  on  per- 
sonal business  to  Smyrna,  where  the  Austrian  consul  seized 
him,  despite  his  American  passport,  and  held  him  prisoner 
upon  an  Austrian  brig-of-war.     When  an  American  captain 

aSee  pp.  297,  303. 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE  411 

of  a  naval  ship  threatened  to  seize  him,  the  Austrians  turned 
him  over  to  the  French  consul.  The  matter  was  then  referred 
to  the  Austrian  Ambassador  Hulsemann  and  to  Secretary  of 
State  Marcy.  Eventually,  Koszta  was  released,  a  fact  that 
greatly  increased  the  popularity  of  Marcy  with  the  two  and  a 
half  millions  of  immigrants  of  the  last  two  decades. 

When  during  the  Crimean  War,  the  British  government 
persisted  in  trying  to  secure  recruits  in  the  United  States, 
Pierce  gave  to  the  minister,  John  F.  Crampton,  his  passport 
and  revoked  the  exequaturs  of  the  British  consuls  at  New 
York,  at  Philadelphia  and  at  Cincinnati ;  which  dignified  course 
put  an  end  to  the  treatment  of  this  nation  as  a  British  do- 
minion. Thereby,  we  kept  out  of  the  broils  of  France,  Turkey, 
Sardinia  and  Russia. 

A  treaty  was  negotiated  with  Japan  in  1854,  the  outcome 
of  Commodore  Perry's  expedition.1 

Being  like  Polk  an  expansionist,  in  1855,  Pierce  encouraged 
the  Walker  filibustering  expedition  into  Nicaragua.  Walker, 
poor  fellow,  when  but  thirty-six  years  of  age,  was  court- 
martialed  and  shot  in  Honduras  in  September,  i860!  Pierce 
was  no  Cleveland  or  Roosevelt  to  interfere  with  a  roar  like 
war. 

The  Gadsden  Purchase. — The  President  favored  the 
Gadsden  Purchase  of  45,000  square  miles  for  $10,000,000, 
considerably  increasing  our  lands  by  cession  from  Mexico. 
He  also  urged  the  survey  of  three  routes  westward  for  trans- 
continental railways,  which  many  supposed  would  be  built  and 
operated  by  the  Federal  Government. 

"Bleeding  Kansas." — But  of  what  avail  were  all  the  clever 
and  all  the  brave  acts  of  international  diplomacy2  in  the  face 
of  the  facts  that  the  Democratic  party  was  splitting  into  two 
parts,  a  Northern  and  a  Southern ;  and  that  the  Northern  now 
distrusted  him  and  the  Southern  had  used,  and  was  now 
wearied  of  him?  Four  proslavery  men  had  been  territorial 
governors  of  Kansas,  only  to  become  "Free  State"  men  from 
force  of  bitter  experience.  One  set  of  men,  struggling  to  hold 
Kansas,  were  styled  "Black  Republicans,"  the  other  "Sons  of 
the  South"  and  "Border  Ruffians";  sieges,  arsons,  murders, 

*See  p.  404,  supra. 

"For  the  Ostend  Manifesto,  see  p.  415,  infra. 


4i2  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

battles,  had  changed  the  fruitful  prairie  into  "Bleeding 
Kansas." 

In  Retirement. — Pierce  had  no  more  chance  of  a  reelection 
to  the  Presidency  than  had  Tyler  or  Polk  or  Fillmore,  each  in 
his  respective  day.  He  had  less  chance  than  Van  Buren.  He 
was  not  renominated,  or  even  seriously  considered  by  many 
for  renomination.  In  i860,  some  Southern  Democrats  talked 
of  renominating  him ;  but  he  was  then  in  Europe  and  refused 
to  allow  his  name  to  be  used, — wisely,  for  he  could  not  have 
won  even  a  renomination  then.  He  remained  abroad  for  three 
years  when  he  returned  to  Concord.  In  1863  ne  rnade  his  most 
famous  oration,  that  in  which  at  the  New  Hampshire  Capital 
he  lauded  Vallandigham  as  "that  noble  martyr  of  free  speech."1 
In  this  same  year,  his  wife,  the  mother  of  his  three  sons,  died. 

A  Mediocre  Man  Cannot  Be  Expanded  into  a  Presi- 
dent.— Pierce  died  of  alcoholic  inflammation  of  the  stomach 
October  8,  1869.  He  left  an  estate  of  fifty  thousand  dollars, 
partly  inherited.  He  had  been  a  good  lawyer,  a  fair  legislator, 
and  a  patriotic  soldier.  He  had  failed  to  measure  up  to  the 
Presidency.  He  had  no  large  ideas,  no  foresight,  no  intense 
convictions.  He  grades  with  Fillmore,  and  scarcely  above 
Buchanan.  Goodness  is  not  an  essential  in  a  President, — that 
is,  the  small  goodness  of  private  life.  He  might  have  done  so 
many  other  things,  so  many  greater  things.  The  good  ship 
of  state  needed  a  captain.  Even  a  pilot  would  have  served.  A 
ladies'  salon  master  of  ceremonies  let  the  ship  drift  toward  the 
rocks  and  the  breakers  of  war. 


CHAPTER  XV 

James  Buchanan 

1857-1861 
1791-1868 

31-34  States  i860— Population  31,443,321 

Admitted:    Minnesota,  Oregon,  Kansas. 

Many  surviving  Presidents  among  contemporaries — ancestry  and  early 
life — educated  at  Dickinson  College — State  Assemblyman — loses 
fiancee — Representative  in   Congress — impeachment  of  Judge   Peck— ■ 

*See  pp.  461,  462,  464,  466,  infra. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  413 

the  dogma  of  judicial  infallibility — opposes  State's  rights — ambas- 
sador to  Russia — United  States  Senator — in  private  life  again — Min- 
ister to  Great  Britain — the  Ostend  Manifesto — Republican  party 
formed — a  veritable  Cave  of  Adullam — President — a  weak  Cabinet — 
the  Dred  Scott  decision — its  obiter  dicta — the  Supreme  Court — a 
perpetual  sovereign — all  the  country  to  be  slave-labor — the  Demo- 
cratic party's  volte  face — Border  Ruffians  and  Black  Republicans — 
the  main  issue — the  various  leaders — the  Panic  of  1857 — John  Brown 
— Helper's  Impending  Crisis — the  pitiful  fate  of  Virginia — Personal 
Liberty  Acts  in  Northern  States — the  various  political  conventions — 
the  fatal  interregnum — the  opinion  of  Attorney  General  Black  as  to 
secession — Southern  and  Northern  opinions  of  Buchanan — a  divided 
North — the  Confederate  States  of  North  America  organized — "On  to 
Washington  !" — the  inauguration  of  Abraham  Lincoln — Buchanan 
too  old — a  War  Democrat. 

Several  Former  Presidents  Survived  to  his  Adminis- 
tration.— The  fifteenth  President  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  was  born  near  Foltz,  Franklin  County,  Pennsylvania, 
on  April  23,  1791.  At  the  time  of  his  inauguration,  he  was 
sixty-five  years  old.  Four  former  Presidents  were  still  alive, 
and  they  were  all  friends  of  his.  None  died  during  his  term, 
and  the  younger  two  survived  him.  Van  Buren,  who  had  left 
office  in  1841,  was  seventy-five  years  old;  Tyler,  retiring  in 
1845,  was  sixty-six;  Fillmore,  out  in  1853,  fifty-seven;  and 
Pierce  but  fifty-two. 

With  most  of  their  policies,  James  Buchanan  was  in  agree- 
ment,— a  heavy  handicap.  He  belonged  indeed  to  an  elder  age. 
A  pitiless  misfortune  befell  him  in  that  he  lived  too  long  and 
was  raised  too  high  by  the  favor  of  the  politically  mighty. 

Ancestry;  Early  Life;  Education. — The  parents  of 
Buchanan  were  Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians.  His  was  the  same 
racial  stock  that  has  given  to  us  perhaps  half  our  statesmen. 
He  had  a  good  elementary  education,  was  graduated  by  Dick- 
inson College  at  Carlisle  in  1809,  and  then  studied  law  in  Lan- 
caster. On  coming  of  age  in  1812,  he  was  admitted  to  the 
bar.  At  twenty- three  years  of  age,  he  went  to  the  State  Legis- 
lature for  a  term.  After  this  service,  he  practiced  law  steadily 
and  profitably.  In  this  period,  his  fiancee  died,  and  he  remained 
faithful  to  her  memory  throughout  life. 


4i4  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Representative  in  Congress;  Impeachment  of  Judge 
Peck. — In  1821,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress,  serving 
five  consecutive  terms.  As  chairman  of  the  House  Judiciary 
Committee,  Buchanan  led  a  movement  to  impeach  Judge  James 
H.  Peck  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court.  The  judge  had 
rendered  a  decision,  whose  substance  is  immaterial.  An  at- 
torney, Lawless  by  name,  was  counsel  for  the  defeated  party. 
He  saw  the  decision  in  a  newspaper  and  answered  it  in  the 
same  newspaper — to  relieve  his  feelings.  Judge  Peck  then  held 
Counselor  Lawless  in  contempt  of  court  and  literally  lawless 
and  outlaw,  suspending  him  from  practice  for  eighteen  months. 
Upon  the  impeachment  trial,  the  Senate,  by  22  to  21,  voted  to 
acquit  the  Judge.  President  Jackson  favored  acquittal  in  order 
to  damage  Buchanan,  whom  he  disliked  and  feared.  It  was 
another  stage  in  the  making  of  judges  sacrosanct  to  all  non- 
judges.  In  present  public  opinion,  they  are  infallible,  except 
when  criticized  and  overruled  by  one  another.  Like  Roman 
augurs  chattering  and  incanting  over  the  entrails  of  dead 
animals,  how  must  judges  chattering  and  incanting  over  the 
opinions  of  dead  ages,  sometimes  feel  like  covering  their  faces 
lest  they  openly  laugh  at  one  another  behind  the  bench  and 
their  huge  law-tomes !  Even  the  errors  of  judges  are  errorless 
law — until  discovered  by  other  judges.  Well-a-day,  'tis  an 
unwearied  old  world,  with  perhaps  some  way  out  of  its  maun- 
derings!  Surely,  the  superstition  of  judicial  infallibility  will 
pass  away  in  the  course  of  time.  It  is  a  cheerful  hope.  And 
yet,  judge-law  is  far  better  than  mob-law  or  no  law  at  all. 

Buchanan  Opposes  Van  Buren. — Buchanan  also  endeav- 
ored to  have  Congress  increase  the  number  of  Supreme  Court 
justices  and  to  relieve  them  of  their  circuit  duties.  Van  Buren. 
then  in  Congress,  supported  the  first  proposition  but  opposed 
the  second,  for  two  reasons, — first,  that  weak  men  sitting  en 
banc  could  lean  upon  their  fellows  and  escape  exposure ;  second, 
that  judges  needed  to  get  away  from  the  political  atmosphere 
of  Washington  and  out  among  the  workers  and  leaders  of  in- 
dustry and  commerce  and  all  other  affairs  outside  of  govern- 
ment.1 Both  movements  were  blocked  successfully.  The  first, 
however,  was  right,  the  second  wrong.  Making  any  city  purely 
political  is  to  narrow  its  mankind  into  imbecility ;  such  are  the 
Washington  helots. 

State's   Rights. — Buchanan   opposed   the  proposition   to 

*See  p.  202,  supra. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  415 

take  from  the  Supreme  Court  its  jurisdiction  in  respect  to  col- 
lisions between  national  and  State  laws,  especially  in  connection 
with  treaties.  Here  Buchanan  was  successful  in  defeating  a 
State's  rights  measure.  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  in  part  at 
least  the  proposition  was  really  feasible.  Equality  between 
States  and  nation  in  respect  to  treaties  with  foreign  nations 
is  inconceivable  as  well  as  unconstitutional;  and  superiority  of 
any  or  even  many  States  would  simply  destroy  the  national 
government  as  such  internationally.1 

Ambassador  to  Russia. — At  first  a  Federalist,  Buchanan 
came  into  associations  with  Jackson  and  Van  Buren,  and 
succumbed  to  the  influences  of  their  stronger  natures.  In 
recognition  of  his  allegiance,  Jackson  in  1832  sent  him  to  St. 
Petersburg  as  ambassador  and  minister  plenipotentiary.  There 
he  negotiated  an  important  commercial  treaty  with  Russia. 
In  1834,  being  at  home  again,  he  became  United  States  Senator 
and  served  until  1845,  when  Polk  made  him  Secretary  of 
State.  Throughout  the  administration  of  Taylor  and  Fill- 
more, Buchanan  stayed  at  home  in  private  life;  but  in  1853 
he  accepted  the  call  of  Pierce  to  go  as  Minister  to  Great  Britain. 

The  Ostend  Manifesto. — A  single  act  of  his  while  abroad 
brought  him  more  fame  than  all  that  he  had  done  before.  On 
October  18,  1854,  three  of  the  American  diplomats  abroad, — 
Buchanan,  J.  Y.  Mason,  and  Soule,— issued  from  Ostend  a 
manifesto  respecting  alleged  Spanish  injuries  to  American 
commerce  with  Cuba.  In  this  Manifesto,  they  asserted  that 
"Cuba  is  as  necessary  to  the  North  American  republic  as  any 
of  its  present  members."  They  said  that  they  did  not  intend 
Cuba  to  be  "Africanized"  and  hoped  that  the  United  States 
would  purchase  the  island  from  Spain.  The  Manifesto  ended 
with  the  remarkable  declaration  that  if  Spain  would  not  sell 
Cuba  and  if  she  could  not  rule  the  island  properly,  then  "by 
every  law  human  and  divine,  we  shall  be  justified  in  wresting 
it"  from  her.  President  Pierce  promptly  disavowed  the  Mani- 
festo ;  but  it  had  accomplished  the  purpose.  By  living  abroad, 
Buchanan  had  kept  out  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  quarrel,  and 
by  this  Manifesto  he  had  won  the  heart  of  the  South.  He 
resigned  his  mission  in  1856  and  came  home  as  an  active  can- 
didate again  for  the  Presidential  nomination  of  his  party. 

Expansion  of  Slavery  Causes  New  Party  to  Form. — 
The  times  had  moved  forward.     The  South  had  grown  des- 

1See  p.  63,  supra. 


4i6  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

perate  and  more  aggressive.  The  North  with  its  Kansas 
Colonization  Society  and  its  many  abolitionists  saw  things  more 
clearly.  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  had  been  sold  by  millions  of 
copies.  The  Republican  party,  a  veritable  Cave  of  Adullam, 
was  growing  into  shape,  composed  of  many  elements, — "Con- 
science Whigs/'  Know  Nothings,  Free  Soilers,  Liberty  men, 
Anti-Masons,  constitutional  abolitionists,  graded  emancipa- 
tionists, high  protective  tariff  advocates,  strong  centraliza- 
tionists. 

In  the  Democratic  Convention  at  Cincinnati  in  1846,  Buch- 
anan was  at  once  the  leading  candidate  Cass  declined  to  allow 
the  use  of  his  name.  On  the  fourth  ballot,  Buchanan  was 
nominated,  and  with  him  for  the  Vice-Presidency  J.  C.  Breck- 
enridge  of  Kentucky. 

Over  against  these  men,  the  Republicans  set  up  the  explorer 
and  soldier  of  the  Mexican  and  Indian  wars,  General  John  C. 
Fremont,  son-in-law  of  Senator  Thomas  H.  Benton,  a  brilliant 
man  and  a  romantic  figure  in  American  history.  He  was  to 
be  the  David  of  the  Adullamites.  With  him,  they  nominated 
an  excellent  lawyer,  William  L.  Dayton  of  New  Jersey.  The 
election  opened  the  eyes  of  all  the  veteran  politicians.  The 
rallying  cry  of  the  Republicans  was  "Free  soil,  free  speech, 
free  men,  and  Fre'mont."1 

Elected  President. — Buchanan  carried  all  the  South  save 
Maryland,  which  voted  for  Fillmore  and  Know  Nothingism. 
In  the  North,  the  Democrats  carried  Pennsylvania,  New 
Jersey,  Illinois,  Indiana,  and  California.  The  Electoral  Col- 
lege voted : 

174  for  Buchanan,  114  for  Fremont,  and  8  for  Fillmore. 

The  popular  vote  was,  Democratic  1,838,000,  Republican 
1,341,000,  and  Know  Nothing- Whig  874,500.  In  other  words, 
Buchanan  was  the  choice  of  less  than  half  of  the  people.  The 
combined  vote  of  his  opponents  was  2,215,500,  or  377,500 
more  than  this  own.2 

His  Cabinet. — For  his  Cabinet,  he  chose  several  men  of 
first-rate  standing.  Howell  Cobb,  his  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, was  an  ardent  State's  rights,  proslavery  man,  and  perhaps, 
from  his  Congressional  experience,  the  most  prominent  of  all 
at  the  time  of  entering  the  administration. 

1See  p.  113,  supra.  'Compare  p.  444,  445,  infra. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  417 

The  Cabinet. — State, — Lewis  Cass  of  Michigan,  three 
years  and  nine  months ;  Jeremiah  S.  Black  of  Pennsylvania, 
three  months. 

Treasury, — Howell  Cobb  of  Georgia,  three  years  and  nine 
months;  Philip  F.  Thomas  of  Maryland,  one  month;  John  A. 
Dix  of  New  York,  two  months. 

War, — John  B.  Floyd  of  Virginia,  three  years  and  ten 
months;  John  Holt  of  Kentucky,  two  months. 

Attorney-General, — Jeremiah  S.  Black  of  Pennsylvania, 
three  years  and  nine  months ;  Edwin  M.  Stanton  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, three  months. 

Postmaster-General, — Aaron  V.  Brown  of  Tennessee,  two 
years;  Joseph  Holt  of  Kentucky,  nearly  two  years;  Horatio 
King  of  Maine,  two  months. 

Navy, — Isaac  Toucey  of  Connecticut. 

Interior, — Jacob  Thompson  of  Mississippi. 

Dred  Scott  Decision. — Two  days  after  the  inauguration 
of  Buchanan  the  country  was  thrown  into  ferment  by  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  in  which  the  Supreme  Court  was  divided 
7  to  2.  The  South  was  gratified;  most  of  the  North  was 
pleased,  the  rest  of  it  horrified.  For  his  guidance  in  writing 
his  inaugural,  the  nature  of  the  decision  was  communicated 
to  Buchanan  a  week  or  so  earlier.  By  this  decision,  the  Court 
declared  that  a  slave  was  property  only  and  in  no  sense  a 
citizen;  being  therefore  without  standing  in  court  any  more 
than  a  horse  or  a  tree.  Whether  or  not  this  was  the  law, 
present  debate  is  useless.  We  ourselves  are  discussing  now 
matters  some  day  to  be  quite  as  archaic  as  the  theme  of 
chattel-slavery.  Some  jurists,  however,  do  not  think  that  the 
slave  had  no  standing  in  court,  but  that  a  slave  was  a  person 
held  to  service,  in  other  words,  a  human  being  with  some 
rights  as  such.  If  possessed  of  any  rights  whatsoever,  then 
the  slave  was  possessed  of  the  right  to  appear  in  court  in 
defense  of  these  rights  by  attorney  or  in  person.  If  possessed 
of  no  rights,  then  his  master  might  kill  him  without  possibility 
of  judicial  cognizance  being  taken,  provided  only  that  the  kill- 
ing should  not  be  under  conditions  creating  a  public  disturb- 
ance or  a  public  nuisance.  It  is  hard  to  see  now  that  even  the 
main  feature  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  was  ever  the  law. 

The  Dissenting  Judges. — But  there  were  two  members 


418  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

of  the  Court  who  dissented,  shrewd  men  and  good  lawyers. 
They  forced  old  Judge  Taney  in  his  decrepitude  of  eighty 
years  into  obiter  dicta  that  directly  violated  the  Constitution. 
It  was  relentless  politics  for  Justices  McLean  and  Curtis  to 
do  this  and  measureless  folly  for  the  associates  of  the  Chief 
to  proslavery  extremists.  Though  he  had  been  a  lawyer  with 
many  clients  among  the  slavetraders  and  slaveowners,  still 
hitherto  Taney  as  a  judge  had  appeared  the  perfect  legalist. 

Judge  Taney  went  on  to  say  unnecessarily, — First,  even  if 
in  the  Louisiana  territory,  slavery  is  forbidden  above  the  Com- 
promise line  or  otherwise,  still  by  merely  residing  in  the  Ter- 
ritory, Dred  Scott  did  not  become  free.  [Lord  Mansfield  had 
decided  otherwise  for  slaves  touching  the  soil  of  England,  and 
he  knew  some  English  common  law.1]  It  is  no  longer  doubt- 
ful whether  or  not  this  was  the  law.  The  opinion  is  that  in 
default  of  return  to  slave  soil  within  a  reasonable  time,  the 
ownership  of  the  slave  was  waived  and  became  automatically 
divested.  And  Dred  Scott  had  not  been  promptly  taken  back 
by  his  owner,  Sandford,  but  in  fact  had  lived  with  him  for 
years  upon  free  soil,  voluntarily  remaining  with  him.  The 
legal  trouble  came  only  when  upon  moving  to  Kentucky,  Sand- 
ford  undertook  to  sell  Dred  to  another  person. 

The  Compromise  of  1850  Void. — This,  however,  was  not 
the  more  dangerous  of  the  two  main  obiter  dicta  of  the  Court. 
The  majority  held  that,  for  want  of  constitutionality,  the  Com- 
promise of  1820  was  null  and  void;  for  thirty-seven  years,  the 
nation  had  been  governed  by  a  law  that  was  no  law.  Candidly 
considered,  here  was  cause  on  cause  for  astonishment.  The 
bold  doctrine  of  John  Marshall  was  turned  to  plague  the 
land.  Sovereignty  vested  in  judges,  for  the  first  time  since 
Samuel,  priest  and  judge,  made  Saul  King;  and  for  more  than 
a  generation,  the  sovereigns  had  slept.  The  Supreme  Court 
was  a  perennial  Constitutional  Convention  above  all  ratification 
by  the  people,  makers  of  the  grammar  and  rhetoric  and  logic 
of  their  thought.  In  effect,  the  decision  opened  to  slavery  all 
the  Northwest  from  the  Mississippi  to  Puget  Sound,  an  area 
greater  than  all  the  Southeast  from  Baltimore  and  Key  West 
to  the  Panhandle  of  Texas.  It  was  a.victory  for  the  aggressive 
slave  barons,  an  appalling  victory.  Whereupon,  Justice  Curtis 
who,  like  Samson,  had  pulled  down  the  Philistine  temple  upon 
1See  p.  528,  infra. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  419 

himself,  resigned  from  the  Court.1  What  mattered  it  now  that 
California  had  come  in  free?  The  slave  lords  held  all  the 
western  side  of  the  Mississippi,  all  the  Missouri  valley,  all  of 
the  Puget  Sound  country  and  of  the  plateaus  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  Nor  was  this  the  worst.  Taney  had  not  said  in 
words  this  the  worst  thing;  but  one  had  only  to  read  in 
the  light  of  the  decision  the  language  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Act  and  to  trace  the  course  of  legislation  and  of  judicial  inter- 
pretation to  see  without  possibility  of  error  that  a  slave  might 
be  taken  into  a  free  State  and  held  there  as  such  under  Federal 
law,  whatever  might  be  the  State's  own  Constitution  and  legis- 
lation. The  South  had  shifted  its  ground.  It  was  not  now 
for  State's  rights  but  for  the  National  sovereignty  and  for 
centralization.  It  was  a  change  of  front,  at  once  astounding 
and  perilously  critical. 

The  Border  Ruffians. — Furious  as  had  been  the  struggle 
in  Kansas  and  elsewhere,  it  now  grew  worse.  Buchanan  made 
Robert  J.  Walker,  a  native  of  Pennsylvania,  who  had  moved 
into  Mississippi,  territorial  governor  of  Kansas.2  In  prepara- 
tion for  statehood,  the  people  of  Kansas  adopted  first  one  con- 
stitution and  then  another,  under  extraordinary  conditions. 
The  Border  Ruffians  got  control  of  the  election  in  the  first 
instance  and  the  Black  Republicans  in  the  other.3  And  Walker, 
seeing  that  Buchanan  meant  to  interpret  "popular  sovereignty" 
in  the  terms  of  special  favors  to  proslavery,  though  himself 
proslavery,  foresaw  that  in  the  end  Kansas  would  turn  over- 
whelmingly for  wage-service  labor  and  resigned  in  anger  at 
the  interference  of  Buchanan  in  favor  of  the  Lecompton  pro- 
slavery  Constitution. 

The  Course  of  Buchanan. — There  are  two  explanations 
put  forth  for  the  course  pursued  by  the  President.  The  first 
is  that  he  was  playing  for  the  favor  of  the  South  in  order  to 
win  a  renomination ;  Pierce  and  other  Presidents  had  failed 
to  secure  renominations  by  their  own  parties.     It  comports 

*See  pp.  80,  82,  infra.  There  is  not  the  slightest  reason  for  any  Northern 
felicitation  upon  this  resignation.  Judge  Curtis  was  influenced  to  resign 
largely  by  his  own  financial  interests,  especially  in  banking.  Judge  Taney 
died  almost  penniless.  He  was  incorruptible,  being  indifferent  to  money 
considerations. 

2See  pp.  194,  384,  supra.  sSee  p.  112,  supra. 


42o  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

with  this  explanation  that  Buchanan  was  a  skillful  politician ; 
but  it  assumes  that  he  was  no  patriot,  for  he  was  fomenting 
disorder  in  Kansas.  This  assumption  will  not  hold  water. 
The  second  explanation  is  that,  surrounded  by  Secretaries  and 
prodded  by  Senators  who  were  mostly  aggressive  proslavery 
advocates,  the  old  man  thought  that  the  crushing  down  of  the 
free-labor  Jayhawkers  in  Kansas  by  the  boot-and-saddle  Mis- 
souri ruffians  was  the  price  by  which  the  nation  could  be  saved 
from  disunion  and  ultimate  dissolution.  It  comports  with  this 
explanation  that  Buchanan  was  a  patriot,  but  assumes  that  he 
was  no  statesman.  This  assumption  also  will  not  hold  water. 
Sacrificing  Kansas,  when  out  of  its  superabundance  of  popula- 
tion, the  North  was  pouring  white  free-labor  into  the  Terri- 
tory, was  but  incensing  the  real  majority  of  the  nation  and 
trying  to  defeat  its  pursuit  of  the  ultimate  national  interests. 
For  to  a  statesman  living  above  sectional  influences  and  seeing 
affairs  in  the  large,  a  Kansas  with  prairies  industriously  farmed 
by  millions  of  free  whites  was  a  far  nobler  vision  than  a  Kansas 
with  prairies  sectioned  off  in  great  plantations  lazily  cultivated 
by  hundreds  of  thousands  of  colored  slaves. 

Threatened  Civil  War  Everywhere. — What  was  already 
happening  in  Kansas, — of  which  the  madness  of  John  Brown 
was  a  fair  sample, — by  the  statesman  should  be  seen  in  extenso 
as  happening  from  Osawatomie  to  Astoria, — battle  after  battle, 
in  guerrilla  warfare  between  slavery  and  freedom.  The  slave- 
holders of  Missouri,  the  owners  of  two  or  three  slaves  as  well 
as  the  owners  of  hundreds,  saw  their  human  live  stock  taking 
to  its  legs  and  getting  under  the  protection  of  the  guns  of  ten 
thousands  of  John  Browns;  and  their  course  of  action  was 
perfectly  natural.  Let  us  put  an  end  to  John  Browns  as  far 
as  the  Canadian  border.  Such  was  the  logical  outcome  of  the 
Dred  Scott  decision.  And  such  was  the  work  of  Buchanan, 
viewing  himself  as  the  chief  guardian  of  the  peace  and  order 
of  American  society. 

Senator  Douglas. — Therefore,  President  Buchanan  used 
Federal  patronage  not  only  to  force  the  admission  of  Kansas 
as  a  State  with  a  proslavery  Constitution  but  in  1858  to  defeat 
the  reelection  of  Douglas  of  Illinois  to  the  United  States 
Senate.  Douglas  had  been  his  chief  rival  for  the  nomination 
at  Cincinnati,1  and  was  the  foremost  Northern  exponent  of 
Democratic  doctrine.     But  he  still  persisted  in  the  delusion  of 

xSee  pp.  439  et  seq.,  infra. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  421 

popular  sovereignty;  and  the  new  Democratic  doctrine  of 
Taney,  Yancey,  Toombs,  and  Davis  had  rejected  that  delusion 
in  favor  of  the  constitutional  necessity  of  slavery  in  every  ter- 
ritory. Already,  they  were  talking  of  buying  and  selling  and 
whipping  their  slaves  "in  the  streets  of  Boston.''  Already, 
like  the  lords  they  were,  they  strode  about  the  streets  of  Wash- 
ington and  through  the  halls  and  rooms  of  the  National  build- 
ings, in  haughty  assurance  that  they  owned  the  Supreme  Court 
and  the  Administration  and  would  soon  recover  control  of 
Congress.  With  the  swagger  went  the  threat: — The  whole 
Government  must  be  ours,  or  we  will  form  a  nation  in  the 
South  that  is  wholly  ours;  and  the  North  cannot  stand  that! 
It  was  the  pride  that  goeth  before  destruction. 

Wage-Service  Wins. — But  for  all  the  keen  debating  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  who  was  playing  Buchanan's  game  for  him 
but  from  an  entirely  different  purpose,  Douglas  of  Illinois  did 
go  back  to  the  Senate;  and  for  all  the  clever  managing  of 
Buchanan,  Kansas  came  in  as  a  free  State  in  January,  1861. 
The  population  had  grown  from  800  whites,  some  negroes,  and 
several  thousand  Indians  in  1853  to  102,000  in  i860,  nearly 
all  whites,  scarcely  more  negroes,  and  even  less  Indians.  Foot- 
loose wage-service  laborers  had  captured  the  prairie.  And  the 
Kansas  border  warfare  with  its  outrages,  ambushes,  assassina- 
tions, rapine  and  fraud,  was  soon  to  be  nationalized  into  a 
civil  war,  for  which  more  than  any  others  Taney  and  Buchanan 
must  be  held  responsible. 

The  Panic  of  1857. — In  1857  a  panic  set  in.  A  bank  in 
Cincinnati  failed  for  $7,000,000 ;  this  was  the  start  of  the  gen- 
eral ruin.  Nearly  all  the  banks  of  the  country  failed,  as  they 
had  failed  in  the  days  of  Martin  Van  Buren.  The  new  rail- 
ways could  not  pay  interest  on  their  debts.  Factories  shut 
down.  Merchants  failed  in  business.  Millions  were  out  of 
work.  The  enormous  production  of  gold  in  California  had 
inflated  prices,  just  as  prior  to  1837  too  free  credit  in  the  days 
of  paper  money  had  inflated  prices.  A  flood  of  money,  real 
or  fiat,  always  makes  trouble. 

Harper's  Ferry. — On  October  17,  1859,  John  Brown  made 
his  raid  into  Virginia  at  Harper's  Ferry.  In  itself,  this  mad 
raid  accomplished  nothing.  Brown  was  hanged  on  December 
2d.  But  the  event  was  of  startlingly  dramatic  importance. 
Helper's   "Impending   Crisis,"   first  published   in    1857,   had 


422  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

taught  the  world  what  "the  poor  white  trash"  of  the  South 
thought  of  slavery,  which  left  no  room  for  a  middle  class. 
John  Brown's  raid  taught  the  world  what  a  poor  white  man 
of  the  North  thought  of  the  rights  of  the  colored  slave;  he 
was  ready  to  die  for  his  "brother  in  black."1  Brown  was,  of 
course,  a  fanatic;  but  the  shuffling  of  President  James  Buch- 
anan was  calculated  to  produce  just  this  kind  of  fanatic  who 
saw  men  in  blacks-and-whites. 

At  the  execution  of  John  Brown  were  Robert  E.  Lee,  Col- 
onel U.  S.  A.,  and  "Stonewall"  Jackson;  and  in  the  squad 
that  had  fired  upon  him  at  his  capture  was  one  John  Wilkes 
Booth.2  Upon  that  fatal  second  day  of  December,  1859, 
ATrginia  was  surely  laying  up  ruin  for  herself.  Executing 
John  Brown  was  folly  greater  than  his  own  fanatic  madness. 
The  worst  that  ever  befell  Virginia  was  to  educate  Lee  and 
Jackson  into  the  secession  spirit  to  the  point  of  bloodshed  and 
Booth  into  the  murdering  of  one  who  was  Virginia's  best 
friend. 

The  Fate  of  Virginia. — Slavery  had  turned  "the  mother 
of  Presidents"  into  a  breeding-ground  for  colored  persons, 
had  ruined  her  own  agriculture,  and  had  driven  out  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  whites.  Secession  was  to  turn  the  counties 
where  Washington,  Marshall,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe, 
Harrison,  and  Tyler  were  born  and  reared  into  the  cemeteries 
of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  gallant  soldiers,  whom  the  nation, 
including  Virginia,  needed.  The  hanging  of  Brown  for  his 
crime  was  entirely  legal.  So  also  had  been  the  Lecompton 
Constitution.  And  Buchanan  was  a  legalist,  as  his  final  acts 
as  President  were  about  to  show.  It  is  often  unwise  to  stick 
to  legality.  Nations  seldom  change  their  laws  until  after 
they  have  outgrown  them.  Excessive  legality  in  epochs  of 
misfit  is  not  good  sense. 

Personal  Liberty  Acts. — The  States  of  the  North  had 
answered  the  Fugitive  Slave  Act  writh  Personal  Liberty  Acts 
conceived  in  the  spirit  of  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolu- 
tions and  of  the  South  Carolina  Nullification  Ordinance.  They 
had  found  ways  to  protect  the  underground  railroad. 

1Brown  had  the  common  Northern  delusion  that  a  negro  is  a  white  man 
with  a  black  face.  No  self-respecting  negro  ever  thought  that ;  and  it  never 
was  either  kindness  or  good  sense  to  think  so. 

2See  pp.  469  et  seq.,  infra. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  423 

Negroes  Imported. — The  South,  however,  had  found  ways 
to  bring  in  negroes  from  Africa  and  despite  the  Federal  laws, 
in  the  period  from  1857  to  i860  did  in  fact  import  many  tens 
of  thousands ;  how  many  is  not  accurately  known ;  perhaps  in 
all  several  hundred  thousand.  Sectionalism  had  become  an 
undeniable  fact.  James  Buchanan  was  the  first  to  learn  this. 
His  own  party  broke  into  three  fragments,  not  one  of  which 
cared  for  him. 

The  Democratic  Party  Splits  into  Fragments. — The 
Democratic  Convention  met  first  at  Charleston,  South  Caro- 
lina, late  in  April,  i860.  It  split  into  two  parts,  45  votes  in 
303,  representing  Florida  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  Texas, 
left  the  Convention  Hall,  angered  at  certain  pro-Douglas  reso- 
lutions, for  Douglas  had  rejected  the  policy  of  the  nationaliza- 
tion of  slavery, — in  other  terms,  he  had  won  the  Senatorship 
and  split  his  party.  The  remaining  258  delegates  could  not 
agree  upon  a  Presidential  candidate  and  adjourned  to  meet  at 
Baltimore  in  May.  There  only  191^  votes  appeared,  for  of 
the  258,  663/2  more  votes  had  seceded.  But  8  reappeared;  and 
waiving  its  two-thirds  rule,  so  far  as  it  concerned  the  entire 
303,  the  Democratic  Convention  cast  all  but  ten  of  its  votes 
for  Douglas  as  Presidential  candidate.  With  him  was  asso- 
ciated as  Vice-Presidential  nominee  Judge  Herschel  V.  John- 
son of  Georgia.  Far  worse  and  weaker  men  than  Douglas  have 
been  Presidents. 

Ten  days  later,  the  seceders  from  the  Democratic  Conven- 
tion met  also  at  Baltimore.  This  group  promptly  nominated 
Vice-President  J.  C.  Breckenridge  of  Kentucky  for  the  Presi- 
dency and  Joseph  Lane  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  Lane  was  a 
Major-General  of  the  Mexican  War  and  United  States  Senator 
from  Oregon. 

In  May,  a  third  party  had  met  at  Baltimore.  It  had  one 
plank  only  in  its  platform — union  under  the  Constitution.  It 
nominated  John  Bell  of  Tennessee  and  Edward  Everett  of 
Massachusetts.  Bell  had  long  been  United  States  Senator, 
and  Everett  had  been  Representative  in  Congress,  President 
of  Harvard  College,  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  Minister  to 
England,  and  Cabinet  Secretary.  This  was  a  ticket  of  able  and 
highly  cultivated  gentlemen. 

Lincoln  Nominated. — Also  in  May,  but  at  Chicago,  the 
Republicans  had  met.     This  was  the  second  Convention  to  go 


424  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

west  of  the  Alleghanies.1  The  delegates  were  in  the  Illinois 
atmosphere;  and  Illinois  Republicanism  was  all  for  Abraham 
Lincoln.2  The  Convention  nominated  Lincoln,  and  with  him 
Hannibal  Hamlin  of  Maine,  who  had  been  Governor  and  was 
then  United  States  Senator.  Hamlin  was  almost  a  statesman. 
Who  was  Abraham  Lincoln?  Not  many  knew.  The  party 
had  rejected  its  real  leader,  William  H.  Seward.  Apparently, 
Lincoln  was  not  in  the  same  class  with  Douglas,  Breckenridge 
or  Bell. 

Buchanan  had  been  shoved  aside,  and  in  the  terrific  campaign 
that  resulted,  was  forgotten.  Douglas,  Breckenridge,  and  Bell 
each  hoped  to  throw  the  election  into  Congress  for  want  of 
a  majority  in  the  Electoral  College. 

Of  them  all,  Lincoln  alone  hoped  to  win  immediately.  He 
had  but  little  experience  with  national  affairs  on  a  large  scale 
and  was  correspondingly  optimistic.  The  fates  were  with 
him,  and  he  won. 

The  Fatal  Interregnum. — An  interregnum  set  in.  South 
Carolina  immediately  by  its  legislature  called  for  a  convention 
to  consider  secession.  She  who  had  defied  Jackson8  did  not 
hesitate  to  defy  President  Buchanan  and  President-elect  Lin- 
coln. In  his  annual  message,  sent  to  Congress  on  December 
4,  i860,  Buchanan  called  upon  Jeremiah  S.  Black  for  his  legal 
opinion  as  United  States  Attorney-General  as  to  the  Secession 
Ordinance  of  South  Carolina.  The  Pennsylvania  jurist  and 
legalist  set  forth,  first,  that  no  State  has  any  legal  right  to 
secede;  second,  that  no  legal  right  is  vested  in  the  Federal 
Government  to  prevent  secession;  third,  that  by  his  oath  of 
office,  the  President  is  obligated  to  protect  Federal  property 
everywhere  and  to  enforce  Federal  laws  everywhere.  The 
Fathers  had  not  foreseen  such  a  crisis. 

Two  Legalists. — Attempts  of  several  kinds  were  made  to 
stop  the  break-up  of  the  Union.  Compromise  measures  were 
offered  sincerely,  even  confidently,  in  Congress.  An  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  was  agreed  upon, — Lincoln  himself 
favored  it.  A  Peace  Congress  was  held.4  But  the  Fireaters 
resigned  from  the  Cabinet  and  from  the  Senate,  angrily  calling 

JSee  p.  416,  supra.  *See»pp.  337  et  seq.,  supra. 

'See  pp.  442,  443,  infra.  *See  p.  378,  supra. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  425 

Buchanan  "senile,"  and  preparing  to  set  up  their  own  govern- 
ment. 

More  Northern  Senators. — On  May  11,  1858,  the 
Northern  State  of  Minnesota  and  on  February  14,  1859, 
Oregon  were  admitted.  The  South  was  losing  ground  in  the 
gerrymandered  United  States  Senate,  its  one  hope.1  All  the 
South  foresaw  the  wind-up  of  political  power.  It  was  inevi- 
table that  Kansas  should  come  in  anti-slavery,  which  it  did 
upon  January  29,  1861.  But  this  move  had  already  been  dis- 
counted by  political  prophets. 

Secession  Grows. — One  after  another,  sometimes  by  close 
votes,  the  Southern  States  seceded.  They  did  what  Phillips 
and  other  Abolitionists  desired  the  North  to  do  because  of 
the  Dred  Scott  decision.  Yet  there  were  many  Unionists  even 
among  the  slaveholders  themselves  and  many  more  among  the 
non-slaveholders.2 

Of  the  Secession  movement  false  views  prevail.  Nearly 
all  of  it  occurred  in  the  administration  of  Buchanan,  two  of 
whose  own  Secretaries, — Cobb  and  Floyd, — formulated  it  and 
even  turned  over  Federal  property  in  quantities  to  the  South- 
ern States,  perhaps  more  than  their  share.  It  was  by  no 
means  unanimous  in  the  South.  But  in  the  end,  it  involved 
nearly  every  Southerner  of  social  and  political  standing.  In 
part,  it  was  a  sincere  protest  against  Northern  hypocrisy  and 
duplicity  and  wavering. 

Lewis  Cass,  Secretary  of  State,  resigned  December  14,  i860, 
not  because  he  was  a  secessionist  but  for  the  opposite  reason, — 
because  he  desired  the  forts  at  Charleston  reinforced,  and 
Buchanan  rejected  his  advice.  Six  days  later,  South  Carolina 
adopted  the  Secession  Ordinance.  Lossing,  the  historian,  was 
at  the  home  of  Cass  at  Washington  when  the  news  was  re- 
ceived. The  aged  statesman  exclaimed:  "The  people  of  the 
South  are  mad ;  the  people  of  the  North  are  asleep.  The  Presi- 
dent is  pale  with  fear,  for  his  official  household  is  full  of 
traitors,  and  conspirators  control  the  government.  God  only 
knows  what  is  to  be  the  fate  of  my  poor  country !" 

While  a  Charleston  newspaper,  "The  Mercury,"  was  styling 
Buchanan  "that  hoary  trickster  and  humbug,"  the  Springfield 

xSee  pp.  170;  397,  supra,  for  opposite  forces. 
2See  p.  80,  supra,  and  p.  483,  infra. 


426  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

(Massachusetts)  "Republican"  cried:  "Oh,  for  an  hour  of 
Andrew  Jackson !" 

It  Might  Have  Been  Different. — The  four  months  that 
intervene  between  the  election  and  the  inauguration  of  a  Presi- 
dent constitute  a  serious  defect  in  the  constitutional  provisions 
for  the  making  of  that  officer.  Since  the  November  election  in 
i860,  every  one  had  known  who  was  to  be  President;  and  yet 
a  different  kind  of  man  was  actually  in  office.  The  original 
legislation  had  provided  for  this  long  period  of  time  for  two 
reasons, — first,  because  in  the  days  before  steam  and  electricity, 
eleven  or  twelve  weeks  was  none  too  long  a  time;  second, 
because  the  business  of  the  Electoral  College  would  seldom, 
so  it  was  supposed,  effect  more  than  several  nominations,  and 
Congress  would  really  make  the  choice.1  Instead  of  eleven  or 
twelve  weeks,  a  fortnight  or  at  most  a  month  would  suffice 
at  present.  If  Lincoln  had  become  President  by  December  1, 
i860,  the  history  of  this  nation  would  have  been  greatly  dif- 
ferent.2 

When,  early  in  October,  i860,  the  Governor  of  South  Caro- 
lina first  proposed  secession,  four  States  sent  replies  distinctly 
opposing  the  movement, — North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama, 
and  Louisiana ;  only  Florida  was  as  belligerent  as  South  Caro- 
lina. Georgia  indeed  was  finally  carried  out  of  the  Union  by 
the  assertion  of  Howell  Cobb,  who  retired  from  the  Cabins 
of  Buchanan  and  declared  that  the  South  could  "make  better 
terms  out  of  the  Union  than  in  it."  This  assertion  meant  that 
secession,  to  his  notion,  was  a  threat  in  action,  not  a  proposi- 
tion for  a  permanent  new  nation. 

But  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution,  the  "State  patriots" 
were  given  time  to  organize  their  forces  before  Lincoln  came 
in ;  and  one  by  one,  the  Southern  States  were  brought  into  line. 
South  Carolina  went  out  on  December  20;  Mississippi  on 
January  9;  Florida  on  January  10;  Alabama  on  January  II, 
by  a  vote  of  61  yeas  to  39  nays,  the  northern  delegates  being 
nays;  Georgia  on  January  18,  with  such  men  as  Alexander  H. 
Stephens  and  Herschel  V.  Johnson  among  the  89  nays  to  208 
yeas ;  Louisiana  on  January  26 ;  and  Texas  February  1 ,  with 
Governor  Sam  Houston  among  the  7  nays  to  166  yeas. 

^ee  Farrand,  Records  of  the  Federal  Convention,  Vol.  II,  July  25    et 
passim. 
2See  pp.  128,  163,  supra;  447,  448,  infra. 


JAMES  BUCHANAN  427 

A  Divided  North. — The  North  was  awestruck.  Many  of 
the  leaders  of  opinion,  many  newspapers,  whole  sections  coun- 
selled peace  at  any  price.  Even  Horace  Greeley,  Thurlow 
Weed,  and  Wendell  Phillips  deprecated  force  and  coercion. 
They  believed  in  government  by  influence,  which  is  a  cheat. 
Daniel  E.  Sickles,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  said  that 
New  York  City  also  would  secede ;  and  the  Democratic  Mayor, 
Fernando  Wood,  advised  her  to  do  so.  Early  in  January, 
1861,  the  "Star  of  the  West"  had  been  fired  upon  in  Charles- 
ton Harbor  in  an  attempt  to  relieve  Major  Robert  Anderson, 
who  was  trying  to  hold  Fort  Sumter  against  South  Carolina 
troops,  ships  and  artillery.  And  Buchanan  did  nothing.  To 
the  paralyzed  Presidency,  a  Cabinet  regency  succeeded,  with 
several  new  Secretaries,  including  Stanton,  to  be  so  famous 
under  Lincoln  and  Johnson.  But  on  January  1 1 ,  General  John 
A.  Dix  of  New  York  succeeded  to  the  Treasury  and  on  the 
29th  instant,  he  sent  a  telegram  to  a  subordinate  customs 
officer,  which  read — "If  any  one  attempts  to  haul  down  the 
American  flag,  shoot  him  on  the  spot."  This  was  tonic  in  its 
nature  and  effects.  Government  is  force;  otherwise  it  is 
farce. 

The  Confederacy  Organized. — On  February  9,  1861,  the 
oath  of  allegiance  was  taken  to  the  new  Confederate  States 
of  North  America ;  and  Jefferson  Davis  was  elected  President 
with  Alexander  H.  Stephens  as  Vice-President.  Either  Robert 
Toombs  of  Georgia,  former  United  States  Senator,  or  Howell 
Cobb  would  have  made  an  abler  President.  Each  had  sup- 
porters for  the  office.1 

General  Winfield  Scott. — There  was  talk  of  interference 
with  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  to  count  the  Electoral  College 
votes  on  February  13;  but  though  Winfield  Scott,  head  of 
the  army,  was  seventy-five  years  old  and  sympathized  in  a  gen- 
eral way  with  the  South,2  he  smelled  the  battle  afar  off,  and 
with  threats  of  blowing  traitors'  heads  off  at  cannon  mouths 
and  with  actual  mustering  of  troops,  made  battle  impossible. 
It  was  the  most  creditable  performance  of  all  his  life.  The 
votes  were  quietly  counted  and  announced  by  Vice-President 
Breckenridge.  He  himself  had  seventy- two  votes.  A  month 
later,  he  became  United  States  Senator;  yet  though  his  State 

*See  p.  417.  'See  p.  164,  supra. 


428  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

did  not  secede,  in  September  he  joined  the  Confederacy  and 
became  brigadier-general. 

The  "Enquirer"  Speaks. — Next,  the  Confederates  pro- 
posed to  make  Washington  City  the  Capital  of  the  Confed- 
eracy. Said  the  Richmond  (Virginia)  "Enquirer," — "Our 
people  can  take  it, — they  will  take  it.  Scott,  the  arch-traitor, 
and  Lincoln,  the  beast,  cannot  prevent  it.  The  'Illinois  Ape' 
must  retrace  his  journey  more  rapidly  than  he  came."  The 
Southerners  talked  too  freely.  They  hoped  to  win  by  threats 
and  bravado.    But  a  new  epoch  had  come. 

A  Dramatic  Scene. — More  serious  was  the  plan  to  assassi- 
nate Lincoln.1  Whatever  it  was,  it  failed.  He  arrived  duly 
in  Washington,  and  on  March  4,  1861,  was  inaugurated. 
Beside  Lincoln  sat  James  Buchanan,  a  ceremonious  old  gentle- 
man confused  in  this  mess  of  affairs ;  next  to  him  sat  Stephen 
A.  Douglas,  his  leading  rival,  cool,  polite,  and  comforting, — 
he  held  President  Lincoln's  extra  tall  silk  hat  in  his  hand  while 
the  reading  of  the  eloquent  inaugural  proceeded.  The  oath  of 
office  was  administered  by  Roger  B.  Taney,  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States,  who  had  helped  to  make  Lincoln  President 
and  to  convert  a  land  of  peace  into  a  land  soon  to  echo  with 
battle-shouts  and  to  flow  with  brothers'  blood.  Four  men  they 
were, — and  they  represented  three  parties,  the  old  Taney- 
Buchanan  party  of  slavery,  the  new  Douglas  party  of  slavery 
but  no  secession,  and  the  rising  Lincoln  party  of  no  secession 
whether  with  or  without  slavery.  When  and  where  was  there 
ever  a  more  startling  group  of  great  statesmen  in  a  more 
dramatic  peaceful  scene? 

Buchanan  too  Diplomatic. — It  is  not  true  that  our  oldest 
Presidents  have  been  the  worst.  Nor  is  the  contrary  true  that 
the  youngest  Presidents  have  been  the  worst.  But  it  is  true 
that  our  old  Presidents  who  had  been  long  in  political  life  have 
been  poorer  Presidents  than  Zachary  Taylor,  who  knew  noth- 
ing of  practical  politics  until  he  was  himself  by  the  fortunes  of 
a  successful  war  and  the  needs  of  a  political  party  the  Presi- 
dential candidate.  A  little  audacity,  a  little  directness  and 
some  force,  a  little  recklessness  and  some  promptitude;  in 
other  words,  less  diplomacy,  would  have  saved  James  Buch- 
anan to  a  memory  of  higher  honor. 

A  War  Democrat. — Then  the  kind,  obfuscated  old  bache- 
lor, the  former  President,  went  home  to  Lancaster,   Penn- 

lSee   p.   448,    infra. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  429 

sylvania.  He  had  saved  up  $200,000.  He  wrote  a  book  en- 
titled "Mr.  Buchanan's  Administration,"  which  was  published 
in  1866.  He  died  of  rheumatic  gout  at  Wheatland,  his  estate 
near  Lancaster,  June  1,  1868,  being  full  of  years  and  memories 
and  regrets,  for  once  out  of  the  toils  of  the  South,  out  of  the 
political  atmosphere  of  Washington,  nearly  always  bad,  and 
often  worse,  he  saw  his  mistakes, — too  late,  too  late. 

During  the  administrations  of  Lincoln  and  of  Johnson,  James 
Buchanan  exerted  but  little  influence.  He  was,  however,  a 
sincere  War  Democrat.  Let  Americans  recall  him  with  pity. 
He  had  played  politics  too  long  to  know  how  to  fight  a  war, 
for  the  Interstate  War  began  with  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill 
in  the  days  of  Franklin  Pierce,  whose  unfortunate  heir  he  was. 
Small  wonder  that  aged  James  Buchanan  spent  uneasy  years 
in  his  lonely  bachelor  retirement,  reviewing  his  Presidency 
and  its  aftermath, — ruinous  war,  still  more  ruinous  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  war- wrecked  Southern  land,  and  a  national  gov- 
ernment debauched  of  standards  of  efficiency  and  honesty. 


CHAPTER  XVI 
Abraham  Lincoln 

1861-1865 

1809-1865 
$4-23-26-36  States  Population  21,000,000 

Admitted:    West  Virginia,  Nevada.  35,000,000 

The  wide  awake  campaign  compared  with  the  log  cabin  and  hard  cider 
campaign  of  "Old  Tip"  Harrison — the  "railsplitter" — his  sources  of 
popular  strength — most  interesting  of  all  Americans — why  Valley 
Forges  arise — the  patience  of  Abraham  Lincoln — the  stories — early 
life — personal  appearance — death  of  his  mother — his  stepmother — 
his  dress — his  books — Black  Hawk  War — storekeeper — his  debts — 
postmaster — State  Assemblyman — borrows  $200 — death  of  Ann  Rut- 
ledge — melancholy — service  in  the  Legislature — lawyer — the  strange 
story  of  courtship  and  marriage — more  melancholy — his  law  partners 
— some  law  cases — a  total  abstinence  exhorter — a  Whig  in  Congress — 
opposes  Mexican  War  but  votes  for  supplies — visits  New  England — 
in  a  way,  a  National   Socialist — advises  purchasing  the   slaves— op- 


430  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

poses  Stephen  A.  Douglas — Shields  and  Trumbull — Vice-Presidential 
ambitions  in  1856 — the  Lincoln-Douglas  debates — "a  house  divided 
against  itself  cannot  stand" — the  "Freeport  heresy" — the  Cooper 
Union  speech — his  poverty — an  American  Socrates — his  intellectual 
quality,  exhaustive  reflection — wins  the  Republican  nomination — at- 
tacked by  Wendell  Phillips  as  "a  slave-hound" — the  fight  of  i860 
against  Douglas — the  old  sectionalism — a  dark  horse  candidate — a 
minority  President — the  interregnum — predicts  his  own  assassination — 
his  Cabinet — a  good  helmsman  for  the  Union  Ship  of  State — call  for 
volunteers — the  Border  States — Baltimore  cut  off — West  Virginia 
secedes  from  Virginia — the  locations  of  the  Capitols — the  proslavery 
strength — the  "war  powers"  of  the  President  and  of  the  Constitution 
— habeas  corpus — a  rejected  Constitution — General  McClellan — Secre- 
tary Stanton — a  War  President — Congress — the  armies — Grant  wins 
Fort  Donelson — Willie  Lincoln  dies — Monitor  wins  at  Hampton  Roads 
— Southern  events — A.  S.  Johnston  killed — the  Wilkes  affair — "one 
war  at  a  time" — the  slaves — more  of  McClellan — Chancellorsville — 
Stonewall  Jackson  killed — Antietam — the  Emancipation  Proclamation — 
Lincoln  as  a  writer — enlisting  negroes  as  soldiers — Gettysburg — Vicks- 
burg — Grant — Vallindigham — the  New  York  draft  riot — the  Gettys- 
burg speech — politics  in  1864 — reelected — Sherman  marches  to  the 
sea — Thomas  at  Nashville — Sheridan — at  Winchester — Chase  made 
Chief  Justice — the  "Alabama" — the  Second  Inaugural — the  negro 
rights  amendments — Lee  surrenders  at  Appomattox — Lincoln  is  killed 
— Seward  also  is  assassinated  but  survives — cause  of  the  conspiracy — 
unconstitutional  punishment  of  conspirators — the  common  affliction 
of  incompetent  government— Walt  Whitman,  poet  of  democracy, 
quoted. 

The  Wide  Awake  Campaign  of  i860. — "One  whose  meek 
flock  the  people  joyed  to  be!"  Such  is  the  verdict  of  the  poet 
Lowell  upon  Lincoln.  How  pitifully  untrue !  Not  until  Appo- 
mattox did  he  govern  the  land.  Upon  hearing  that  he  was 
to  be  President,  one-third  of  the  people  flew  to  arms  against 
the  Government  over  which  he  was  to  preside.  Nor  were  the 
people  ever  joyous  over  this  strangest  of  human  beings,  our 
first  martyr  President,  slain  by  one  of  his  own  unwilling  com- 
patriots, son  of  the  foreign-born. 

We  may  wonder  greatly  at  the  log  cabin  and  hard  cider 
campaign  of  "Old  Tip"  Harrison  in  1840;  and  at  that  of  "Old 
Rough  and  Ready"  Taylor  in  1848.  It  was  rather  undignified 
to  put  "Old  Hickory"  Jackson  into  the  Presidential  office,  made 
outwardly  splendid  by  George  Washington,  widely  influential 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  431 

by  Thomas  Jefferson;  and  startlingly  effective  by  Andrew 
Jackson.  But  to  make  a  "railsplitter"  and  "flatboatman/'  a 
grotesque  giantesque  "ape,"  as  he  was  brutally  styled  by  some,1 
partly  because  of  his  name  "Abe"  and  partly  because  of  his 
appearance,  President  in  an  epoch  of  crisis  equal  to  that  of 
1776,  upon  a  stage  of  action  far  wider,  was  an  experiment 
more  amazing  than  any  that  had  gone  before. 

But  for  the  campaigns  of  Harrison  and  Taylor,  Abraham 
Lincoln  could  never  have  been  elected,  or  even  nominated. 
They  prepared  the  way  for  the  Republican  "Wide  Awake" 
Clubs  of  i860,  which  nightly  for  months  held  meetings  and 
processions  in  nearly  every  town  and  village  of  the  North. 

His  Apparent  Unfitness. — Lincoln  had  never  been  United 
States  Senator;  or  even  Governor  of  his  State;  or  minister 
abroad;  or  a  Cabinet  chief;  or  even  a  brigadier-general.  Of 
the  fifteen  Presidents  before  him,  not  one  but  had  reached 
greater  distinction  prior  to  election.  Closely  analyzed,  upon 
their  records,  only  Jackson  and  Taylor  were  less  prepared  by 
official  experience  than  Lincoln  for  the  Presidency. 

Sources  of  Popular  Strength. — Likely  enough,  thou- 
sands of  voters  saw  the  point;  we  had  far  worse  Presidents 
than  Jackson  and  Taylor.  Lincoln  was  not  even  a  college 
graduate  or  a  fairly  well  educated  man;  Jackson  and  Taylor 
were  not  well  educated.  Probably,  Lincoln  was  a  rough  and 
uncouth  man.  The  voters  were  rough  and  uncouth.  The  plain 
people  liked  the  idea  of  a  plain  man  to  face  the  crisis.  They 
had  seen  enough  of  gentlemen, — Tyler,  Polk,  Fillmore,  Pierce, 
and  Buchanan  had  palled  upon  their  taste.  Bell  and  Everett 
had  drawn  the  votes  of  gentlemen  in  the  North,  Douglas  and 
Johnson  those  of  the  business  men  and  standpatters,  and 
Breckenridge  and  Lane  the  masses  of  the  cities.  The  farmers 
of  the  country  districts,  the  mechanics  of  the  cities  and  towns, 
and  the  young  voters  (who  in  fact  cast  one-seventh  of  the  total 
vote  in  Presidential  elections)  made  Abraham  Lincoln  Presi- 
dent. Some  chuckled  over  his  manners,  some  liked  his  ideas, 
some  distrusted  all  his  opponents  because  of  their  records  and 
affiliations. 

Most  Interesting  of  All  Americans. — It  is  the  fortune 
of  but  few  human  beings  to  become  so  interesting  to  others 
that  they  desire  to  know  the  minutiae  of  their  ancestors, 
persons,  characters,  deeds,  ideas,  circumstances  and  daily  lives. 

1See  p.  429,  supra. 


432  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Abraham  Lincoln  is  one  of  those  few.  All  the  world  has  asked 
his  parentage,  height,  weight,  color  of  hair,  whether  he  slept 
well  o'  nights,  his  deeds,  his  ideas,  his  poverty,  failures,  fail- 
ings, successes,  sins,  virtues.  The  story  of  the  early  days  of 
Lincoln  is  more  familiar  to  Americans  than  is  the  story  of  the 
early  days  of  any  other  President,  of  any  other  American,  of 
any  other  man.  There  are  more  lives  of  Lincoln,  more  his- 
tories of  his  times,  more  essays,  addresses,  monographs  about 
him  than  about  any  other  three  Americans  together.  As  a 
theme  of  human  interest  and  concern,  he  surpasses  any  other 
man  of  our  history.  Why?  Because  he  was  perfect?  No. 
Because  he  affords  so  many  points  for  praise?    No. 

Valley  Forge. — The  Presidency  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
one  long  spiritual  Valley  Forge.  They  misconceive  George 
Washington  and  his  Valley  Forge  and  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
the  misery  of  the  Interstate  War  who  fancy  that  they  them- 
selves were  in  no  way  responsible  for  their  sufferings.  Like  all 
other  men,  Washington  and  Lincoln  were  in  part  makers  of 
their  own  fates  day  by  day.  To  most  generals,  Valley  Forges 
are  impossible;  to  most  statesmen,  such  periods  as  that  of  the 
Interstate  War  are  impossible.  They  arise  from  indomitable 
endurance  without  sufficient  ability  and  resources  promptly  to 
prevail. 

His  Patience. — The  root  of  the  character  of  Lincoln  was 
patience, — he  had  faith  in  the  final  victory  of  patience.  There 
is  no  way  to  destroy  such  a  man  other  than  to  bear  and  to 
overbear,  to  wait  and  wait  and  wait  still  longer  than  he.  The 
patient  man  cannot  be  uprooted.  The  patience  of  Lincoln 
became  the  source  of  his  popular  strength ;  the  common  people 
are  surprised,  astounded,  dismayed  by  genius,  but  they  under- 
stand and  confide  in  patience.  They  live  by  enduring.  Forti- 
tude is  easier  than  courage.  The  draft  horse  is  no  war- 
charger,  no  race-winner.  In  a  sense,  fortitude  is  moral  cour- 
age; in  another  sense,  fortitude  is  evidence  of  peasant-ancestry. 

"Endurance  is  the  crowning  quality, 
And  patience  all  the  passion  of  great  hearts." 

Not  that  Lincoln  was  always  conventionally  patient.  Once, 
he  himself  carried  an  insolent  office-seeker  out  of  the  White 
House,  with  one  great  hand  gripping  the  man's  coatcollar  and 
with  the  other  gripping  the  seat  of  his  breeches.     Still,  he 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  433 

didn't  knock  him  down  or  swear  at  him;  he  carried  him  out, 
bore  him  away,  and  deposited  him  out  of  doors — firmly,  gently, 
finally. 

The  Lincoln  Stories. — All  Americans  know  the  Lincoln 
stories, — how  he  trotted  about  the  Departments  to  help  indi- 
viduals in  need,  and  incidentally  to  get  the  outdoor  air,  to  see 
the  real  folks,  and  to  avoid  undesirables;  how  he  pardoned 
hundreds  of  small  offenders,  which  always  is  good  politics  as 
well  as  good  religion ;  how  he  visited  the  army  hospitals ;  how 
he  told  stories  to  illustrate  his  arguments;  how  he  read  his 
Bible  far  into  the  night  and  rose  early,  breakfasting  on  toast 
and  tea;  how  he  passed  often  suddenly  from  grave  to  gay, 
and  from  gay  to  grave;  how  eagerly  he  scanned  the  war 
news ;  how  skillfully  or  unskill fully  he  directed  his  generals  and 
secretaries ;  how  he  waited  and  waited  the  fullness  of  time  to 
publish  the  Emancipation  Proclamation;  how  he  was  always 
getting  things  done.  He  was  patient,  judicious,  indefatigable, 
circumspect,  foresighted,  shrewd,  deep, — the  best  politician 
ever  in  Washington,  bar  none  until  McKinley. 

Early  Life, — Personal  Appearance. — All  the  world 
knows  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  on  February  12,  1809, 
in  Hardin  County,  Kentucky ;  that  he  was  six  feet  four  inches 
in  height,  weighed  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  or  eighty 
pounds,  wore  a  seven  and  one-eighth  hat  (most  men  wear 
sevens,  but  several  Presidents  have  worn  seven  and  a  half 
hats,  one  a  seven  and  seven-eighths),  and  No.  11  or  12  shoes. 
(Washington  had  enormous  hands  and  feet,  larger  than  Lin- 
coln's; he  weighed  thirty  or  forty  pounds  more,  wore  No.  13 
boots,  and  usually  had  far  better  health  and  was  much  more 
athletic.)  Lincoln  was  ugly  of  face,  so  ugly  as  to  be  pictu- 
resque. But  he  was  neither  ungainly  nor  awkward  of  body, 
nor  uncouth  in  manner,  nor  as  President  rude  and  careless  of 
speech.  On  the  contrary,  he  carried  himself  strongly  and 
gracefully,  though  he  usually  seemed  weary  and  often  sleepy; 
he  was  polite,  gracious,  and  sympathetic,  and  his  language  on 
dress  parade  was  choice  and  considerate.  If  Lincoln  had  any 
"pose"  whatsoever,  it  was  the  pose  of  carelessness, — to  throw 
plotters  off  the  track, — for  he  was  in  truth  the  most  careful 
of  men.  It  is  unwise  to  seem  too  prudent.  People  never  like 
"safe"  men,  especially  the  men  who  seem  to  be  safeguarding 
themselves.     Lincoln  was  a  shepherd  of  the  people,  a  safe 


434  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

guarder  of  others,  not  of  himself.  He  was  the  least  selfish 
of  men. 

His  Ancestry. — Thousands  and  millions  in  times  past 
have  tried  to  fathom  the  secret  of  how  Lincoln  came  to  be 
what  he  was.  No  plummet  has  sounded  that  depth  for  him 
or  for  any  other  son  of  man.  His  father  was  Thomas  Lincoln 
of  Kentucky, — a  thick,  vigorous,  bold,  reckless  hunting  pioneer, 
— surpassingly  strong,  as  brave  as  any  of  his  neighbors,  as 
industrious  as  the  average  of  them,  rather  unsuccessful  in  get- 
ting property  and  provisions  for  his  family.  Perhaps,  he  had 
the  dreadful  malaria  of  those  early  days.  Certainly,  his  son 
greatly  suffered  from  malaria  for  many  years,  perhaps  always 
more  or  less.  From  his  father  and  his  line,  Abraham  inherited 
his  tough  constitution. 

Death  of  His  Mother. — The  mother  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  Nancy  Hanks,  a  poor  girl  but  probably  not  illegitimate, 
as  once  was  believed  by  many.  She  was  a  very  gentle  and 
a  rather  pretty  and  attractive  woman.  She  died  when  her  son 
was  but  nine  years  old;  he  always  remembered  her  with  a 
beautiful  tenderness,  perhaps  inherited  from  herself.  Soon, 
Tom  Lincoln  married  again.  The  family  drifted  westward 
into  Illinois.  The  stepmother  was  a  widow  with  children,  and 
was  very  kind  to  her  husband's  boy  and  girl. 

His  Reading. — They  were  all  poor,  almost  desperately  poor, 
and  ignorant.  But  for  all  his  ignorance,  Abraham  was  ambi- 
tious. He  managed  to  get  an  arithmetic  to  study;  and  later  a 
grammar.  Next,  he  read  Plutarch's  "Lives,"  Parson  Weems' 
"Life  of  Washington,"  some  "Plays"  of  Shakespeare's,  Bun- 
yan's  "Pilgrim's  Progress,"  and  little  else.  But  he  learned 
these  books.  Meantime,  he  wore  leather  leggins  and  a  linsey 
woolsey  shirt,  summer  and  winter.  He  survived  hardship. 
As  population  came  in,  he  began  to  rise.  When  full-grown,  he 
found  a  chance  to  read  Blackstone's  "Commentaries  upon  the 
Common  Law  of  England."  Probably,  he  learned  much  of  it, 
word  for  word.  He  fought  the  toughs  of  his  neighborhood 
and  in  his  own  language  "licked"  them.  He  worked  out  among 
his  neighbors.  At  last,  he  began  to  earn  money,  and  after  he 
came  of  age,  got  for  himself  his  first  suit  of  clothes. 

In  Early  Manhood. — Such  was  the  Lincoln  of  183CX 

In  1832  Lincoln  went  as  captain  with  a  company  of  neigh- 
bors to  the  Black  Hawk  War,  but  saw  none  of  the  fighting. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  435 

In  the  same  year,  he  became  a  candidate  for  the  State  Legisla- 
ture but  though  he  carried  his  own  county  by  205  votes  to  3, 
was  defeated. 

His  Debts. — He  became  a  country  storekeeper,  but  failed 
next  year,  owing  several  hundred  dollars.  The  neighborhood 
was  now  declining  in  population  and  deteriorating  in  morals. 
He  continued  to  be  so  poor  that  fifteen  years  were  required  to 
pay  off  this  apparently  small  debt.  Most  young  men  as  poor 
as  Lincoln,  instead  of  trying  to  pay  the  debt,  would  have  "lit 
out  for  parts  farther  west,"  to  use  their  own  vernacular,  my 
own  native  lingo.  He  stayed  and  paid.  Presidency?  If  he 
ever  thought  of  it,  the  Presidency  must  have  seemed  to  him  as 
remote  and  inaccessible  as  the  planet  Jupiter. 

In  the  spring  of  1833,  when  Andrew  Jackson  was  President, 
Lincoln  became  postmaster  at  the  village  of  New  Salem  and 
continued  in  the  little  office  until  1836,  when  it  was  closed  by 
the  Government  for  want  of  patrons.  Public  business  like 
private  died  on  Lincoln's  hands. 

Member  State  Legislature. — But  in  1834  he  had  run 
again  for  the  Illinois  Legislature,  and  had  been  elected.  The 
eleven  candidates  ran  upon  joint  tickets.  The  four  leading 
men  received  respectively  1376,  either  1370  or  1390, — no  one 
ever  learned  which, — 11 70  and  11 64.  Lincoln  was  the  third 
in  this  list,  whereupon  he  borrowed  $200  of  a  friend,  bought 
a  good  suit  of  clothes,  his  second,  and  proceeded  to  Vandalia, 
then  the  Capital  of  the  State.  He  was  twenty-five  years  old. 
Part  of  this  time,  he  studied  surveying  and  managed  to  get 
some  work  to  do. 

There  was  much  sympathy  felt  by  all  who  knew  Lincoln 
because  he  was  below  even  poverty,  lived  on  the  cheapest  fare 
(which  he  bought  at  grocery  stores)  and  slept  in  office-build- 
ings to  save  room-rent. 

Death  of  Ann  Rutledge. — Lincoln  took  but  little  interest 
in  legislation  at  Vandalia.  There  was  a  delicate  girl  of  the 
home-neighborhood  by  name  Ann  Rutledge,  whose  affianced 
lover  went  to  New  York  and  either  died  or  forgot  her.  She 
was  but  seventeen  years  old,  and  Lincoln  wished  to  marry  her. 
She  fell  into  a  decline  and  died  of  what  was  called  brain- fever 
in  August,  1835.  For  months,  he  had  sat  daily  at  her  bed- 
side. Just  what  happened  then  to  Abraham  Lincoln  is  obscure. 
His  friends  and  neighbors  had  no  understanding  of  such  a 


436  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

case ;  they  called  him  crazy.  He  had  always  been  melancholy ; 
it  is  a  disease  to  which  the  patient  and  persistent,  the  lonely  and 
the  poor  are  peculiarly  liable.  This  melancholy  was  intensified 
to  an  extreme  degree.  He  was  taken  care  of  by  the  friend  to 
whom  he  owed  the  $200, — Speed, — and  gradually  grew  better. 
Never  again  was  his  physical  strength  what  it  had  been ;  never 
again  did  he  believe  unreservedly  in  the  goodness  of  God  or 
of  the  universe  or  in  humanity  itself.  He  never  shook  off 
wholly  the  influence  of  Ann  Rutledge,  the  memory  of  her 
pitiful  troubles,  and  his  own  soul-absorbing,  unrequited 
passion  for  the  fair-haired,  blue-eyed  girl.  He  seemed  to 
others  and  to  himself  under  a  fate,  and  became  mystical.  In 
1836,  Lincoln  had  another  love-affair,  not  wholly  serious,  with 
a  Kentucky  girl  by  name  Mary  Owen,  who  rejected  him. 

Legislative  Service. — Then  came  a  third  campaign  for 
the  Legislature,  in  which  he  was  easily  successful.  Lincoln 
was  a  Clay  man  and  anti- Jackson,  strong  for  internal  improve- 
ments, "unsound"  on  the  money-question.  He  wished  to  be- 
come "the  DeWitt  Clinton  of  Illinois."  In  1837,  ne  attacked 
some  extreme  proslavery  resolutions  passed  by  the  Democratic 
majority  in  the  Legislature.  Illinois  was  settled  mostly  by 
Southerners.  Anti-slavery  men  were  few.  Lincoln  boldly 
declared  slavery  both  "injustice  and  bad  policy."  In  1838  he 
lost  the  Speakership  by  but  one  vote,  a  fair  test  of  the  relative 
strength  of  Whigs  and  Democrats. 

Though  he  knew  but  little  law,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar 
in  1836,  and  in  April  1837,  began  active  practice  at  Spring- 
field, the  new  Capital  of  the  State.  In  1840  he  was  reelected 
to  the  Legislature,  and  was  also  a  candidate  on  the  Harrison 
Electoral  ticket.  He  stumped  the  State  for  Harrison  and  the 
Whigs  and  frequently  encountered  Stephen  A.  Douglas  who 
from  lobbyist  had  turned  stump-speaker.  The  Democrats  won. 
The  "Little  Giant"  was  then  twenty-seven  years  old,  being 
Lincoln's  junior  by  four  years. 

The  Strange  Story  of  His  Courtship  and  Marriage. — 
In  1836,  Mary  Todd,  then  twenty  years  old,  came  from  Ken- 
tucky to  visit  a  sister  at  Springfield.  Lincoln  thought  that  he 
was  in  love  with  her.  Douglas  also  courted  her — if  she  had 
married  him,  would  she  have  made  him  President? 

Lincoln  and  Mary  Todd  agreed  to  marry  on  January  1, 
1 841.     In  the  parlor  of  her  sister's  home,  duly  adorned,  with 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  437 

the  minister  and  the  invited  guests,  the  bride-to-be  awaited  the 
bridegroom,  who  came  not.  His  friends  spirited  him  away  to 
Kentucky,  for  a  visit  of  months.  His  neighbors  said  that  he 
had  gone  crazy  again.  But  he  had  not  jilted  Mary  Todd: 
he  simply  thought  that  he  was  unfit  to  marry  her.  Yet  on 
November  4,  1842,  at  thirty-three  years  of  age,  he  did  marry 
Miss  Todd,  nearly  nine  years  his  junior.  She  was  almost  as 
queer  as  himself;  and  smarter.  She  insisted  that  he  had  a 
great  future.  A  match-making  friend  arranged  a  surprise 
meeting  for  them ;  and  his  plan  succeeded,  though  details  were 
never  published  by  them.  Mary  Todd  meant  to  make  Lincoln 
President.    He  regarded  her  as  a  clever  woman. 

Whether  it  was  a  happy  marriage  or  not,  biographers  and 
even  historians  dispute.  Mrs.  Lincoln  had  a  shrewish  temper 
and  a  caustic  pen,  which  in  newspaper  letters  before  her 
marriage  she  had  used  against  one  of  Lincoln's  best  friends. 
But  she  had  much  to  endure  from  her  husband,  who  at  this 
period  was  not  domestic  in  his  tastes  but  preferred  taverns 
and  courts  and  legislative  halls  and  offices  in  which  to  chat 
with  men.  It  was  part  of  his  fate  that  he  spent  his  days  and 
evenings  cultivating  popularity.  He  neither  smoked  tobacco 
nor  drank  liquor,  but  he  associated  with  those  who  did,  many 
of  whom  did  little  more.  The  'forties  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury in  Illinois  were  free  and  careless  days. 

His  Law  Practice. — In  1841  Lincoln  became  junior  law 
partner  with  Judge  Stephen  T.  Logan ;  and  though  this  part- 
nership was  dissolved  in  1843,  when  he  became  senior  partner 
in  the  firm  of  Lincoln  &  Herndon,  Logan  always  remained  a 
steadfast  friend.  Lincoln  never  became  a  jurist,  but  he  soon 
became  a  shrewd  pleader  and  a  case-winner.  He  was  a  notable 
cross-questioner,  being  patient,  polite  and  adroit.  He  appeared 
in  many  interesting  cases.  In  one  in  July,  1841,  before  the 
Illinois  Supreme  Court,  he  argued  that  a  promissory  note 
given  in  payment  for  a  negro  girl  was  invalid  because  slavery 
was  forbidden  by  the  Northwest  Ordinance  of  1787,  and  there- 
fore was  legally  without  consideration  of  "value  received," 
since  no  title  could  be  given.  The  court  so  held.  Slaves  could 
not  be  sold  in  Illinois  and  after  this  case  notes  involving  slaves 
were  worthless  there.  The  United  States  Circuit  Court  has 
held, — 191 1, — that  the  Constitution  itself  is  subordinate  to  the 
Northwest  Ordinance  because  later,  and  the  forgotten  Con- 


438  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

gress  of  the  Confederation  is  slowly  coming  to  its  own.  In 
truth,  the  "weaknesses"  of  the  Confederation  has  been  exag- 
gerated for  political  purposes.  In  the  fifteen  years  from  1774 
to  1789,  the  population  of  the  United  States  grew,  despite  war 
and  exiling  of  Loyalists,  four  per  cent,  per  annum.1 

A  Railroad  Case. — In  another  case,  in  1857,  between  a 
steamboat  owner  and  the  Rock  Island  railroad,  Lincoln  argued 
that  travel  by  bridge  was  as  truly  a  common  law  right  as  travel 
by  steamboat.  The  court  agreed;  This  decision  had  a  vital 
effect  upon  railroad  development  for  which  bridges  are 
essential. 

In  1858,  in  the  defence  of  an  alleged  murderer,  Willian* 
Armstrong,  son  of  a  New  Salem  friend,  Lincoln  showed  tha* 
the  main  witness  who  said  that  at  ten  o'clock  by  the  light  of 
the  moon  he  saw  the  defendent  strike  a  blow  must  be  lying, 
for  by  the  almanac  there  was  no  moon  that  night  at  that  hour. 

In  1842  Lincoln  voluntarily  retired  from  the  State  Legisla- 
ture, but  sought  unsuccessfully  the  Whig  nomination  to  Con- 
gress. In  this  same  year,  he  took  up  earnestly  the  Washing- 
tonian  total  abstinence  movement. 

Member  of  Congress. — Four  years  later,  he  secured 
nomination  and  election  to  Congress.  He  was  the  only  Whig 
sent  by  Illinois  that  session ;  he  went  as  an  avowed  antagonist 
of  the  Jackson- Van  Buren-Polk  machine.  His  opponent  in 
the  canvass  was  the  famous  Democratic  preacher,  Reverend 
Peter  Cartwright,  whose  grandson  "Peachy' '  Harrison  he  was 
to  defend  in  murder  trials  in  1856  and  in  i860. 

On  December  22,  1847,  ne  introduced  in  Congress  the  "Spot 
Resolutions,"2  and  on  January  12,  1848,  he  made  a  speech  in 
the  House  upon  the  conduct  of  the  Mexican  War,  in  which  he 
asserted  plainly  that  the  war  was  "unnecessarily  and  uncon- 
stitutionally commenced  by  the  President."  In  correspondence 
with  his  constituents  at  home,  he  took  the  ground  that  Polk 
acted  like  a  King,  not  like  a  President.  "Kings,"  he  wrote, 
"had  always  been  involving  and  impoverishing  their  people  in 
wars,  pretending  generally,  if  not  always,  that  the  good  of  the 
people  was  the  object." 

Lincoln  made  in  Congress  a  rather  more  important  figure 
than  was  usual  even  then  for  a  member  in  his  first  term.    But 

^ee  p.  217,  supra.  'See  p.  392,  supra. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  439 

his  course  offended  a  majority  of  his  constituency.  Moreover, 
it  was  the  Illinois  custom  to  rotate  offices.  They  believed  in 
rotation  on  the  theory  that  the  purpose  of  an  office  is  to  help 
the  officeholder;  it  is  the  view  both  of  primitive  and  of  degen- 
erate peoples.  One  term  was  the  order.  In  1848  Lincoln  was 
not  even  nominated  for  a  second  term.  He  went  upon  a 
stump-speaking  tour  in  New  England  and  met  with  success.1 
Because  he  had  opposed  the  Mexican  War,  he  favored  the  out- 
raged war-hero  Zachary  Taylor  for  the  Presidential  nomina- 
tion. 

A  Business  Man's  Congressman. — The  political  principles 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  included  liberal  appropriations  for 
internal  improvement  at  Federal  Government  cost.  (This,  of 
course,  is  National  Socialism.)  They  included  also  liberal 
public  land  laws,  plenty  of  paper  money,  liberal  local  banking, 
and  a  high  protective  tariff.  His  appeal  was  to  the  adventurous, 
speculative  element  among  the  business  men.  Despite  the 
apotheosis  due  to  the  outcome  of  the  Interstate  War,  to  his 
murder,  and  to  the  genuine  love  felt  for  him  by  millions,  it  is 
difficult,  even  upon  the  recommendation  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
to  support  all  these  views.  He  was  a  Whig  of  the  Whigs.  But 
he  was  more  than  a  Whig.  At  heart,  he  was  antislavery, 
almost  an  abolitionist.  He  had  introduced  an  explicit  and 
detailed  bill  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia, — a  favorite  measure  of  new  members, — and  he 
was  constantly  urging  the  reduction  of  slavery  by  the  purchase 
of  slaves  and  their  "return"  to  Africa,  though  few  of  them 
had  been  born  there,  and  at  least  half  had  white  ancestors. 
This  African  colonization  scheme  was  visionary,  but  many 
in  the  North,  and  some  in  the  South,  cherished  the  vision. 

Speaks  Frequently. — His  term  in  Congress  familiarized 
Lincoln  with  Washington  and  brought  him  into  National  poli- 
tics. His  New  England  trip  gave  him  a  broader  reputation. 
In  the  next  ten  years,  he  was  called  several  times  also  into 
Kansas  and  Ohio  to  make  speeches.  In  1848  he  had  declined 
an  appointment  as  Territorial  Governor  of  Oregon,  and  had 
sought  the  National  Commissionership  of  Public  Lands  but 
failed  to  get  it.    His  true  field  in  politics  was  to  be  Illinois. 

The  Contest  with  Douglas. — In  1854  being  now  forty- 
five  years  of  age,  upon  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  Lincoln  came  to  the  front,  denouncing  the  bill  as  a  breach 

*See  p.  367,  supra. 


440  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

of  public  faith.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  had  entered  the  United 
States  Senate  at  the  same  session  as  Lincoln  entered  the 
House.  They  were  now  to  be  pitted  against  one  another  as 
the  recognized  leaders  of  opposing  parties.  Until  1854,  though 
the  younger  man,  Douglas  had  been  the  winner.  Upon  Octo- 
ber 4,  1854,  in  Springfield,  Lincoln  made  a  speech  four  hours 
long  replying  to  one  by  Douglas  delivered  the  day  before. 
In  this  year,  he  had  been  elected  to  the  State  Legislature  but 
resigned  in  order  to  be  a  candidate  for  United  States  Senator 
against  James  Shields,  with  whom  at  one  time  he  had  fought 
a  silly,  bloodless  duel  with  broadswords  over  some  newspaper 
letters  written  by  two  girls.  He  married  one  of  the  girls ;  his 
friend  Lyman  Trumbull  married  the  other.  Lincoln  lost  the 
Senatorship  but  defeated  Shields;  and  Trumbull  carried  off 
the  political  prize. 

Rough  house  Politics  in  Illinois. — The  tone  and  trend 
of  the  politics  of  Illinois  had  a  certain  boyish,  roughhouse 
atmosphere,  like  that  of  most  State  legislatures  on  adjourn- 
ment at  the  end  of  the  legislative  open  season  when  inkwells 
hurtle  through  the  air  and  all  valuable  loose  public  property 
is  appropriated  by  the  members.  Manhood  suffrage  is  pro- 
ductive of  mere  manhood  legislation,  and  not  much  more; 
many  men  are  big  boys,  and  nothing  more.  Yet  in  Illinois 
politics  was  involved  the  life  of  the  American  nation,  the 
union  itself  of  the  American  people. 

A  Veritable  Cave  of  Adullam. — In  1856  all  the  odds  and 
ends  of  our  people,  all  the  discontented,  and  many  practical 
politicians  came  together  formally  to  organize  the  Republican 
party  in  Illinois  in  opposition  to  Popular  Sovereignty.1  On 
May  29,  1856,  Abraham  Lincoln  made  an  impressive  address 
before  the  State  Republican  Convention.  The  National  Con- 
vention of  the  party  cast  no  votes  for  him  as  Vice-Presi- 
dential candidate  with  John  C.  Fremont.2  In  the  fall  elec- 
tions, the  Democrats  carried  the  State  for  Buchanan  and 
Breckenridge,  but  the  Republicans  elected  the  Governor  and 
State  officers.  In  June,  1858,  the  Republican  State  Conven- 
tion named  Lincoln  as  their  candidate  to  succeed  Douglas, 
whose  second  term  as  United  States  Senator  was  soon  to 
expire. 

*See  pp.  in,  410,  421,  supra  'See  p.  417,  supra. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  441 

His  Greatest  Speech. — Before  this  convention,  against 
the  advice  of  all  his  friends,  Lincoln  made  the  remarkable 
speech  that  ultimately  elected  him  President.  In  it,  he  said, 
"A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.  I  believe  this 
Government  cannot  endure  permanently  half -slave  and  half- 
free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved.  I  do  not 
expect  the  house  to  fall — but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be 
divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other."  For 
a  man  actively  in  politics,  it  was  a  tremendous  deliverance.  His 
assertion  that  the  advocates  of  slavery  "will  push  it  forward 
till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States,  old  as  well  as 
new — North  as  well  as  South"  was  the  death  knell  of  Northern 
temporizers.  He  charged  that  Presidents  Pierce  and  Buch- 
anan, Chief  Justice  Taney,  and  Senator  Douglas  had  con- 
spired knowingly  and  in  so  many  words  to  secure  the  Dred 
Scott  decision.  This,  as  we  now  know,  was  true.1  No  other 
public  man  had  yet  spoken  so  plainly, — not  even  Seward.  His 
speech  sounded  like  the  reform  abolitionism  of  William  Lloyd 
Garrison  and  Wendell  Phillips,  who  nevertheless  would  not 
receive  him  into  their  company  of  radical  reformers, — which 
was  fortunate  for  Lincoln.  Had  they  welcomed  him  as  a 
recruit,  had  they  not  denounced  him  as  playing  politics,  he 
would  have  failed  to  gain  the  support  of  millions  whose  votes 
he  needed.  These  millions  looked  upon  him  as  a  safe 
politician,  careful  in  his  utterances,  who  would  not  go  further 
than  he  must,  but  who  was  himself  perfectly  honest,  candid 
and  sincere. 

The  Lincoln-Douglas  Debates. — The  memorable  debates 
with  Douglas  took  place  in  the  fall  of  1858.  They  met  at 
seven  points  in  the  State,  at  Ottawa,  at  Freeport,  at  Jonesboro, 
at  Charleston,  at  Galesburg,  at  Quincy  and  at  Alton:  the 
first  upon  August  21,  the  last  upon  October  15.  At  other 
points,  on  this  circuit,  each  made  many  other  speeches,  though 
no  others  with  reference  to  this  joint  debate.  Lincoln  had 
Douglas  defeated  for  the  Presidency  when  the  second  session 
was  over,  for  in  order  to  win  the  Senatorship,  "The  Little 
Giant"  was  forced  to  say  that,  regardless  of  Constitution  and 
Federal  law,  "slavery  cannot  exist  a  day  or  an  hour  anywhere 
unless  it  is  supported  by  local  police  regulation."  This  "Free- 
port  heresy"  cost  Douglas  the  Presidency  because  it  split  the 
Democratic  party  into  two  parts.    Lincoln  set  out  deliberately 

*See  p.  418,  supra. 


442  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

to  accomplish  this  very  thing,  as  he  carefully  recounted  to  his 
friends  beforehand. 

Douglas  Wins  Because  of  a  Gerrymander. — At  the 
election,  the  votes  stood  for  Douglas  State  Senators  and  Rep- 
resentatives, 122,000;  for  Lincoln  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives, 126,000;  for  out  and  out  Buchanan  proslavery  Senators 
and  Representatives,  5000.  But  the  State  was  gerrymandered 
in  the  Democratic  interest,  and  the  members  of  the  Legislature 
stood : 

Senate,  Democrats        14,  Republicans,         11. 

House,  Democrats,       40,  Republicans  35. 

Total  for  Douglas     54,  for  Lincoln  46. 

On  the  27th  of  February,  i860,  at  Cooper  Union,  New 
York,  for  $175  raised  by  New  York  politicians,  publicists  and 
abolitionists,  mostly  friends  of  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  Lincoln 
read  a  speech  (quite  like  one  that  he  had  previously  delivered 
at  El  wood,  Kansas)  in  which  he  summarized  the  entire  politi- 
cal history  of  slavery.  He  followed  this  address  with  a  tour 
in  New  England,  speaking  in  nearly  a  dozen  cities. 

The  Finances  of  Lincoln. — It  is  highly  interesting  to 
know  the  financial  aspects  of  this  canvass  to  Lincoln  himself. 
Though  he  represented  the  Republican  party  in  Illinois,  in  the 
Douglas  debates,  he  himself  had  to  pay  all  his  expenses,  and 
he  was  so  poor  that  he  borrowed  the  $250  necessary  to  see  him 
through.  The  Illinois  Central  railroad  furnished  Douglas, 
however,  with  a  special  train  free,  and  the  Democrats  paid  him 
a  handsome  fee  for  his  services.  Capital  was  for  Douglas. 
Lincoln  rode  in  an  ordinary  car,  paying  his  own  fare.  He  had 
the  poorer  accommodations  at  the  hotels  also.  Moreover,  the 
churches  and  the  ministers  were  nearly  all  hostile  to  him.  And 
yet  poor  though  he  was,  the  newspapers  often  attacked  him  as 
an  "aristocrat"  because  of  his  wife's  social  connections.  His 
law  practice  was  neglected  while  he  went  about  the  people's 
business.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  in  truth  under  a  perpetual 
strain,  a  ceaseless  harassing  from  childhood  until  death.  Ideas 
mastered  him.  In  a  way,  he  was  an  American  political 
Socrates,  whose  forum  was  not  one  city  like  Athens  but  the. 
State  of  Illinois.    In  this,  the  oratorical  period  of  his  life,  he 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  443 

developed  his  singular  natural  quality  of  long,  concentrated, 
exhaustive  reflection  upon  a  few  phases  of  the  single  matter 
of  slavery.  Some  Americans  accused  him  of  always  talking 
the  same  way  in  the  same  words  about  the  same  thing, — as 
the  Athenians  had  accused  Socrates.  He  read  but  little;  he 
thought  and  talked  and  wrote  tirelessly  upon  slavery.  He 
was  the  first  and  only  man  whom  the  American  people  ever 
elected  President  because  he  was  a  thinker  and  public  speaker. 
Yet  he  was  not  an  orator,  for  his  voice  was  poor. 

Republican  Nominee  for  President. — In  May,  i860,  the 
Republican  State  Convention  declared  for  Lincoln  for  the  party 
candidate  for  President.  For  the  nomination,  there  were 
four  leading  competitors, — W.  H.  Seward  of  New  York, 
former  Governor  and  then  United  States  Senator;  Simon 
Cameron  of  Pennsylvania,  a  party  leader  and  life-long  office- 
holder; Salmon  P.  Chase  of  Ohio,  more  of  a  statesman 
than  Cameron,  more  of  a  politician  than  Seward;  and 
Lincoln.  All  the  odds  were  on  Seward ;  but  Chase  was  work- 
ing hard  for  the  nomination.  Cameron  held  the  balance  of 
power ;  he  would  probably,  so  it  seemed,  turn  his  strength  for 
Seward  or  Chase  and  thereby  decide  the  issue.  If  the  conven- 
tion had  met  in  New  York  or  Philadelphia,  Seward  would 
probably  have  been  chosen;  if  in  Cincinnati,  then  Chase. 

The  West  Knows  the  Game. — But  the  convention  was  to 
be  held  at  Chicago ;  and  the  Illinois  Republicans  meant  to  get 
the  nomination  for  their  own  State.  They  employed  rooters 
and  howlers,  they  filled  the  street  with  shouting  paraders,  not 
hesitating  to  hire  even  Democrats.  The  Seward  men  from 
New  York  resorted  to  the  same  tactics;  but  at  a  critical 
moment,  thousands  of  Lincoln  men  filed  into  the  convention 
hall,  packing  it  and  keeping  out  the  Seward  street  paraders 
except  the  delegates  with  reserved  seats.  The  Seward  shout- 
ing was  mainly  outside,  the  Lincoln  was  both  inside  and  out- 
side.1 

At  the  start,  Seward  lost.    The  first  ballot  stood : 

Seward       173/4  Chase     49  McLean      12 

Lincoln       102  Bates      48  Collamer    10 

Cameron       50^2  Dayton   14  Scattering    6 

Then  a  bargain  was  made.    Judge  David  Davis,  the  Lincoln 
xSee  p.  425,  supra. 


444  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

manager,  agreed  to  give  Cameron  a  Cabinet  Secretaryship  for 
his  votes.    The  third  ballot  stood : 

Seward  180  Chase        24^  McLean        5 

Lincoln  231^4  Bates  22  Scattering     2 

Total  465.    Necessary  for  a  choice  233. 

Ohio  then  transferred  four  votes  to  Lincoln,  and  his  vote 
increased  to  354,  whereupon  William  M.  Evarts,  manager  for 
Seward,  rose  and  moved  to  make  the  nomination  unanimous. 

Hannibal  Hamlin  of  Maine  was  nominated  for  Vice  Presi- 
dent, having  upon  the  second  ballot  all  but  98  votes.  Cannon 
boomed,  barrooms  were  filled,  and  a  great  moral  crusade  was 
going  forward,  while  the  new  leader,  to  use  his  own  words, 
having  heard  by  telegraph  at  Springfield  the  momentous  news, 
left  his  office  to  "see  a  little  woman  at  home  who  will  be  inter- 
ested to  hear  it." 

Diatribe  by  Wendell  Phillips. — Wendell  Phillips,  there- 
upon, published  an  article  entitled  "Abraham  Lincoln,  the 
Slavehound  of  Illinois.5'  Most  of  his  life,  however,  the  clergy- 
men and  other  respectables  never  spoke  to  Lincoln,  and  he 
bore  up  cheerfully  against  this  one  more  blow.  But  most  of 
the  Abolitionists  supported  him.  To  the  surprise  of  nearly  all 
politicians,  Lincoln  had  180  votes  in  the  Electoral  College  to 
133  for  his  three  competitors  together,  and  a  popular  plurality 
of  491,500  over  Douglas. 

Elected  President. — The  figures  of  the  popular  vote  were 
as  follows,  viz. : 


!  Total  for  these 
three  2,813,500. 

Total  votes  cast     4,680,000 

In  the  Electoral  College,  the  vote  was  Lincoln  180,  Brecken- 
ridge  72,  Bell  39,  Douglas  12. 

In  North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
Louisiana,  Texas,  Arkansas,  and  Tennessee,  there  had  not 
been  one  vote  cast  for  Abraham  Lincoln.  In  Virginia,  he  had 
but  2000  votes.    South  Carolina  cast  no  popular  vote. 


For   Lincoln 

1,866,500 

For  Douglas 

1,375.00° 

For   Breckenridge 

848,000 

For  Bell 

590,500 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  445 

Our  Historic  Sectionalism. — The  situation  was  ominous. 
Almost  continuously,  our  land  has  been  sectional  in  its  politics. 
The  South  was  Republican-Democratic,  the  North  Federalist; 
the  South  was  Democratic,  the  North  Whig;  the  South  has 
been  Democratic,  the  North  Republican.  But  never  before  was 
an  elected  President  short  of  a  majority  by  1,000,000  votes. 
Lincoln  had  just  one-third  of  the  voting  citizens  with  him.1 

The  sectionalism  of  the  land  is  shown  also  in  the  Northern 
vote.  Lincoln  carried  most  of  its  States  by  at  least  two-thirds 
of  the  total  votes,  winning  heavily  over  all  the  other  candidates. 
Even  New  York  State  was  not  close;  Lincoln  had  362,646 
votes  against  Douglas,  fusion  candidate,  who  had  312,510.  In 
Illinois  he  had  12,000  over  Douglas,  and  5000  over  all,  in  a  total 
vote  of  340,000.  He  barely  won  in  California  and  in  Oregon, 
in  each  State  having  only  a  few  hundred  plurality.  Kentucky, 
his  native  State,  gave  him  but  1366  in  146,000  votes. 

The  Fight  was  Against  Douglas. — In  truth,  the  people 
were  rejecting  Douglas,  not  electing  the  untried  and  relatively 
unknown  Lincoln.  But  they  were  rejecting  Douglas  because 
Lincoln  had  forced  him  into  the  open.  Douglas  carried  only 
New  Jersey,  where  his  fusion  ticket  had  but  4500  majority, — 
and  Missouri, — where  he  defeated  Bell,  the  next  candidate  by 
but  400  votes.  Texas  cast  no  vote  for  Douglas,  and  Florida 
but  367.  Of  his  total  vote,  he  had  one-half  in  four  States, — 
New  York,  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  yet  lost  them  all.  The 
Southern  secessionists  distrusted  Douglas  even  more  than 
Lincoln. 

In  any  other  view,  the  coming  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  the 
Presidency  is  inexplicable.  We  Americans  do  not  rush  to 
endorse  the  "dark  horse"  candidate  of  any  party ;  but  we  some- 
times flee  from  old  stagers. 

Whether  Seward  would  have  polled  more  or  less  votes  than 
Lincoln,  we  shall  never  know.  Whether  he  could  have  defeated 
Douglas,  we  shall  never  know.  Nor  shall  we  ever  know  what 
candidate  would  have  made  the  best  President.  We  cannot 
even  know  that  a  war  would  have  followed  if  some  other  man 
had  been  elected. 

The  Lincoln  Myth. — A  fearful  time  followed.  For  the 
glory  of  the  man  who  stood  at  the  top  for  the  victorious  party, 
all  the  emotions  have  been  concentrated;  and  he  has  been 

*See  p.  425,  supra. 


446  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

idealized  beyond  identification  with  the  real  man,  though  not 
yet  beyond  recognition,  as  is  the  case  of  George  Washington. 
In  time,  the  Lincoln  myth  is  likely  to  be  as  imposing  and  as 
impossible  as  the  Washington  myth.  This  deification  is 
natural.  We  love  gods,  and  therefore  make  them.  Yet,  for- 
ever, there  is  but  one  God,  whom  in  the  flesh  no  man  realizes 
or  even  resembles. 

The  Interregnum  Invited  Secession. — Immediately 
after  the  election  of  Lincoln,  State  upon  State  seceded. 
Steadily,  the  situation  during  the  interregnum  grew  worse  and 
worse. 

We  may  not  wisely  say  that  it  is  useless  to  discuss  whether 
secession  was  avoidable.  Under  similar  conditions,  it  may 
occur  again.  The  long  interregnum  invited  secession.  The 
weakness  of  Buchanan  invited  it.  The  election  of  a  man  whom 
millions  did  not  know  invited  it.  The  interregnum  was  a 
condition,  not  a  cause.  Buchanan  also  was  a  condition,  not  a 
cause.  And  Lincoln  likewise.  But  without  the  conditions,  the 
moving  cause  might  not  have  operated  successfully.1  That 
cause  was  the  desire  of  the  Southern  slavery-extension  and 
slave-protection  leaders  to  go  it  alone,  to  get  free  from  North- 
ern hypocrisy  and  from  Northern  hostility,  to  settle  for  them- 
selves the  fate  of  their  own  domestic  institutions. 

In  the  dark  month  of  February,  1861,  under  a  strange  pre- 
vision of  doom,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President-elect  of  a 
divided  United  States,  made  ready  to  leave  Illinois.  That 
winter,  he  had  visited  his  aged  stepmother,  whom  he  loved; 
and  she  had  predicted  that  he  would  be  killed,  as  did  many 
others.  Thousands  of  office-seekers,  anticipating  a  political 
revolution,  had  visited  him  at  his  home.  He  had  made  his 
plans  for  his  Cabinet,  and  had  written  his  inaugural.  He  was 
more  than  ill  at  ease ;  he  was  deeply  dejected,  as  so  often  before. 
He  knew  and  said  that  he  should  have  come  into  control 
at  once  after  election.2  He  was  never  afflicted  with  the  idea 
that  the  American  Constitution  is  perfect. 

Predicts  His  Own  Death  by  Violence. — On  February 
11,  1861,  Lincoln  set  out  from  Springfield  for  Washington, 
intending  to  stop  at  various  points  and  to  talk  matters  over 
with  the  leaders  and  with  the  common  people.    At  the  Spring- 

*See  pp.  82,  83,  supra.  'See  pp.  128,  163,  169,  427,  supra. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  447 

field  railroad  station,  he  predicted  that  the  troubles  ahead 
would  cost  him  his  own  life.  Reaching  Baltimore  three  weeks 
later,  after  several  speeches  en  routed  he  hurried  through 
the  city  almost  unknown,  varying  his  announced  itinerary 
to  avoid  a  plan  of  assassination,  of  which  he  had  been  fore- 
warned. 

A  Great  Cabinet. — Immediately  upon  his  inauguration,  he 
announced  his  all-star  Cabinet: 

Secretary  of  State, — W.  H.  Seward  of  New  York. 

Secretary  of  Treasury, — S.  P.  Chase  of  Ohio. 

Secretary  of  War, — Simon  Cameron  of  Pennsylvania. 

Secretary  of  Navy, — Gideon  Welles  of  Connecticut. 

Secretary  of  Interior, — C.  B.  Smith  of  Indiana. 

Attorney-General, — Edward  Bates  of  Missouri. 

Postmaster-General, — Montgomery  Blair  of   Maryland. 

President  Lincoln  had  tried  to  get  several  Southern  men 
but  had  failed.  These  secretaries  were  not  his  personal 
friends,  but  they  were  strong  men  with  political  followings. 
There  had  been  much  wire-pulling  about  these  places.  Lin- 
coln had  to  remember  that  Cabinet  Secretaries  are  appointed 
''by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate."  Nor 
could  he  draft  men  into  the  service.  Some  good  men  declined ; 
high  public  office  with  low  salary  is  not  acceptable  to  all  even 
in  the  piping  times  of  peace. 

A  Good  Helmsman  for  the  Ship  of  State. — From  this 
point,  the  biography  of  Abraham  Lincoln  is  part  of  the  history 
of  the  country  at  its  most  important,  difficult  epoch,  the  tragic 
years  of  the  Interstate  War.  Space  utterly  fails  to  recount 
the  story.  Every  day,  many,  many  times,  the  hand  of  Lincoln 
was  upon  the  helm  of  the  Ship  of  State,  rounding  danger 
points,  taking  up  flaws  in  the  wind,  avoiding  eddies  and  mael- 
stroms, riding  out  the  whirlwind  and  the  hurricane.  Every  day 
he  grew  wiser.  From  the  first  day,  he  was  never  the  master 
but  only  the  grieving,  patient,  foresighted  pilot  of  American 
destiny.  He  made  many  mistakes ;  but  he  never  persisted  in 
the  path  of  the  same  kind  of  mistake. 

Call  for  Volunteers. — The  points  that  may  be  noted  in 
a  brief  review  of  his  career  as  President  are  simply  illustra- 
tive. Though  the  North  was  not  wholly  and  vigorously  loyal, 
yet  Lincoln  never  made  the  mistake  of  trying  in  any  way  to 
compromise  with  the  South.    He  paid  no  attention  to  the  com- 

*See  pp.  405,  429,  supra. 


448  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

missioners  sent  to  treat  for  peace  with  the  "new  nation."  He 
even  let  them  stay  in  the  Capital  and  forward  news  to  the 
secessionists.  Lincoln  made  a  mistake  in  not  sending  prompt 
enough  relief  to  Fort  Sumter,  which  fell  April  15.  Then  he 
issued  his  bugle  call  for  75,000  volunteers.  This  he  followed 
promptly  with  a  call  for  three-year  enlistments.  This  was  a 
mistake :  the  enlistments  should  have  been,  as  he  came  to  see, 
"for  the  war."  He  summoned  Congress,  of  course,  in  special 
session,  and  was  shrewd  enough  immediately  to  accept  the  poli- 
tical services  there  of  Thaddeus  Stevens,  parliamentary  master 
of  the  House, 

The  Border  States. — The  President  set  himself  to  win  the 
Border  States.  This  was,  perhaps,  the  greatest  of  his  early 
achievements.  The  problem  was  to  win  Maryland,  Kentucky, 
Missouri,  and  if  possible,  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  Ten- 
nessee at  the  very  start.  Even  Delaware,  however,  at  first 
was  not  sure.  In  pursuit  of  this  design,  he  had  appointed 
Blair  and  Bates  to  his  Cabinet.  Delaware  was  quickly  con- 
trolled, as  usual  in  her  history,  by  men  and  influences  from 
Philadelphia. 

The  struggle  in  Maryland  was  longer.  It  was  indeed  never 
wholly  won,  for  thousands  of  Marylanders  enlisted  in  the 
Confederate  Army.  Most  Marylanders  were  Southern  sym- 
pathizers, but  of  these  sympathizers  most  were  afraid  of  the 
North. 

The  Baltimore  Riot. — The  Baltimore  riot,  when  four 
soldiers  of  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  Regiment  and  twelve  citi- 
zens also  were  killed,  on  April  1 7,  at  first  tended  to  throw  the 
State  into  the  Confederacy;  but  the  actual  relief  of  the  Capital 
by  the  three  Massachusetts  volunteer  regiments  sent  by  their 
War- Governor  Andrews  cut  Baltimore  off  from  its  Southern 
trade,  and  the  economic  necessity  of  dependence  upon  the 
North  starved  the  city  into  Unionism.  The  telegraph  wires 
and  the  railroad  bridges  between  Baltimore  and  Washington 
had  been  pulled  down  in  order  to  terrorize  the  National  Gov- 
ernment. But  in  this  world  things  often  cut  both  ways. — 
Isolating  Washington  from  the  loyal  North  likewise  isolated 
Baltimore  from  the  South. 

Kentucky  was  even  harder  to  hold,  but  Lincoln  was  himself 
a  Kentuckian,  and  his  own  moves  and  the  influence  of  Ohio, 
which  was  almost  as  intensely  loyal  as  Massachusetts,  saved 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 


449 


the  State  to  "neutrality,"  the  absurd  term  used  to  cover  the 
attempt  to  be  "loyal  to  both  sides." 

Far  more  strenuous  was  the  fight  for  Missouri.  The  story 
is  a  volume  itself.  The  guerrilla  warfare  lasted  for  years ;  and 
yet  the  State  government  was  held  for  the  Union. 

Virginia. — Lincoln  was  trying  hard  to  hold  Virginia.  He 
sought  to  hold  Robert  E.  Lee,  Colonel  of  the  United  States 
Army ;  but  Lee  turned  secessionist.  Whether,  as  he  was  wont 
to  say,  he  went  out  because  Virginia  did,  or  Virginia  went  out 
because  he  did,  is  a  moot  question.  The  Union  finally  lost 
Virginia ;  and  Virginia  soon  lost,  by  her  own  secession  theory, 
one-third  of  her  area,   all   the  beautiful   and   rich   western 


The  Attempted  Division  of  the  Union,  j"\ 


counties.  Then  Richmond,  scarcely  a  hundred  miles  due 
south,  was  made  the  Confederate  Capital.  "On  to  Richmond  I" 
was  the  Federal  cry;  "On  to  Washington!"  the  Confederate 
cry. 

The  Two  Capitals. — For  the  purposes  of  the  war,  once 
that  Maryland  was  saved  and  the  Confederacy  did  not  quickly 
win  the  Capital  of  the  United  States, — which  would  have 
meant  recognition  of  the  new  nation  abroad  instanter, — it 
proved  to  be  advantageous  that  the  seat  of  the  National  Gov- 
ernment was  so  far  South.  Though  in  the  summer  wounded 
Union  soldiers  died  like  flies  from  typhoid  and  other  fevers  in 
the  Washington  hospitals,  still  the  District  of  Columbia  was 


45o  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

thrust  like  a  promontory  out  into  the  secession  ocean,  and  felt 
the  shock  of  the  storms  of  war.  It  was  a  dramatic,  a  spectacu- 
lar, location.  Midway  between  South  and  North,  Washington 
appealed  to  the  Northern  imagination.  Hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  soldiers  enlisted  to  save  the  Capital. 

Likewise,  the  choice  of  Richmond  for  the  Capital  of  the 
Confederacy,  though  a  military  folly,  was  a  political  master- 
stroke. Virginia  was  "the  mother  of  Presidents."  The  South- 
erners enlisted  to  save  the  land  of  Washington  and  of  Jeffer- 
son, of  Marshall,  and  of  Patrick  Henry  from  invasion. 

The  Southern  Situation. — Lincoln  was  foiled  also  in 
trying  to  save  North  Carolina,  Arkansas,  and  Tennessee.  But 
from  every  one  of  these  States  of  the  Middle  South,  thousands 
of  soldiers  enlisted  in  the  Union  armies.  The  Appalachian 
country,  "the  land  of  the  sky,"  never  was  proslavery  or  seces- 
sionist. 

In  a  total  population  of  12,300,000,  the  South  including  the 
Border  States  had  350,000  slaveholders  and  a  few  thousand 
less  than  4,000,000  slaves.  The  total  population  of  the  United 
States  in  1861  was  about  32,000,000.  The  average  slavehold- 
ing  family  had  five  members.  This  means  that  about  one 
family  in  three  possessed  slaves,  and  that  this  slaveholding 
family  had  eleven  slaves,  or  two  per  member.  It  means  also 
that  two  families  in  three  had  no  slaves.  These  non-slavehold- 
ing  families  were  mostly  in  the  cities  and  in  the  mountains. 
Because  of  trade  with  the  plantations,  the  cities  were  proslavery. 
The  plantation  South  was  proslavery.  But  the  mountain  South 
and  the  poor  white  trash  of  the  country  and  to  a  certain  extent 
of  the  cities  and  villages  were  often  Unionist. 

The  Northern  Situation. — Similarly,  the  North  was 
divided/  The  laboring  people  and  the  liberally  educated 
farmers,  the  mechanics,  the  clerks  and  the  factory  operatives 
were  nearly  all  Unionist;  but  the  commercial  classes  of  the 
larger  cities,  the  bankers,  the  lawyers,  journalists,  preachers, 
and  literary  persons  were  generally  either  proslavery  or  peace- 
at-any-price  advocates.  Of  course,  millions  in  the  North  as  in 
the  South  really  had  no  opinions,  wanting  ability  or  experience 
or  interest  to  form  opinions.  Human  society  necessarily  breeds 
and  rears  a  majority  of  persons  to  obey  orders,  to  catch  hints, 
and  to  look  out  how  to  keep  alive.    Abraham  Lincoln  was  the 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  451 

one  man  North  or  South  who  best  knew  and  understood  these 
facts  and  how  to  apply  the  knowledge  and  understanding  to 
the  situation. 

Recalls  the  Methods  of  Washington,  Jackson,  and 
Polk. — On  the  19th  of  April,  Lincoln  instituted  a  blockade  of 
the  Southern  ports.  He  had  been  anti-Jackson  and  anti-Polk; 
but  he  proceeded  upon  their  methods  of  violence,  thoroughness, 
and  perseverance.  On  July  4,  Congress  came  together  in 
special  session.  It  was  some  months,  however,  until  all  the 
secessionists  withdrew;  and  throughout  the  War,  many  Cop- 
perheads or  secessionist  sympathizers  were  in  Congress.  Per- 
haps, it  was  better  so.  Perhaps,  the  strong  opposition  to  the 
War  among  the  remaining  members  of  Congress  made  its 
advocates  both  more  eager  and  more  steadfast. 

Military  Emancipation. — In  August,  the  question  of  mili- 
tary emancipation  of  slaves  arose.  Congress  passed  a  law 
freeing  slaves  actually  employed  in  hostile  service  in  the  armies 
of  the  Confederacy.  John  C.  Fremont,1  serving  as  general  in 
Missouri,  undertook  to  set  free  all  the  slaves  of  the  soldiers 
of  the  Confederacy  there;  but  the  President  and  Congress 
modified  his  order.  Martial  law  did  not  quite  mean  that  any 
officer  in  command  could  do  as  he  pleased, — not  even  though 
he  was  the  first  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  for  the 
Presidency,  and  the  son-in-law  of  a  powerful  Senator,  who, 
however,  had  voted  for  his  opponent.2 
^The  Interesting  "War-Powers." — The  Constitution  now 
came  under  a  prodigious  strain.  There  arose  situation  after 
situation  that  the  fathers  had  not  foreseen.  To  save  the  Con- 
stitution, they  must  stretch  it !  Necessity  knows  no  law.  The 
President  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy. 
"War-powers,"  of  which  almost  nothing  is  said  in  the  docu- 
ment, began  to  be  assumed ;  which  assumption  gave  rise  to  an 
immense  amount  of  controversy.  The  President  indeed  saved 
Maryland  to  the  Union  by  ordering  General  Scott,  in  case  the 
Legislature  seemed  about  to  vote  to  go  out,  to  counteract  the 
movement  by  the  bombardment  of  their  cities,  and  in  extreme 
necessity,  by  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus. 

Conflict  With  the  Supreme  Court. — On  May  25,  1861, 
one  John  Merryman,  recruiting  in  Maryland  for  the  Con- 
gee pp.  410,  421,  supra.  *See  p.  268,  supra. 


452  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

federate  service,  was  seized, — and  Justice  Taney  granted  to 
him  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  General  Cadwalader  of  the  Union 
service  said  that  he  held  Merryman  for  treason,  whereupon 
the  Justice  issued  upon  the  General  an  attachment  for  contempt 
of  court.  Justice  Taney  then  published  a  proclamation,  thereby 
assuming  supremacy  in  the  National  Government.  But  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  controlled  the  army,  and  Congress,  meeting  in 
July  and  reflecting  public  opinion,  took  his  view.  Similarly, 
when  Chief  Justice  Marshall  and  President  Jefferson  collided,1 
the  President  won ;  and  when  Marshall  and  Jackson2  collided, 
the  President  won.  In  1861,  as  between  the  sage  of  the  Dred 
Scott  decision  and  the  thinker  of  the  Lincoln-Douglas  debates, 
a  large  majority  of  the  citizens  backed  the  debater  against  the 
legalist. 

Habeas  Corpus. — Fortunately,  by  July,  Lincoln  had  estab- 
lished certain  precedents  from  which  it  was  inexpedient  to 
deviate.  Moreover,  staying  at  home,  the  members  of  Congress 
had  lived  in  the  tide  of  public  opinion,  which  was  for  a  vigorous 
war  and  an  early  peace.  Writs  of  habeas  corpus  would  have 
allowed  the  Confederates  to  sap  and  mine  the  border  States, — 
for  men,  for  war-supplies,  for  money  through  sale  of  bonds, 
and  for  the  invaluable  support  of  public  opinion.  They  had 
invited  war,  and  they  had  made  war;  and  it  is  an  absurd 
notion  that  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  in  respect  to  the  war- 
issues,  runs  in  time  of  war.  They  who  take  the  sword  must 
live  or  die  by  the  sword.  The  South  had  appealed  from  the 
ballot  to  the  bullet;  and  though  it  was  shrewd  enough  to  try 
for  every  weak  spot  in  the  Union  cause,  including  soft  spots  in 
the  Union  head,  it  was  hypocritical  to  plead  in  defence  of 
habeas  corpus  2l  violated  and  a  rejected  Constitution.  Of 
course,  all  things  are  justifiable  in  time  of  war,  including  hypoc- 
risy, which  indeed  is  one  of  its  staples  of  exchange. 

The  Lost  Constitution. — War  itself  violated  the  Consti- 
tution, which  makes  no  provision  for  Interstate  war;  and 
secession  rejected  it.  The  South  had  refused  to  let  the  situa- 
tion be  adjudicated  by  peace  and  time. 

In  Congress,  there  were  some  strong  men,  not  many.  Among 
them  was  Lincoln's  friend,  Judge  Lyman  Trumbull,  now  Sen- 
ator. 

^ee  pp.  395,  398,  supra.  'See  p.  335,  supra. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  453 

This  session  of  Congress  voted  500,000  men  and  $500,- 
000,000  for  the  war;  and  adjourned  on  August  6. 

McClellan. — On  the  19th  of  July  occurred  the  first  battle 
of  Bull  Run, — a  panic  and  a  rout  for  the  Union  troops.  Then 
followed  the  long,  long  trial  of  General  George  B.  McClellan, 
a  graduated  West  Point  engineer,  who  took  command  in  the 
East  at  thirty- four  years  of  age,  having  seen  the  Crimean  War, 
and  offering  high  promise  of  efficiency.  On  October  31,  old 
Winfield  Scott  retired,  and  McClellan  became  head  of  all  the 
Union  armies.  Through  the  winter,  nothing  was  done.  Mc- 
Clellan had  the  curse  of  that  region,  the  always  epidemic 
typhoid  fever.  Lincoln  should  have  promptly  removed  him, 
for  patients  do  not  recover  their  mental  strength  at  once  after 
typhoid  fever,  which  is  a  brain  as  well  as  a  bowel  disease. 

Stanton. — In  the  middle  of  January,  1862,  Simon  Cameron 
resigned  to  become  Minister  to  Russia,  and  Edwin  M.  Stanton 
took  his  place  in  the  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War.  This  was  a 
change  for  the  better  in  that  Stanton  had  certain  qualities  that 
Lincoln  lacked, — he  was  methodical,  prompt,  loved  detail,  was 
decided  to  the  point  of  conceit,  and  his  manner  was  repellent. 
It  is  sometimes  necessary  for  a  man  hard  pressed  for  time, 
naturally  sympathetic,  reflective,  open-minded  to  have  his  next 
subordinate  of  the  opposite  temperament  and  disposition. 

It  is  highly  significant  not  only  that  Stanton  had  been  habit- 
ually insolent  to  Lincoln  when  they  had  met  in  law-practice 
but  that  also  he  had  reviled  him  as  President.  But  Lincoln 
needed  him  now  and  asked  him  to  join  the  Cabinet.  Stanton 
accepted,  though  he  kept  on  criticising  his  chief.  It  was  a 
strange  situation  that  demonstrates  the  greatness  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  and  conveys  curious  evidences  as  to  the  character  of 
Stanton  himself.  They  had  in  common  three  qualities, — 
patriotism,  zeal  for  public  business,  and  financial  honesty. 

As  War-President. — The  Union  cause  had  the  larger  re- 
sources, more  men,  more  equipment,  more  money;  the  South 
had  the  interior  lines.  The  problem  was  whether  Lincoln  could 
get  enough  more  soldiers,  including  good  generals,  to  defeat 
the  South  with  its  defensive  advantages.  As  a  War-President, 
Madison  had  proven  a  failure,  Polk  a  success.  They  were  the 
only  Presidents  who  had  serious  wars  to  wage. 

A  War-President  of  a  republic  has  a  hard  situation  on  his 
hands.    Both  the  politicians  in  Congress  and  out  of  it  and  the 


454  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

general  public  must  be  gotten  along  with;  and  the  war  must 
be  managed.  Lincoln  issued  his  General  War  Order  No.  i 
on  January  27,  1862,  directing  all  his  army  and  naval  forces 
to  move  "against  the  insurgent  forces."  Hitherto,  he  had 
made  suggestions  and  given  advice.  He  now  took  command. 
His  order  was  a  reveille.  In  the  West,  Admiral  Foote  and 
General  Grant  moved  forward  at  once ;  in  the  East,  McClellan, 
still  mentally  feeble,  went  on  drilling  and  preparing.  In  March 
Lincoln  split  the  Army  of  the  Republic  into  several  independent 
commands ;  it  was  a  bad  mistake,  for  neither  he  nor  Congress 
was  competent  to  assume  military  direction.  Lincoln  went 
even  further,  and  upon  the  strenuous  advice  of  the  Committee 
on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  split  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
itself  into  four  army  corps;  the  Committee,  being  wiser  than 
Lincoln,  was  anti-McClellan.  The  four  generals  who  were 
placed  in  charge  were  not  even  nominated  by  McClellan.  This 
was  another  mistake.  It  is  the  essence  of  militarism  that  the 
chief  shall  control  his  subordinates.  Militarism  is  not  demo- 
cratic. 

The  Victories  of  Grant. — Fortunately,  the  Washington 
politicians  paid  but  little  attention  to  affairs  in  the  West,  and 
the  Union  soldiers  out  there  prospered.  The  same  prosperity 
rested  upon  the  naval  affairs,  which  likewise  the  politicians 
neglected.  Soon,  the  wedge  of  successful  invasion  had  been 
driven  into  the  West,  and  the  Eastern  seacoast  was  a  prison- 
wall  for  the  Confederacy.  But  with  a  small  army  and  guerrilla 
bands,  the  Confederates  harried  the  mountaineers  of  the  Appa- 
lachians and  made  the  South  really  solid  below  the  Tennessee 
line.  On  February  6th,  Foote  and  Grant  took  Fort  Henry  and 
on  the  1 2th  Fort  Donelson.  The  spoils  were  two  forts,  two 
important  Confederate  generals, — Buckner  and  Johnston, — 
nearly  15,000  prisoners,  20,000  stand  of  arms,  48  pieces  of 
artillery,  17  heavy  guns,  and  3000  horses.  It  was  the  first 
great  victory  of  the  War,  and  cheered  Lincoln  and  Congress. 

Domestic  Sorrow. — But  on  the  20th  little  Willie,  sou  of 
the  President,  died.  The  oldest  boy  was  away  at  Harvard 
College.  Tad  only  was  left  at  home.  This  affliction  brought 
the  parents  closer  together  than  before.  Tad  was  not  a  strong 
child.1  He  spent  much  of  his  time  playing  with  a  pair  of  goats 
in  the  White  House  grounds. 

Monitor  and  Merrimac. — On  March  9,  1862,  occurred 

*See  pp.  62,  205,  supra. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  455 

the  great  fight  between  the  Merrimac  and  the  Monitor  in 
Hampton  Roads,  which  saved  New  York  harbor  from  such 
destruction  as  would  have  meant  speedy  recognition  of  the 
Confederacy  in  Europe.  For  that  actual  defeat,  though  not 
destruction,  of  the  Confederate  ram,  Lincoln  was  responsible 
not  less  than  the  famous  inventor,  Ericsson,  who  had  already 
made  the  scow-propeller.  Lincoln  had  been  a  flatboatman ;  he 
had  even  made  an  invention  for  lifting  flatboats  over  shoals, — 
the  model  may  be  seen  in  the  Patent  Office.  Secretaries,  Sena- 
tors and  Congressmen  made  fun  of  the  proposed  turret  iron- 
clad ;  but  Lincoln  told  Ericsson  to  go  ahead.  With  this  encour- 
agement, the  ingenious  Swede  got  help  from  a  Connecticut 
capitalist  and  Congressman;  and  Lincoln  himself  accepted  the 
strange  craft  for  the  navy.  His  experience,  insight  and  per- 
sistence in  the  face  of  ridicule  saved  the  seas  to  the  Union. 
Once  let  Abraham  Lincoln  make  up  his  mind,  and  he  went 
forward  with  the  certainty  that  the  earth  swings  through 
space. 

Southern  Battles. — On  April  2j,  Captain  Farragut  flew 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  over  the  recovered  United  States  Mint 
at  New  Orleans.  May  1,  General  Benjamin  F.  Butler  put  the 
city  under  martial  law;  and  the  North  soon  had  cotton.  In- 
cidentally, a  brother  of  Butler  made  an  immense  fortune  out  of 
the  cotton ;  and,  thereafter,  the  General  was  a  very  rich  man. 

Early  in  March,  General  Halleck  obtained  orders  from  Mc- 
Clellan, relieving  Grant  of  his  command.  But  on  March  17, 
the  victor  at  Donelson  was  restored;  and  McClellan  was  re- 
duced in  his  field  of  control.  On  April  6,  the  terrific  fighting 
began  near  Shiloh,  the  severest  battle  in  the  West ;  and  on  the 
night  of  the  7th,  the  Confederates,  having  lost  General  Albert 
Sidney  Johnston,  were  In  full  retreat. 

Early  in  July,  Halleck,  who  hated  Grant,  became  general- 
in-chief  of  all  the  armies.  Halleck  was  a  no  better  general, 
however,  than  McClellan ;  and  was  much  like  him  in  all  respects 
save  two, — McClellan  was  a  politician,  Halleck  not;  and  Mc- 
Clellan was  wealthy,  Halleck  poor. 

"One  War  at  a  Time!"— -On  November  8,  1861,  Captain 
Wilkes,  of  the  U.  S.  steam  sloop-of-war  San  Jacinto,  in  the 
Bahama  Channel,  fired  a  shot  across  the  bow  of  her  majesty 
Queen  Victoria's  mail  steamship  "Trent,"  brought  her  to,  and 
with  a  force  of  marines  took  off"  two  passengers,  Mason  and 


456  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Slidell,  envoys  of  the  Confederacy  to  England  and  France,  who 
had  run  the  blockade  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  and  had 
escaped  to  Havana,  whence  the  Trent  was  taking  them  to 
Europe.  Wilkes  put  into  Boston  Harbor,  and  confined  the 
"missionaries," — their  incognito, — in  Fort  Warren.  Welles 
and  Stanton  immediately  praised  Wilkes ;  and  Congress,  meet- 
ing in  December,  hurried  through  a  vote  of  thanks.  But  Eng- 
land was  furious.  From  the  first,  Lincoln  and  Seward  saw 
that  England  was  right.  We  had  fought  the  War  of  1812  over 
this  kind  of  thing.  Queen  Victoria  fortunately  kept  a  cool 
head.  Out  came  Lincoln  with  the  final  necessary  words  of 
genius,  "One  war  at  a  time  I"  On  January  1,  1862,  the  envoys 
were  turned  over  to  the  English  gunboat  "Rinaldo"  at 
Provincetown  on  Cape  Cod.  For  weeks,  even  months,  the 
public  in  America  raged  against  the  President;  but  gradually 
the  anger  of  the  public  wore  out. 

The  Negro  Slaves. — Some  slaves  worked  in  the  Confed- 
erate camps.  Others  felt  that  the  Federalist  army  line  was  the 
Jordan  river  bank  of  freedom.  General  B.  F.  Butler  called 
fugitives  "contraband  of  war,"  a  witty  phrase  that  helped 
Lincoln.  Hooker  allowed  slaveowners  to  enter  his  camp  and 
to  take  their  runaways.  Halleck  denied  entrance  to  all  colored 
persons.  McClellan  promised  slaveowners  help  in  preventing 
slave-msurrections. 

But  there  was  even  greater  chaos,  if  such  thing  may  be,  in 
the  legislation  proposed.  Lincoln  did  his  best  not  to  offend  the 
Border  States,  but  the  drift  of  events  was  too  strong  for  him. 
Slavery  was  being  slowly  driven,  step  by  step,  to  the  wall  by 
the  now  antislavery  Congress.  The  votes  in  Congress  usually 
stood  2  or  3  to  1  in  favor  of  the  vigorous  measures  of  the 
Northern  radicals. 

That  is  a  false  view  which  represents  the  emancipation  of 
the  slaves  as  the  work  solely  or  mainly  of  the  President.  It 
was  a  principle  of  his  political  conduct  not  to  go  much  faster 
or  further  than  public  opinion  went. 

Lincoln  was  Weak  in  Dealing  with  McClellan. — 
Lincoln  and  McClellan  differed  both  upon  their  philosophies  of 
life  and  upon  the  actual  plans  of  campaign.  Lincoln  was  at 
heart  loyal  to  his  subordinate,  but  McClellan,  who  was  weak- 
minded  from  illness,  was  not  sincere  and  loyal  to  his  superior. 
Lincoln  thought  that  he  must,  at  all  hazard,  hold  Washington. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  457 

McClellan  thought  that  if  he  could  take  Richmond,  the  Capital 
of  the  Confederacy,  it  would  not  be  so  very  serious  to  lose 
Washington  temporarily  because  of  a  raid  of  Stonewall  Jack- 
son. He  did  not  see  (or  care  to  measure,  if  he  did  see)  the 
fact  that  Washington  was  the  historic  Capital,  recognized 
internationally. 

In  consequence,  General  McClellan  planned  the  Peninsular 
Campaign  from  a  base  upon  the  James  river.  He  would  move 
"on  to  Richmond"  eastward  from  Chesapeake  Bay  instead  of 
southward  from  Washington.  To  that  end,  by  a  subterfuge 
of  figuring  army  divisions  that  Lincoln  was  too  busy  wholly 
to  understand,  he  removed  nearly  all  the  troops  from  Wash- 
ington. Whereupon,  the  President  suddenly  kept  back  some 
40,000  troops  under  McDowell  that  he  had  promised  to  Mc- 
Clellan upon  belief  in  what  proved  to  be  false  statements  of 
the  commander.  Even  so,  McClellan  had  100,000  fine  soldiers. 
He  moved  forward,  then  retreated.  There  were  seven  days 
of  terrible  fighting  in  bad  spring  weather.  Malvern  Hill  was 
a  costly  Union  victory.  But  the  soldiers  had  to  be  brought 
back  from  the  James  river,  for  the  campaign  had  failed. 

The  Meddling  of  the  Politicians. — On  the  other  hand, 
Lincoln  himself  lost  his  head  and  sent  McDowell  on  a  wild- 
goose  chase  after  Stonewall  Jackson  down  the  Shenandoah 
valley.  Had  the  Confederates  been  a  little  bolder  and  a  little 
shrewder,  they  might  have  sacked  Washington.  Then  Mc- 
Clellan was  reduced  from  his  command.  His  book  called  "Mc- 
Clellan's  Own  Story"  is  almost  intolerably  unpleasant  reading, 
for  two  reasons.  Of  these,  the  first  is  that  the  General  wrote  it 
in  bitterness  of  soul  with  many  egotistic  declarations  about 
himself  and  with  many  denunciations  of  and  innuendoes  against 
others,  including  President  Lincoln.  The  other  reason  is  far 
more  serious.  The  book  proves  that  there  was  too  much  med- 
dling with  the  army  and  with  military  affairs,  too  much  vacil- 
lation, too  much  covert  mistrust  within  apparent  confidence. 
A  republic  as  a  political  mechanism  has  no  business  with  war- 
fare anyway.  We  are  left  in  doubt  as  to  whether  or  not  these 
unnecessary  troubles  caused  the  failure  of  McClellan  as  a  field 
commander.  That  he  was  a  brilliant  success  as  the  maker 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  and  indeed  of  many  regiments 
sent  into  the  West  and  South  from  his  original  command  is 
indisputable.     His  soldiers  idolized  him,     But  for  McClellan, 


458  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Meade  could  never  have  withstood  Lee  at  Gettysburg.  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  himself  is  not  without  fault  in  his  early  handling 
of  McClellan.  He  should  have  dropped  him  and  taken  another 
man  long  ago.     But  he  lacked  decision. 

McClellan  Restored. — They  tried  other  commanders  in 
the  East.  But,  one  after  another,  these  commanders  failed, — 
Pope,  Rosecrans,  Burnside,  Hooker,  Halleck.  Then  McClellan 
was  restored.  Not  long  afterward,  Lee,  having  won  the  tre- 
mendous battle  of  Chancellorsville,  in  which  the  invaluable 
Stonewall  Jackson  fell,  probably  by  the  mistaken  fire  of  his 
own  men,  pushed  into  Maryland.  He  proposed  to  sack  Phila- 
delphia and  even  dreamed  of  taking  New  York  with  the  help 
of  a  rising  of  the  disaffected  commercial  classes.  But  on 
September  17,  1862,  at  Antietam,  Lee  was  met  by  McClellan 
and  stayed  in  his  too  confident  exploit.  Whether  or  not  this 
was  a  victory  for  the  Federals  is  debated  by  military  critics. 
McClellan,  who  failed  in  every  crisis,  did  not  pursue  Lee  upon 
his  retreat. 

The  End  of  McClellan. — After  thinking  upon  this  with 
the  utter  passionlessness  of  his  character  as  now  developed,  on 
October  13,  Lincoln  sent  to  McClellan  a  letter  that  any  intelli- 
gent man,  not  too  conceited  to  understand  others,  would  have 
taken  as  notice  either  to  bestir  him  or  to  prepare  for  recall. 
McClellan  did  not  bestir  himself.  On  November  7,  he  was 
superseded  by  Burnside.  It  was  a  military  necessity,  but  it 
was  bad  politics,  for  it  looked  like  the  kind  of  "outrage"  by 
which  Presidents  had  been  made. 

Emancipation. — The  fall  elections  of  1862  had  gone 
against  the  Republicans.  Whether  because  he  foresaw  this 
and  hoped  to  stem  the  tide  of  public  weariness  and  disaffection 
or  because  he  was  indifferent  to  politics  in  a  case  involving  a 
fundamental  moral  principle,  on  September  22,  1862,  Lincoln 
seized  the  recent  news  of  the  victory  (such  as  it  was)  at  Antie- 
tam and  issued  the  preliminary  emancipation  proclamation. 
For  it,  he  invoked  the  "war-powers"  of  the  Constitution.  Lin- 
coln himself  defined  these  war-powers  in  many  different  ways; 
they  included  whatever  was  necessary  to  preserve  the  Govern- 
ment. He  hoped  that  Congress  would  immediately  agree  to 
several  amendments  to  the  Constitution  and  urged  them  in  his 
message.  Constitutions  and  statutory  laws  are  silent  under 
arms. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  459 

He  Knew  How  to  Write. — Beyond  any  other  President, 
Lincoln  knew  how  to  write  and  to  speak  well.  The  message 
of  December,  1862,  contains  such  sentences  as  these, — "The 
dogmas  of  the  quiet  past  are  inadequate  to  the  stormy  present. 
.  We  must  disenthrall  ourselves,  and  then  we  shall  save 
our  country.  .  .  .  We  cannot  escape  history. 
The  fiery  trial  through  which  we  pass  will  light  us  down,  in 
honor  or  dishonor,  to  the  latest  generation.  ...  In  giving 
freedom  to  the  slave,  we  assure  freedom  to  the  free.  .  .  . 
We  shall  nobly  save  or  meanly  lose,  the  last,  best  hope  on 
earth."1 

It  is  a  strange  thing  that  after  Lincoln  had  actually  per- 
suaded a  reluctant  House  to  give  $10,000,000  in  bonds  to  Mis- 
souri to  compensate  slaveowners  for  their  slaves  and  the 
Senate  to  raise  this  to  $15,000,000,  the  Missouri  members  and 
the  lobbyists  beat  the  bill  in  concurrence !  Unlike  Lincoln,  the 
slaveowners  of  the  Border  States  thought  that  bondmen  were 
better  than  United  States  bonds.  Capitalism  saw  in  slave- 
merchandise  immense  future  gains. 

Amends  the  Constitution. — On  January  1,  1863,  the 
President  issued  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  next  after 
the  Constitution  itself  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
among  the  documentary  foundations  of  modern  American 
political  liberty.  This  lifted  Abraham  Lincoln  at  once  to  rank 
with  Jefferson  and  Madison.  With  no  warrant  of  legal  right, 
he  virtually  amended  the  Constitution.  Because  he  signed  the 
Proclamation  late  on  New  Year's  Day,  his  radical  anti-slavery 
critics  grumbled  at  his  reluctance  and  dilatoriness.  Their  busi- 
ness was  now  gone;  and  Lincoln  was  not  so  eager  a  "convert" 
as  they  wished  him  to  be. 

Negroes  as  Soldiers. — The  President  was  now  enrolling 
negroes  as  soldiers.  The  Confederacy  answered  by  saying 
that  if  they  captured  any  more  white  soldiers,  they  would 
enslave  them  and  if  any  negroes  in  blue,  they  would  execute 
them  as  felons  by  hanging.  In  reply,  the  President  said  that 
for  every  soldier  hung,  he  would  execute  a  rebel  captive  and 
for  every  soldier  enslaved,  he  would  put  a  rebel  captive  at 
hard  labor  on  public  works.  Not  much  was  ever  done  by  the 
Confederacy  in  the  way  of  hanging  negro  captives  or  of  en- 
slaving white  ones.  Lincoln  himself  said  that  the  250,000 
negro  volunteers  were  the  balance  of  power  that  gave  victory 

*The  italics  are  Lincoln's. 


460  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

to  the  Union  in  that  these  men  not  only  fought  for  the  Union 
but  were  just  so  many  withdrawn  from  feeding  and  otherwise 
serving  the  Confederates.  And  Lincoln  seldom  exaggerated  a 
fact.  The  South  has  sometimes  said  that  negroes  and  hired 
foreign  immigrant  boys  fought  and  won  the  war. 

Union  Progress  Everywhere. — In  the  early  days  of  July, 
1863,  three  great  successes  came  to  the  Union  armies.  It  is 
not  true  that,  until  this  time,  honors  were  even  between  the 
Federals  and  the  Confederates.  In  the  West  and  South,  the 
Federals  were  far  ahead.  In  Virginia,  Lee  had  done  better 
soldiering,  but  neither  side  had  made  any  substantial  gains, 
each  still  holding  its  Capital  securely.  On  the  seas,  the  Union 
was  almost  wholly  successful ;  only  a  few  Gulf  ports  were  open 
to  the  blockade  runners.  Nor  is  it  wholly  true  that  if  the 
Confederates  had  lost  in  but  one  of  these  engagements  and 
succeeded  in  two  of  them,  or  even  if  they  had  won  in  all  of 
them,  the  Union  cause  would  certainly  have  collapsed.  But  it 
is  true  that  driving  Bragg  out  of  Kentucky,  capturing  Pem- 
berton  at  Vicksburg,  and  driving  Lee  out  of  Maryland  a  second 
time  by  winning  Gettysburg  constituted  the  crisis  of  the  Civil 
War  and  that  thereafter,  while  Lincoln's  own  stay  at  the  White 
House  was  still  problematical,  the  continuance  of  some 
Unionist  there  was  likely. 

"I  Can't  Spare  This  Man;  He  Fights." — In  the  West, 
from  June  24  to  July  4,  1863,  Rosecrans  had  driven  Bragg  be- 
fore him  from  Shelbyville  to  Tullahoma  and  thence  across  the 
southern  boundary  of  Tennessee  below  the  mountains.  And 
on  July  3,  Vicksburg,  the  impregnable,  surrendered  to  Grant, 
the  soldier  of  whom  Lincoln  had  said  earlier  in  the  war  when 
the  intriguers  tried  to  rid  themselves  of  him, — "I  can't  spare 
this  man ;  he  fights."  No  other  commander  on  either  side  would 
have  dared  to  storm  Vicksburg,  and  few  would  have  been  per- 
tinacious and  coldhearted  enough  to  lay  their  soldiers  in  those 
malarial  trenches  and  starve  Vicksburg  into  surrender  while 
the  besiegers  rotted  with  disease.  Grant  did  both  storm  and 
besiege  Vicksburg.  His  business  was  to  get  Vicksburg.  And 
Pemberton  surrendered  on  July  4.  This  was  the  greatest  mili- 
tary exploit  of  the  War.1  And  now  Lincoln  had  a  second 
military  hero  raised  up  to  contest  the  Presidency,  this  one  in 
his  own  party.  But,  fortunately,  Grant  had  not  only  the  un- 
conquerable soul  of  a  great  commander  but  also  a  noble  loyalty 

1See  pp.  496  et  seq.,  infra. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  461 

of  heart.1  To  him  on  July  16,  1863,  Abraham  Lincoln  wrote: 
"I  now  wish  to  make  a  personal  acknowledgment  that  you 
were  right,  and  I  was  wrong."  The  President  knew  that  at  last 
he  had  found  the  right  general  to  win  the  war. 

Gettysburg. — On  July  1,  2  and  3,  the  greatest  battle  of  the 
Inter-State  War  was  fought.  Lee,  whose  primacy  as  a  soldier 
in  the  Confederate  Army  was  indisputable  after  the  deaths  of 
A.  S.  Johnston  at  Shiloh  and  of  "Stonewall"  Jackson  at  Chan- 
cellorsville,  was  undismayed  by  the  failure  at  Antietam  and 
now  renewed  his  plan  of  sacking  Northern  cities.  He  met 
Meade  at  Gettysburg,  and  on  the  third  day  of  that  tremendous 
battle  when  Pickett's  charge  failed,  and  the  high  tide  of  the 
"Rebellion"  was  rolled  back,  as  the  battle  monument  recites, 
went  down  in  defeat  that  broke  forever  the  prestige  of  the 
Confederacy. 

Meade  could  have  sent  80,000  men  after  Lee  at  once.  And 
the  President  knew  it.  Representative  democracies  make  bad 
messes  of  all  their  wars. 

Hooker  Redeems  Himself. — On  October  16,  1863,  Lin- 
coln replaced  Rosecrans  by  Thomas,  "the  Rock  of  Chicka- 
mauga,"  and  made  Grant  commander  in  the  West.  On  No- 
vember 24th  and  25th  came  the  battle  of  Lookout  Mountain, 
"above  the  clouds,"  when  Hooker  who  had  lost  at  Chancellors- 
ville  (he  had  been  dazed  by  a  bad  wound  in  the  head)  redeemed 
himself  by  the  victorious  charge  of  his  men  up  the  mountain- 
side without  orders.  It  was  in  this  battle  that  Hooker,  Sheri- 
dan, and  Sherman,  all  fighting  men,  rode  into  fame. 

The  Leader  of  the  Copperheads. — The  story  of  Clement 
L.  Vallandigham,  a  Copperhead  Democrat  of  Dayton,  Ohio,  is 
closely  connected  with  the  policy  of  Lincoln.  This  emotional 
and  effeminate  man  was  an  active  Southern  sympathizer.  On 
March  25,  1863,  Burnside,  who,  on  December  17,  1862,  had 
uselessly  lost  13,000  out  of  113,000  men  at  Fredericksburg, 
had  been  transferred  to  the  Department  of  the  Ohio.  In  a  gen- 
eral order,  he  said  that  he  would  send  talkative  Copperheads 
southward  to  "their  friends."  Vallandigham  had  been  a 
member  of  Congress  since  1856,  a  fact  that  shows  the  character 
of  the  Dayton  District.  He  now  let  loose  a  flood  of  speech ; 
and  on  May  4,  Burnside  arrested  him  and  consigned  him  to 
jail,  refusing  to  give  him  up  on  habeas  corpus  proceedings.  A 
tremendous  outcry  arose  against  Burnside,  who  offered  to 

xSce  p.  463,  irfra. 


462  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

resign ;  but  Lincoln  kept  him  in  command.  On  May  25,  Burn- 
side  gave  Vallandigham  to  a  Confederate  picket  in  Tennessee, 
and  the  Congressman  by  running  the  blockade  at  last  by  sea- 
travel  reached  Canada,  whence  he  issued  manifestoes  to  the 
Ohio  Democracy.  On  May  16,  rich  Governor  Seymour  of 
New  York,  who  was  either  muddled  or  a  secessionist,  too  cow- 
ardly to  act  upon  his  principles,  at  a  huge  concourse  of  Demo- 
crats in  New  York  City  declared  that  the  critical  question  was 
"whether  this  war*  is  waged  to  put  down  rebellion  at  the  South 
or  free  institutions  at  the  North." 

On  June  1 1 ,  the  Ohio  Democrats  nominated  Vallandigham 
for  governor,  whereupon  Lincoln  wrote  another  of  his  won- 
derful letters, — "Must  I  shoot  a  simple-minded  soldier-boy 
who  deserts,  while  I  must  not  touch  a*  hair  of  the  wily  agitator 
who  induces  him  to  desert?"  Nor  was  this  mere  rhetoric. 
More  than  one-half  of  all  the  soldiers  of  the  North  were  less 
than  nineteen  years  old ;  and  in  the  South  likewise.1 

A  Good  Political  Move. — The  Union  men  countered  by 
nominating  as  the  Republican  candidate  a  War  Democrat, 
John  B rough.  The  Copperhead  Democrat  against  the  war  and 
the  War  Democrat  made  the  issue  clear  as  the  sun  at  noon  day ; 
and  Ohio  decided  by  over  100,000  majority  to  let  Brough  serve 
as  governor.    It  was  a  Lincoln  political  victory. 

New  York  City  Draft  Riot. — On  July  13,  1863,  the  day 
that  Lee  escaped  across  the  Potomac  because  Meade  was  in- 
efficient, the  New  York  City  draft  riot  broke  out.  A  thousand 
citizens  were  killed;  but  with  10,000  troops,  Lincoln  put  an 
end  to  the  hanging  of  negroes  to  lampposts  and  to  all  the  rest 
of  the  murderous  street  rioting. 

The  Gettysburg  Speech. — On  November  19,  1863,  the 
National  Cemetery  at  Gettysburg,  where  the  slain  of  that  awful 
carnage  were  buried  by  thousands  in  nameless  graves,  was 
dedicated.  Edward  Everett  made  the  address;  and  Lincoln 
accepted  the  cemetery  in  the  little  speech  of  two  hundred  and 
fifty  words  that  to-day  is  better  known  in  America  than  any- 

*In  1864,  in  Darien,  Connecticut,  a  school  teacher,  twenty-two  years, 
and  his  fourteen  boys,  from  fifteen  to  seventeen  years  old,  all  enlisted 
upon  the  same  day.  A  Dayton,  Ohio,  family  of  seven  boys  sent  every 
one  into  the  army — they  averaged  sixteen  years  at  enlistment;  and  one 
of  them  went  at  twelve  years  of  age. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  463 

thing  else  in  the  English  language  save  a  few  passages  only 
in  the  Bible  itself,  better  known  even  than  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  with  whose  proposition  that  "all  men  are  created 
equal"  it  begins.  The  speech  ends  "that  we  here  highly  resolve 
that  these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain,  that  this  nation, 
under  God,  shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  gov- 
ernment of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people,  shall  not 
perish  from  the  earth/'  The  phrases  were  old;  but  Lincoln 
made  them  immortal  by  his  felicitous  use  of  them. 

Party  Politics. — Early  in  1864,  it  was  still  a  question 
whether  or  not  Lincoln  would  be  renominated.  There  was  a 
candidate  in  his  own  Cabinet,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  who  had  been 
Republican  governor  of  Ohio;  but  the  story  of  the  defalcation 
of  Gibson,  the  Republican  Ohio  State  Treasurer,  to  the  extent 
of  $500,000  of  money  was  a  sore  subject  in  the  reform  party. 
This  candidacy  broke  down  when  Rhode  Island,  whose  Gov- 
ernor William  Sprague  was  the  husband  of  Kate  Chase,  the 
brilliant  and  only  child  of  the  Secretary,  refused  to  support 
him  against  Lincoln. 

"Don't  Swap  Horses  in  Midstream/' — Another  can- 
didate was  Fremont,  who  had  been  defeated  for  the  Presi- 
dency in  1856  by  Buchanan.  He  had  a  considerable  following 
in  Missouri.  What  would  have  happened  to  this  nation  if  the 
President  had  been  ineligible  to  reelection  ?  The  nation  might 
have  dissolved  in  1864  with  a  Fremont  for  President. 

Grant  also  had  supporters,  but  he  was  too  loyal  and  too  sen- 
sible to  allow  the  use  of  his  name.  And  Seward  likewise.  At 
this  stage,  the  remark  of  Lincoln  about  swapping  horses  when 
crossing  a  stream  began  to  tell  with  the  plain  people. 

Horace  Greeley,  William  Cullen  Bryant,  and  Wendell  Phil- 
lips could  not  turn  the  tide  against  Lincoln.  The  Republican 
voters  desired  his  nomination,  and  on  the  first  ballot  at  the 
Baltimore  Convention  June  7,  1864,  he  received  484  votes  to 
22  for  Grant,  all  of  the  latter  from  the  Missouri  delegation, 
whose  presence  was  contested  by  a  pro-Lincoln  delegation. 
But  before  the  ballot  was  announced,  the  anti-Lincoln  Missou- 
rians  arose  and  transferred  their  votes  to  Lincoln.  On  the  first 
ballot  for  Vice-President,  the  votes  stood:  Andrew  Johnson 
200,  Hannibal  Hamlin  150,  D.  S.  Dickinson  108.  This  ballot 
was  then  made  unanimous.    Both  Johnson  and  Dickinson  were 


464  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

War  Democrats.  They  were  favored  to  "balance  the  ticket." 
Lincoln  himself,  ever  anxious  to  hold  the  Border  States — was 
it  not  partly  due  to  love  for  Kentucky? — favored  Johnson. 

Lincoln  versus  McClellan. — Late  in  August,  the  Demo- 
crats met  and  nominated  General  George  B.  McClellan.  His 
chances  of  election  were  good,  perhaps  better  than  those  of 
Lincoln.  Three- fourths  of  the  soldiers  were  Republicans,  and 
though  it  was  intended  to  count  their  votes,  yet  the  absence 
of  these  young  men  affected  the  Republican  enthusiasm.  The 
Republican  national  politicians  were  unfriendly  to  their  leader. 

A  Constitutional  Convention  Proposed. — It  was  a 
political  situation  somewhat  comparable  with  that  of  a  king 
with  his  people  when  the  nobles  are  against  him.  Benjamin 
Wade,  H.  W.  Davis,  and  Thaddeus  Stevens  were  without  zeal 
or  interest  save  in  condemning  the  policy  and  the  moves  of  the 
President.  Perhaps,  at  no  other  time  was  so  much  bad  advice 
given  to  Lincoln  as  in  the  summer  and  early  fall  of  1864; 
even  Governor  Morton  of  Indiana,  a  real  war-governor  at 
heart,  advised  dropping  the  question  of  slavery  and  seeking 
peace  under  the  Constitution  with  the  rebels.  Let  the  country 
hold  a  Constitution  Convention  to  end  the  slavery  question! 

Yet  Lincoln  went  on  with  his  unpopular  measures;  among 
them  issuing  on  July  18  a  call  for  500,000  men,  most  of  them 
to  be  drafted,  for  the  three-year  enlistments  of  1861  were 
fast  expiring.  Far  better  would  it  have  been  then  to  have  ac- 
cepted only  "enlistments  for  the  war." 

"What,"  asked  Lincoln  of  the  objecting  politicians,  "is  the 
Presidency  worth  to  me  if  I  have  no  country  ?" 

The  Fatal  Peace  Plank. — But  the  Democratic  party  had 
made  one  serious,  perhaps  the  fatal,  political  error.  Vallandig- 
ham  had  caused  a  peace  plank  to  be  put  into  the  party  plat- 
form; and  McClellan  repudiated  it.  The  peace  plank  fright- 
ened away  the  War  Democrats,  and  the  presence  of  Andrew 
Johnson,  on  the  Republican  ticket,  attracted  them.  There 
were  too  many  dead  in  Union  graves  to  be  Forgotten. 

Grant  in  Full  Charge  of  the  War. — On  March  3,  1864, 
Ulysses  S.  Grant  had  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate  upon  nomi- 
nation of  Lincoln  as  lieutenant-general  of  the  army  "during 
the  pleasure  of  the  President."  He  put  Sherman  in  command 
in  the  West. 

On  July  10,  1863,  Early  made  his  raid  upon  Washington, 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  4^5 

and  next  day  Lincoln,  going  out  to  the  line  of  the  fort  at 
Seventh  Avenue,  was  under  fire,  an  officer  being  wounded  at 
his  side.  Grant  heard  of  the  raid  just  in  time  to  release  Gen- 
eral Wright  with  two  divisions  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
and  to  get  them  up  to  the  wharves.  This  relief  saved  Wash- 
ington from  being  sacked  by  1 7,000  Confederate  veterans. 

Late  in  August,  Captain  David  G.  Farragut  lashed  himself 
to  the  mast  of  a  ship  and  headed  a  squadron  into  Mobile  Bay, 
which  he  knew  was  full  of  mines.  Under  heavy  fire,  he  took 
the  harbor.  It  was  a  spectacular  exploit,  now  world-famous. 
The  Confederacy  was  hermetically  sealed  along  the  seaboard. 
This  was  the  first  great  good  news  of  the  year  to  the  Union 
side. 

On  September  3,  General  W.  T.  Sherman  seized  Atlanta, 
where  the  Confederates  had  taken  to  manufacturing,  for  the 
blockade  was  a  prohibitive  tariff,  and  had  converted  it  into  a 
fortress  and  depot  of  supplies,  relentlessly  turning  the  inhabi- 
tants out  into  the  surrounding  farms  and  villages.  Georgia 
had  been  the  source  of  most  of  the  supplies  of  Lee's  Army  of 
Virginia. 

Political  Phases. — At  this  time,  the  Charleston  "Courier" 
remarked, — "Our  success  in  battle  insures  the  success  of  Mc- 
Clellan  (at  the  polls).  Our  failure  will  inevitably  lead  to  his 
defeat."  This  paragraph,  repeated  throughout  the  North,  cost 
McClellan  many  votes.  On  September  23,  in  order  to  hold 
Ohio  safely  Republican,  Lincoln  displaced  Montgomery  Blair, 
Postmaster-General,  and  appointed  ex-Governor  Dennison  of 
Ohio,  a  move  that  helped  to  allay  political  dissatisfaction  there. 

Sheridan  in  the  Shenandoah. — At  this  time,  General 
Philip  Sheridan  was  sent  into  the  Shenandoah  valley,  the  gran- 
ary of  the  Army  of  Virginia.  He  did  his  work  so  thoroughly 
that  it  was  said,  "A  crow  cannot  fly  through  the  Shenandoah 
valley  unless  he  carries  his  provisions  with  him."  On  October 
19,  at  Cedar  Creek,  Early  attacked  Sheridan's  forces,  when 
their  leader  was  "at  Winchester,  twenty  miles  away,"  returning 
from  Washington;  and  he  drove  them  in  retreat,  all  save  a 
small  body  of  resolute  men.  When  Sheridan  heard  of  this,  he 
rode  forward  at  breakneck  speed,  rallied  the  resolute  men,  and 
started  for  the  front.  "Never  mind,  boys,  we'll  whip  them 
yet !"  he  shouted ;  and  they  whipped  Early  before  darkness  fell. 

Sherman  Marches  On. — President  Davis  now  ordered 


466  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Hood,  who  had  evacuated  Atlanta,  to  go  to  Nashville  and  to 
fight  Thomas.  This  move  caused  Sherman  to  say, — "I  will 
give  him  the  rations  to  go  with."  Davis  replied  that  between 
Hood  and  Johnston,  he  would  grind  Sherman  to  powder. 
Sherman,  then  at  Atlanta,  set  out  with  sixty  thousand  men  to 
make  a  track  sixty  miles  wide  to  the  sea.  On  November  15 
he  burned  the  city,  and  to  the  tune  of  "John  Brown's  body  lies 
a-mouldering  in  the  grave,"  began  his  march  to  the  Atlantic 
seaboard.  "Forage  liberally"  was  one  of  his  orders  to  his  men. 
When  some  local  inhabitants  protested  at  his  outrages,  he  re- 
marked coolly, — "War  is  hell !"  It  was  the  spirit  of  Early  at 
Chambersburg.  In  earlier  ages,  such  commanders  would  have 
killed  all  discoverable  non-combatants.  Even  war  grows 
milder. 

On  Christmas  Eve,  Sherman  wired  to  Lincoln, — "I  beg  to 
present  to  you  as  a  Christmas  gift  the  city  of  Savannah."  He 
had  lost  but  eight  hundred  men  upon  the  march. 

A  Terrible  Defeat  for  the  South. — On  December  15 
and  16,  Hood  met  Thomas  at  Nashville.  He  had  39,000  men 
and  lost  15,000,  while  Thomas  had  55,000  and  lost  3,000.  For 
the  South,  it  was  the  most  terrible  defeat  of  the  War. 

Lincoln  Re-elected. — On  November  8,  1864,  there  were 
cast  at  the  Presidential  election  2,330,572  votes  for  the  Re- 
publican electors,  and  1,835,985  for  the  Democratic.  Lincoln 
had  a  plurality  of  494,567  over  McClellan.  The  Electoral  Col- 
lege stood : 

212  for  Lincoln,  21  for  McClellan. 

The  soldiers  voted  116,887  for  Lincoln,  and  33,748  for  Mc- 
Clellan. The  Vermont,  Kansas,  and  Minnesota  soldier-votes 
were  disallowed.  The  soldier-vote  showed  that  only  one  sol- 
died  in  six  was  over  twenty-one  years  of  age  and  a  citizen. 
The  boys  in  blue,  the  negroes  and  the  foreigners  could  not 
vote. 

His  Gentle  Speech. — On  November  10,  to  serenaders 
from  the  Republican  clubs  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  which 
was  overwhelmingly  secessionist  or  at  least  peace-Democrat, 
Lincoln  said, — "So  long  as  I  have  been  here,  I  have  not  will- 
ingly planted  a  thorn  in  any  man's  bosom !"  This  is  a  signifi- 
cant revelation  of  character. 

Chase  Head  of  Supreme  Court. — On  October  2,  1864, 
Chief  Justice  Taney  died.     Lincoln  desired  to  name  to  the 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  467 

vacancy  Montgomery  Blair  because  he  was  fond  of  him  per- 
sonally and  grateful  to  him  and  to  his  brothers  for  many 
important  political  services.  But  when  Congress  assembled, 
he  sent  in  the  name  of  Salmon  P.  Chase;  and  for  this  nomina- 
tion, his  purposes  and  motives  were  characteristically  mixed, 
for  Lincoln  was  intensely  human.  He  considered  Chase  the 
ablest  man  in  America,  and  the  Chief  Justiceship  next  to  the 
most  important  office.  He  was  grateful  to  Chase  for  filling 
the  Government  Treasury  so  skillfully  for  the  nation's  needs. 
And  he  was  glad  to  get  Chase  out  of  the  way.  Lincoln  under- 
stood himself  well  enough  to  smile  cheerfully  when  at  a  White 
House  reception  Kate  Chase  told  him  that  the  last  purpose 
was  the  real  one. 

Winding-up  of  the  War. — At  last,  the  War  was  winding 
up.  Grant  drove  on  to  Richmond.  Sherman  was  marching 
up  from  the  sea.  The  last  little  Confederate  harbors  were 
seized.  The  "Kearsarge"  had  sunk  the  terrible  "Alabama"  in 
June,  and  in  November  the  last  one  of  the  rebel  privateers 
came  into  Liverpool,  where  the  British  authorities  gave  her 
up  to  the  United  States  officers ;  and  Charles  Francis  Adams 
scored  another  diplomatic  victory.  In  October,  Lieutenant 
Cushing  had  blown  up  the  Confederate  ram  "Albemarle." 

A  dozen  propositions  to  settle  the  war  had  been  made  from 
Richmond  or  from  Confederate  sympathizers  out  of  Rich- 
mond. On  February  1,  1865,  President  Lincoln  and  Secretary 
Seward  met  three  Confederate  commissioners  on  board  a 
steamer  at  Hampton  Roads, — Stephens,  Hunter,  and  Camp- 
bell.   But  nothing  could  be  effected  between  them. 

Four  days  later,  the  President  worked  out  a  generous  plan  to 
pay  $400,000,000  to  the  slave  States,  provided  their  opposition 
ceased  by  April  1.  But  neither  Congress  nor  Confederacy 
would  listen  to  his  plan. 

The  Second  Inaugural. — On  March  4,  1865,  Lincoln  read 
his  second  inaugural  of  scarcely  eight  hundred  flaming  words. 
The  last  sentences  were  these, — "Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently 
do  we  pray,  that  this  mighty  scourge  of  war  may  speedily  pass 
away.  Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth 
piled  by  the  bondmen's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  un- 
requited toil  shall  be  sunk  and  until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn 
by  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another  drawn  by  the  sword,  as 


468  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said, 
'The  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether/ 

"With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firm- 
ness in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive 
on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in;  to  bind  up  the  nation's 
wounds ;  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and 
for  his  widow,  and  his  orphan, — to  do  all  that  may  achieve 
a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations." 

In  January,  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution 
had  been  carried  in  Congress ;  this  was  a  confident  f  orthlooking 
upon  the  future. 

Lincoln  Walks  Through  Richmond. — On  April  2,  1865, 
President  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  Government  abandoned 
Richmond.  Next  morning  early,  President  Abraham  Lincoln 
walked  through  the  streets  of  the  burning  city.  It  was  to 
Lieutenant  Jefferson  Davis  of  the  regular  army  that  poverty- 
stricken  Captain  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  the  Illinois  militia,  in  the 
Black  Hawk  War,  had  given  his  oath  of  allegiance.1  Who  can 
measure  the  tragic  changes  of  life! 

Appomattox. — On  April  7,  7,000  starving  soldiers  of  Lee's 
army  were  trapped  by  Grant ;  and  not  unwillingly  surrendered. 
On  April  9,  with  Sheridan  on  the  road  in  front  of  him  and  with 
Grant  in  his  rear,  at  Appomattox,  Lee  surrendered  his  remain- 
ing 28,231  men;  and  asked  for  food  for  his  soldiers.  They 
were  beaten  not  by  bullet  nor  by  sword,  but  by  superior  politics, 
marshalling  vastly  greater  numbers  and  cutting  off  their  food 
supply.  The  true  explanation  of  the  defeat  of  the  Confed- 
erates is  to  be  found  not  at  army  headquarters  upon  either 
side. 

The  Last  Portrait. — In  1863  an^  J864,  Lincoln  was  phys- 
ically in  bad  condition,  suffering  greatly  from  insomnia,  in- 
digestion, a  deranged  liver,  and  malaria.  His  endurance  was 
that  of  the  spirit;  he  was  living  on  his  nerve.  In  March,  1865, 
when  his  last  portrait  was  painted,  the  change  was  striking  and 
ominous.  His  eyes  had  sunk  deep  into  his  head.  His  cheeks 
were  wan,  and  his  smile  pathetic  and  weary.  For  all  the  relief 
of  peace,  it  is  improbable  that  he  would  have  survived  the 
summer  in  the  torrid  Potomac  valley  even  though  he  spent  it 
as  usual  at  the  Soldiers'  Home  upon  the  hill-elevation  of  three 
hundred  feet  above  tidewater.  The  White  House  is  but  forty 
feet  above  tidewater.     The  Potomac  flats  were  not  drained 

*See  p.  391,  supra,  and  p.  475.  infra. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  469 

then  as  they  are  now;  and  disease-infected  mosquitoes 
flourished. 

And  yet  for  all  his  ill-health,  Lincoln  set  out  bravely  to  put 
through  his  reconstruction  policy.  How  fair,  how  prompt  this 
policy  was !  It  was  well  that  he  died, — for  the  fairness  of  this 
policy,  many  in  the  North  would  have  execrated  him. 

On  April  9,  1865,  Lincoln  and  his  wife  were  coming  up 
from  City  Point  on  the  Potomac  to  Washington.  "That  city," 
said  his  wife,  "is  filled  with  our  enemies!" 

The  man  retorted  impatiently, — "Enemies!  we  must  never 
speak  of  that."    His  too  charitable  heart  deluded  him. 

Enemies  at  Work. — On  the  14th,  they  went  together  to 
Ford's  Theater.  Laura  Keane  was  playing  in  "Our  American 
Cousin."  The  usual  sentry  for  Lincoln  was  away  for  the 
evening.  Another  guard  stood  at  his  box,  became  fascinated 
by  the  acting,  and  sat  down  in  the  audience.  Next  day,  he  was 
crazed  with  grief  for  a  broken  duty;  and  died  a  year  or  so 
afterwards. 

The  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  had  expected  General  and 
Mrs.  Grant  to  join  them;  but  they  decided  instead  to  visit  their 
children  at  a  private  school  in  Burlington.  Just  after  ten 
o'clock,  John  Wilkes  Booth,  an  actor,  who  for  several  days  past 
had  been  drinking  heavily,  in  the  absence  of  the  attendant, 
came  to  the  door  of  the  box,  pushed  in,  fastened  the  door  with 
a  bar  previously  made  ready,  shot  the  President  in  the  head 
from  the  back,  slashed  his  military  aide  with  a  knife,  jumped 
to  the  stage,  crying,  "Sic  semper  tyrannis!"  and  escaped  to  a 
horse  that  a  theater  employe  was  holding  for  him. 

At  the  same  hour,  Secretary  Seward,  in  bed  from  an  acci- 
dent, was  stabbed  by  an  assassin  who  gained  access  to  his  room 
by  the  pretense  of  bringing  medicine.  Others  also  of  his  house- 
hold were  nearly  killed.  His  wife  and  daughter  died  of 
shock. 

A  Plot  Revealed. — The  plot  included  the  murders  also  of 
Grant,  of  Stanton,  and  of  Johnson.  Its  purpose  was  to  break 
down  the  National  Government  by  murdering  its  chief 
operators. 

Within  a  few  days,  the  Government  had  in  custody  seven 
men, — Herold,  Spangler,  Payne,  O'Laughlin,  Arnold,  Atzerot, 
and  Mudd, — and  one  woman, — Mary  E.  Surratt.  They  dared 
not  prosecute  in  the  civil  courts  of  the  District  before  a  jury, 


47Q  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

for  two  good  reasons.  First,  the  citizens  were  hostile  to  Lin- 
coln and  to  the  Government ;  and  for  that  reason  alone  would 
not  convict.  They  did  not  see  how  white  people  could  live 
upon  terms  of  equality  with  the  freed  negroes.  They  could 
not  understand  the  sharp  distinction  that  Lincoln  drew  be- 
tween political  equality  and  social  equality.  Sixty  years  later 
finds  the  South  without  political  equality  in  order  to  insure 
the  social  inferiority  of  negroes  and  mestizos. 

The  second  reason  is  that  the  city  of  Washington1  was 
honeycombed,  as  it  is  yet,  by  secret  societies,  factionalized  by 
religious  parties,  and  corrupted  by  abominable  relations  main- 
tained between  the  sexes  out  of  wedlock.  This  is  true  of  all 
great  cities ;  but  it  was  and  is  true  of  Washington  beyond  other 
cities  of  its  size  or  anywhere  near  its  size  because  it  is  a  political 
maelstrom,  sucking  in  the  riffraff,  flotsam  and  jetsam,  floaters, 
not  yet  convicted  criminals,  not  yet  incarcerated  lunatics  of  all 
America.  It  sucks  them  in,  and  it  crushes  their  lives.  The 
conspirators  against  Lincoln,  Seward,  Grant,  Johnson  and 
others  were  a  typical  assortment.  They  had  some  friends  and 
many  sympathizers  of  the  same  ilk. 

The  Military  Commission. — In  consequence,  the  Federal 
Government  resorted  to  a  military  commission.  This  was 
unconstitutional  and  also  otherwise  illegal.  But  it  always  has 
been,  and  it  always  will  be,  characteristic  of  the  National  Gov- 
ernment to  ignore  the  Constitution  and  the  general  statutes  in 
its  management  of  its  satrapy,  the  District  of  Columbia,  the 
glory  of  whose  name  covers  the  multitude  of  its  misfortunes. 
The  victims  of  their  own  hatefulness  were  to  be  railroaded  to 
their  doom. 

The  commission  hanged  four  of  the  conspirators,  including 
the  woman,  Mrs.  Surratt.  The  others  save  Spangler  were 
sent  to  prison  for  life;  he  was  sentenced  for  six  years.  The 
trial  revealed  the  vile  and  miserable  life  of  the  District  board- 
ing-houses. Booth,  but  twenty-seven  years  old,  son  and  brother 
of  actors  and  of  actresses  of  international  reputation,  left  the 
room  of  his  mistress  to  kill  the  President.  He  had  been  killed 
when  resisting  arrest  in  a  barn  in  Maryland,  In  jumping  from 
the  box  of  the  President,  he  had  broken  a  leg  because  the  spur 
of  a  riding-boot  had  caught  in  a  Union  flag  that  draped  the 
box;  and  he  had  gone  to  a  doctor  miles  away  for  treatment. 
This  was  the  sole  connection  of  unhappy  Doctor  Sidney  Mudd 

,See  p.  521,  infra. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  471 

with  the  conspiracy.  After  a  time,  Mudd  was  pardoned,  as 
were  others.    Justice  was  done  and  overdone. 

No  Relation  with  Confederate  Government. — What 
was  not  proven  was  any  connection  of  the  Confederate  Gov- 
ernment as  such  or  of  Jefferson  Davis  or  of  Clement  L.  Val- 
landigham  or  of  any  other  prominent  man  with  the  plot.  If 
Jefferson  Davis  had  intended  to  get  rid  of  Abraham  Lincoln  by 
assassination,  he  would  have  succeeded  long  before  April  14, 
1865.  Neither  Davis  nor  Lincoln  would  have  regretted  in  the 
least  the  death  of  the  other ;  their  armies  intended  killing  their 
enemies.  But  in  the  wars  of  civilization,  there  are  no  murders, 
poisonings  and  assassinations  of  such  character. 

All  the  World  Mourned  the  Death  of  Lincoln. — 
Next  morning,  without  recovering  consciousness,  Abraham 
Lincoln  died  of  the  bullet  wound.  All  the  world  staggered  at 
the  horror.  Melodrama  never  invented  anything  else  so  tragic, 
so  apparently  impossible.  Before  pale  death,  censure  was  silent, 
and  is  silent.  The  man  and  his  good  deeds,  his  good  purposes, 
his  good  motives  rose  sacrosanct  from  the  grave.  There  was 
a  transformation  of  public  sentiment  as  by  miracle.  For  once 
in  human  history,  in  the  presence  of  this  man  slain  in  deliberate 
malice,  the  people  said, — "Verily,  the  causeless  curse  may 
come." 

The  body  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  conveyed  through  cities 
of  the  North,  and  in  many  of  them  shown  in  state  to  mourn- 
ing thousands,  and  tens  of  thousands.  The  burial  took  place 
at  his  home  in  Springfield,  Illinois. 

Mrs.  Lincoln,  the  mother  of  his  four  sons,  only  one  of 
whom, — Robert  Todd  Lincoln, — grew  to  manhood,  lived  until 
1882. 

The  Later  Cabinet. — Lincoln  made  no  change  and  suf- 
fered none  in  the  Departments  of  State  and  of  the  Navy.  His 
later  Secretaries  in  the  other  Departments  were: 

Treasury, — William  P.  Fessenden  of  Maine,  one  year,  suc- 
ceeded by  Hugh  McCulloch  of  Indiana. 

War, — Edwin  M.  Stanton  of  Ohio,  three  years. 

Attorney-General, — James  Speed1  of  Kentucky,  five  months. 

Postmaster-General, — William  Dennison  of  Ohio,  a  half 
year. 

Interior, — John  P.  Usher  of  Indiana,  a  year  and  a  half. 

Considering  all  the  difficulties  of  the  Interstate  War,  and 

1See  p.  436,  supra. 


472  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

comparing  this  record  with  the  record  of  Tyler,  one  is  unable 
to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  a  good 
judge  of  men  for  specific  purposes. 

In  a  Common  Despair,  They  Went  to  War. — For  all  his 
humor,  no  sadder  man  ever  lived  than  Abraham  Lincoln.  He, 
because  of  whom  half  a  million  young  men  and  boys  North 
and  South  had  perished  for  the  social  order  in  the  trial  to  re- 
establish the  old  Union  of  States,  perished  himself  a  victim  of 
the  common  cataclysm.  Fittingly  so.  They  were  all  common 
human  beings  together ;  and  they  shared  the  common  fate  be- 
cause not  enough  were  wise  enough  to  see  any  way  out  of  the 
common  affliction  of  incompetent  government.  War  is  un- 
reason ;  but  in  a  common  despair,  they  went  to  war. 

The  Poet  of  Democracy. — Abraham  Lincoln  had  brought 
the  ship  of  State  to  harbor.  Walt  Whitman,  the  war-poet 
and  democratic  philosopher,  fittingly  chanted, — 

"O  Captain !    My  Captain  !    Our  fearful  trip  is  done, 
The  ship  has  weathered  every  rack,  the  prize  we  sought  is  won, 
The  port  is  near,  the  bells  I  hear,  the  people  all  exulting, 
While  follow  eyes  the  steady  keel,  the  vessel  grim  and  daring; 

But  0  heart!  heart!  heart! 

O  the  bleeding  drops  of  red, 
Whereon  the  deck  my  Captain  lies. 

Fallen  cold  and  dead. 


My  Captain  does  not  answer,  his  lips  are  pale  and  still, 

My  father  does  not  feel  my  arm,  he  has  no  pulse  or  will, 

The  ship  is  anchored  safe  and  sound;  its  voyage  closed  and  done. 

From  fearful  trip,  the  victor  ship  comes  in  with  object  won; 

Exult,  O  shores,  and  ring,  O  bells ! 

But  I  with  mournful  tread 
Walk  the  deck  my  Captain  lies. 

Fallen  cold  and  dead." 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS  473 


CHAPTER  XVII 

The  President  of  the  Confederate  States  of 
North  America — Jefferson  Davis 

1861-1865 
1 808- 1 889 

11-0  States  Population  11,000,000 

Virginia,  North  Carolina,   South  Carolina,  Georgia,   Florida, 
Alabama,  Tennessee,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Texas. 

Lincoln  not  President  de  facto  of  all  the  United  States — the  Confederate 
States — the  prophecy  of  Pierce — the  South  furnished  the  battlefields- 
early  life — education — in  U.  S.  A. — wife  died — planter  and  student — 
second  wife — Representative  in  Congress — strict  constructionist — 
colonel  at  Buena  Vista — Senator — Secretary  of  War — Major-General 
C.  S.  A. — President  C.  S.  A. — the  dreams  of  dominion — the  trust  of  the 
Confederacy — causes  of  defeat — Antietam  and  Gettysburg  both  errors 
— the  strife  between  Davis  and  the  Confederate  States  Congress — 
the  blockade — too  late — arrest — indictment  for  treason — amnesty — the 
martyr  of  the  "Lost  Cause" — retirement  in  Europe — wrote  histories 
of  the  Government — the  politicians  started  in  to  loot — death  of  Davis 
in  Mississippi. 

Lincoln  Never  De  Facto  President  of  all  the  States. 
— Abraham  Lincoln  was  never  in  fact  President  of  the  whole 
land  of  the  United  States.  Government  is  paramount  force; 
and  the  armies  of  the  Union  were  not  able  wholly  to  subdue 
the  armies  of  the  Confederacy  until  in  May,  1865,  in  Texas 
the  last  of  the  rebels  laid  down  their  arms.1  Separation  in  fact 
began  in  the  autumn  of  i860,  when  the  National  Government 
ceased  in  certain  parts  of  the  South  to  be  able  to  enforce  its 
laws. 

The  Confederacy. — The  Confederate  States  came  into 
being  as  an  independent  nation  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  in 
February,  1861.2  Next  month,  the  permanent  Constitution  was 
ratified.  It  contained  only  a  few  changes  from  that  of  the 
United  States.  The  most  important  change  was  in  the 
locus   of   sovereignty.      The   Confederacy  was   a   union   of 

*See  p.  500,  infra.  'See  p.  425,  supra. 


474  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

States;  the  United  States  a  union  of  "the  people."1  Other 
changes  were  (i)  a  State  might  impeach  a  Confederate  offi- 
cial; (2)  a  State  official  took  no  oath  to  obey  the  Confederate 
Constitution;  (3)  the  President  served  six  years  and  was 
ineligible  to  reelection;  (4)  he  could  veto  parts  of  bills;  (5) 
members  of  the  Cabinet  had  seats  in  Congress;  (6)  tariffs 
must  be  for  revenue  only;  (7)  expenditures  for  internal 
improvements  were  permitted  for  navigation  only;  (8)  the 
postoffice  department  must  be  self-supporting;  (9)  subsidies 
to  commerce  or  industry  were  forbidden;  and  (10)  slavery 
was  recognized  and  the  rights  of  slaveowners  were  guaranteed. 
Some  of  these  changes  were  statesmanlike  and  wise. 

Eleven  States  joined  the  Confederacy.2 

A  Former  President  Proves  to  be  a  False  Prophet. — 
Ex-President  Pierce,  in  New  Hampshire,  wrote  to  Jefferson 
Davis,  who  had  been  his  Secretary  of  State,  January  6,  i860, 
that  the  war  would  be  "in  our  own  streets."  He  looked  for 
disunion  at  the  North. 

In  the  same  month,  Mayor  Fernando  Wood  and  the  Council 
of  New  York  adopted  a  resolution  to  make  it  a  free  city  to 
be  known  as  "Tri-Insula"  and  to  be  neutral  between  the  United 
and  the  Confederate  States.  It  was  a  popular  "business  men's 
proposition." 

The  South  Furnished  the  Battlefields. — Suppose  that 
instead  of  the  upper  tier  of  the  slavery  States  hesitating 
between  the  Union  and  the  Confederacy,  the  lower  tier  of 
the  wage-service  States  had  hesitated ;  in  other  words,  imagine 
Lincoln  striving  to  hold  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio, 
Indiana,  Illinois,  Iowa,  and  Kansas,  and  Davis  secure  in  the 
possession  of  Maryland,  all  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri ! 
The  mere  supposition  shows  the  first  and  greatest  handicap  of 
the  South, — it  had  to  furnish  the  battlefields  and  to  endure 
the  break-up  of  its  ordinary  occupations.  Of  all  the  Northern 
States,  only  Pennsylvania  ever  saw  a  Southern  army;  and  in 
Maryland,  Antietam  was  the  only  important  battle.  Though 
the  Confederacy  first  sounded  the  alarms  of  war,  the  United 
States  in  fact  came  first  into  the  field.  Bad  as  Bull  Run  was 
for  the  North,  it  was  south  of  Washington,  not  north  of 

1See  the  first  sentence  beginning,  "We,  the  people." 
2See  p.  428,  supra. 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS  475 

Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  Abraham  Lincoln  believed  that  to 
hold  the  Border  States  was  in  the  end  to  win  the  war.  If  at 
any  time,  they  had  turned  against  him,  almost  certainly  the 
compulsory  Union  side  would  have  lost. 

The  Personal  Element  in  the  Failure  of  the  "Lost 
Cause/' — In  a  way,  the  War  between  the  States  was  a  trial 
between  two  men.  This  comparison  may  be  put  in  a  variety  of 
forms.  The  chief  of  the  "Lost  Cause"  had  no  such  perspicacity 
as  the  President  of  the  old  United  States.  Perspicacity  would 
have  led  him  to  counsel  peace  after  Donelson  in  1862,  to  seek 
it  after  Vicksburg  and  Gettysburg  in  1863,  and  to  surrender 
after  Atlanta  fell  in  1864.  He  had  no  such  tact  as  Lincoln. 
Tact  would  have  led  him  to  do  a  thousand  things  differently. 
Davis  was  in  truth  confronting  the  ablest  politician  of  his 
generation,  and  Davis  himself  was  not  even  the  ablest  politician 
in  the  South. 

But  the  comparison  may  be  put  in  another  form.  Davis  was 
abundantly  equipped  with  theories  and  with  knowledge.  His 
mind  was  full.  His  will  was  strong — we  never  had  a  better 
Secretary  of  War.  He  meant  to  carry  out  his  theories, — to 
make  the  Confederate  Constitution  and  all  its  principles  work. 
Therefore,  he  could  not  send  his  armies  in  1861  to  "invade" 
Ohio  or  Maryland.  Nor  could  he  give  to  his  generals  a  free 
hand,  for  the  civil  authority  was  over  the  military.  Nor  could 
he  "coerce"  the  States  into  sending  him  soldiers.  Nor  could 
he  arm  negroes  to  fight.  Nor  could  his  government  operate 
the  railroads.     Lincoln  had  different  views. 

One  reason  why  the  defeat  of  the  Confederacy  was  inevita- 
ble was  Jefferson  Davis  himself. 

Early  Life;  West  Point  Graduate. — He  was  born  in 
Christian  County  (now  Todd)  in  Kentucky,  June  3,  1808,  at 
the  village  of  Fairfield.  His  father  was  a  Welshman,  his 
mother  of  Scotch-Irish  descent,  in  other  words,  Saxon,  from 
North  Ireland.  Soon  after  his  birth,  they  moved  to  Wilkinson 
County,  Mississippi,  where  they  prospered.  Jefferson  was  sent 
to  Transylvania  College  at  Lexington,  Kentucky,  and  then  to 
West  Point,  for  his  education.  There  he  was  graduated  in 
1828.  For  seven  years,  he  saw  military  service  in  Missouri, 
Wisconsin,  Illinois,  and  Iowa.1 

Marriage;  Wife  Dies. — Then  in  June,  1835,  he  married 
clandestinely  Knox,  daughter  of  Zachary  Taylor,  and  went 

1See  p.  391,  supra. 


476  THE  CONFEDERATE  PRESIDENT 

into  Warren  County  to  become  a  cotton  planter.  Only  a  few 
months  later,  his  wife  died  when  they  were  on  a  visit  to  Louis- 
iana; Davis  himself  had  the  fever  (cholera)  but  recovered. 
Then  the  father  and  the  husband  were  reconciled  in  a  com- 
mon grief. 

For  seven  years  after  the  disease  passed,  he  nursed  his  broken 
health,  read  books  of  philosophy,  economics,  law,  and  litera- 
ture (wherefore  his  critics  called  him  "doctrinaire"),  and 
worked  his  plantation,  making  it  highly  profitable. 

Second  Marriage. — In  February,  1845,  ne  married  again, 
— his  bride  being  Varina  Howell,  a  granddaughter  of  Gov- 
ernor Richard  Howell  of  New  Jersey,  but  herself  a  native  of 
Mississippi.  In  the  same  year,  he  was  elected  to  Congress.  By 
study,  he  had  become  a  strict  constructionist  of  the  Constitu- 
tion and  an  admirer  of  John  C.  Calhoun,  a  metaphysician,  a 
statesman,  a  seer,  and  a  prophet,  yet  not  wholly  safe. 

It  was  to  be  the  fate  of  Jefferson  Davis  to  become  himself 
the  exponent  of  Calhoun's  last  notion  of  our  having  two  Presi- 
dents,1 and  to  verify  his  prediction  that  the  South  would  be 
forced  to  secede  "in  order  to  preserve  the  domestic 
institutions."  Each  thought  that  our  country  needed  a  me- 
chanical readjustment,  whereas  we  really  needed  new  ideas. 

United  States  Senator. — Davis  volunteered  for  the  Mexi- 
can War,  becoming  colonel  under  Taylor,  and  was  badly 
wounded  at  Buena  Vista.  Recovering,  he  was  sent  in  1847  to 
the  United  States  Senate ;  but  after  strongly  opposing  the  Com- 
promise of  1850,  he  resigned  in  1851,  to  run  for  governor 
against  his  fellow  Senator,  Henry  Stuart  Foote.  Davis  stood 
for  secession  only  as  a  last  resort,  while  Foote  was  a  Union 
Democrat.  The  former  temporarily  lost  his  eyesight  and  could 
conduct  no  canvass,  and  the  latter  won,  though  by  but  1009 
votes. 

A  Fine  Secretary  of  War. — In  1853  President  Pierce  ap- 
pointed Davis  to  the  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War,  in  which 
office  he  showed  conspicuous  ability.  He  caused  three  trans- 
continental railway  routes  to  be  surveyed ;  enlarged  and  mod- 
ernized the  army;  revised  the  military  tactics;  perfected  the 
signal  corps  service;  and  strengthened  the  coast  defences  and 
the  frontier  posts.    His  efficiency  was  to  be  his  ruin. 

A  Leader  in  the  Senate. — In  1857  the  Mississippi  Legis- 
lature again  placed  Jefferson  Davis  in  the  Senate,  where  he 

*See  p.  397,  supra. 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS  477 

became  the  floor  leader  of  the  Secessionists.  By  vigorously 
opposing  Douglas,  he  helped  to  split  the  Democratic  party.  He 
msisted  upon  the  rights  of  slaveowners  to  hold  their  slaves  in 
any  part  of  the  Territories,  thereby  accepting  in  full  the  dicta 
of  the  Dred  Scott  decision.1  In  i860  he  warned  the  Senate 
that  if  Lincoln  should  be  elected,  the  Southern  States  would 
secede. 

On  January  10,  1861,  he  argued  that  secession  was  a 
constitutional  right  and  said  that  the  States  of  the  South  would 
be  degraded  if  they  did  not  now  all  secede.  Eleven  days  later, 
in  a  pathetic  speech,  he  resigned  from  the  Senate.  Four  days 
later,  Mississippi  made  him  a  major  general  of  volunteers.  On 
February  9,  1861,  he  became  President  of  the  Confederacy, 
and  nine  days  later  was  duly  inaugurated.  He  did  not  desire 
the  office,  but  a  field  command.  He  now  began  to  display 
military  efficiency  in  the  highest  civil  office. 

President  of  the  Confederate  States. — Davis  had  im- 
pressed men  as  of  the  purest  personal  motives  and  character, 
courteous,  able,  efficient,  and  brilliant  in  literary  and  oratorical 
expression.  But  he  had  no  experience  as  an  independent 
administrator  in  a  State  governorship,  none  as  a  diplomat  in 
the  international  service,  none  in  any  business  save  cotton- 
planting  with  slave-labor  and  with  a  simple  market  for  his 
product.  He  was  not,  like  Toombs  and  Yancey,  eager  for 
war,  nor  was  he,  like  Stephens,  opposed  to  it ;  but  he  occupied 
the  middle  ground.  Therefore,  he  hoped  that  the  Peace  Con- 
gress would  succeed.  He  did  not  grip  into  the  situation  as 
promptly  as  he  might.  The  change  of  the  Capital  of  the 
Confederacy  to  Richmond,  May  29,  1861,  cost  some  weeks 
that  were  needed  for  more  important  business.  He  gave  to 
moving  time  required  for  fighting. 

Where  Shall  the  Capital  Be? — As  they  had  copied  the 
United  States  Constitution,  so  the  Confederates  desired  Wash- 
ington for  their  Capital.  As  they  well  knew,  it  was  not  their  logi- 
cal political  center.  Anyone  of  a  dozen  other  cities  would  have 
served  better, — among  them  Savannah,  Atlanta,  Mobile,  or 
New  Orleans.  W.  E.  Gladstone  said  that  Davis  "made  a 
nation;"  but  neither  the  President  nor  any  other  prominent 
Southerner  ever  dispossessed  his  mind  of  the  old  national 
geography  and  integrated  the  Confederacy  as  a  really  free  new 
nation, — free  in  thought,   free  from  incongruous  traditions. 

JSee  p.  417,  supra. 


478  THE  CONFEDERATE  PRESIDENT 

If  the  seceders  had  properly  conceived  the  new  nation,  they 
might  have  so  located  and  fortified  their  Capital  as  to  prevent 
its  taking  by  any  army  that  the  North  could  have  raised.  Their 
real  failure  was  in  formulating  fundamental  and  essential 
ideas.  They  moved  too  fast  to  think  fully  and  clearly.  Their 
attack  upon  Washington  aroused  too  many  splendid  memories. 
Lincoln  could  raise  a  hundred  thousand  men  to  defend  Wash- 
ington more  easily  than  he  could  have  raised  one  thousand 
to  invade  the  South  and  to  take  (for  example)  Chattanooga 
or  Atlanta. 

No  Departing  in  Peace. — On  March  31,  1861,  General 
Winfield  Scott  wrote  to  William  H.  Seward  regarding  seces- 
sion,— "Wayward  sisters,  depart  in  peace!"  It  was  the  cau- 
tion of  the  head  of  the  Federal  army  to  the  Secretary- 
appointed  who  was  to  commission  all  Federal  officers  and  to 
manage  our  foreign  affairs.  But  the  sisters  really  never 
intended  to  depart  in  peace  or  in  war.  What  they  really 
intended  was  to  restore  this  country  to  the  actual  condition 
of  1776  when  slave-labor  and  wage-service  existed  side-by- 
side  from  Boston  to  Savannah.  The  Supreme  Court  had  ter- 
ritorialized slavery ;  they  meant  to  renationalize  it. 

The  leaders  of  secession  meant  to  secure  the  international 
place  and  prestige  of  Washington  and  to  get  and  to  keep  its 
splendid  treasures.  Once  let  the  Confederacy  occupy  Wash- 
ington, and  it  would  seem  to  be  the  elder  of  the  nations  at 
war.  But  it  aimed  also  to  take  and  to  keep  Baltimore,  Phila- 
delphia, and  New  York, — Baltimore  being  slavery  soil  and 
the  other  cities,  the  natural  commercial  allies  of  slavery. 
Extremists  among  them  dreamed  that  New  England  and  upper 
New  York  State  might  form  a  little  separate  nation ;  and  that 
the  old  Northwest  from  Pittsburg  to  the  headwaters  of  the 
Mississippi  might  be  another  nation.  All  of  the  new  West  of 
the  Louisiana  Purchase  and  of  the  Far  Northwest  was  to  be 
Confederate. 

For  the  United  States,  they  hoped  to  substitute  another 
nation  through  nearly  or  quite  all  of  the  same  region  and  with 
the  same  Capital, — the  Confederate  States.  By  successful 
secession,  they  meant  to  accomplish  what  our  forefathers  did 
in  1 775-1 783, — change  the  government.  Successful  rebellion 
is  revolution ;  but  they  were  not  rebels  at  heart, — they  desired 
the  sovereignty  of  the  nation  and  asserted  the  sovereignty  of 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS  479 

the  States,  which  is  loyalty  and  patriotism.  War  proved  their 
error,  for  government  is  paramount  force. 

Two  Capitals,  a  hundred  miles  apart,  could  never  have 
existed  upon  this  continent ;  and  no  Confederate  believed  that 
they  could. 

The  Trust  of  the  South. — The  Southerners  were  not 
afraid  of  Northern  city  clerks,  mechanics,  tradespeople, 
farmers,  and  school  boys  all  in  unfamiliar  arms. 

Next,  they  trusted  in  cotton.  Without  cotton,  England 
would  starve  for  want  of  goods  to  exchange  with  the  world 
for  food  supplies.  Then,  they  trusted  in  their  four  million 
negroes  to  feed  and  to  clothe  them  while  they  fought.  And 
they  trusted  to  Confederate  patriotism  to  take  irredeemable 
paper  money  at  par  through  faith  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of 
right,  their  right. 

Their  trust  in  their  own  martial  valor  was  not  misplaced; 
but  the  Northern  school  boys,  clerks,  and  farmers  soon  revealed 
an  equal  martial  valor.  Moreover,  Northern  capitalism  found 
a  way  to  hire  foreign  immigrants  by  tens  of  thousands  for 
the  Union  armies. 

Their  trust  in  cotton  was  good  as  far  as  the  owners  of 
cotton  instruments  of  production  were  concerned;  but  the 
workingman  of  England  preferred  to  starve  rather  than  to 
help  the  owners  of  slaves.  Their  trust  in  their  negroes  was 
generally  warranted;  and  yet  one  million  of  them  were  too 
old  or  too  young  or  too  feeble  to  work.  Only  one  million  of 
the  negroes  were  strong  enough  to  work  hard,  of  whom  before 
the  war  was  over  one-quarter  were  in  the  Union  armies.  Of 
all  the  Union  enlisted  men  in  1865,  one-fifth  were  former 
negro  slaves  fighting  the  masters  upon  whose  plantations  they 
had  grown  up. 

Confederate  patriotism  was  sincere.  Girls  gave  up  their 
lovers  to  die  on  battlefields,  wives  their  husbands,  mothers 
their  sons.  No  hired  strangers  fought  in  the  Southern  armies ; 
no  negro  boys;  no  bounty- jumpers  enlisted  over  and  over 
again.  No  army  contractors  made  fortunes.  But  the  paper 
money  went  down,  down,  down  until  it  fell  to  less  than  a  cent 
upon  the  dollar.    Patriotism  cannot  beat  natural  economic  law. 

Mechanics  Defeated  Hunters. — The  South  could  not  get 
arms  enough,  heavy  guns  enough,  railroad  locomotives  and 
cars  enough,  powder  and  ball  enough,  and  ships  enough  to 


480  THE  CONFEDERATE  PRESIDENT 

fight  well.  A  thousand  of  the  Northern  mechanics  would 
build  a  bridge  in  first  class  style,  but  ten  thousand  Southerners 
could  not  repair  the  boiler  of  one  burst  locomotive.  It  is 
sometimes  said  that  the  marvel  is  how  Davis  kept  Lee's  army 
so  long  afield.  The  true  marvel  is  that  either  Davis  or  Lee 
thought  it  worth  while  to  try  to  keep  the  army  afield  so  long. 

The  first  test  came  in  1861  and  in  1862  when  the  South 
still  had  food,  clothing,  money,  and  blockade  runners  and 
nearly  as  many  soldiers  as  the  North ;  and  McClellan,  by  drill- 
ing his  troops  so  imperturbably,  held  Johnston  and  Lee  back. 
Once  that  the  fighting  Northern  generals  came  in,  with  the 
far  larger  forces,  while  the  South  became  poor  and  weaker; 
and  fate  was  written  plain  to  any  man  who  could  read  its 
signs  in  the  times. 

Davis  Did  Not  Know  the  North. — Suppose  that  Lee  had 
won  at  Gettysburg, — Grant  would  have  been  brought  East 
by  fast  trains  from  Vicksburg,  and  Sherman  with  him.  Nor 
had  Philadelphia  any  desire  to  be  sacked ;  an  army  of  50,000 
men  would  have  sprung  up  right  there,  officered  by  veterans  of 
1 86 1  and  1862.  Davis,  with  his  favorite,  Robert  E.  Lee,  played 
the  gambler's  stake  at  the  beginning;  his  pile  of  chips  wasn't 
one-third  that  of  the  Northern  leaders. 

It  is  an  interesting  reflection  that  if  by  sympathetic  insight 
and  the  constructive  imagination,  Davis  had  known  as  much  of 
the  North  as  Lincoln  knew  of  the  South,  neither  Antietam  nor 
Gettysburg  would  ever  have  been  fought.  And  while  the 
military  man  may  greatly  admire  Lee  as  a  field  commander,  a 
broader  observation  is  not  likely  to  consider  that  in  displacing 
Joseph  E.  Johnston  by  Lee,  Davis  acted  wisely.  But  we  must 
not  misjudge  Lee  as  a  soldier. — he  never  had  the  full  swing 
and  authority  possessed  by  Grant. 

Davis  and  the  Confederate  Congress. — Bad  as  were 
the  dissensions  in  the  Union  cause  between  Lincoln  and  the 
politicians  in  and  out  of  Congress,  those  between  Davis  and 
the  Confederate  Congress  were  far  worse,  for  three  several 
and  distinct  reasons.  First,  Davis  could  not  calm  strife.  His 
Vice-President,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  was  always  against 
him,  a  most  unfortunate  situation.  Second,  the  Confederates 
were  visibly  losing,  losing  day  by  day,  with  but  relatively  few 
offsetting  gains.  Third,  the  army  took  nearly  all  the  able  men 
out  of  the  Confederate  Congress. 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS  481 

Too  Late. — In  international  affairs,  Davis  was  always  too 
late.  He  did  indeed  succeed  in  placing  $15,000,000  of  cotton 
bonds  in  Paris  in  1862 ;  but  he  needed  $1,500,000,000  to  match 
the  North.  His  privateers  and  commerce  destroyers  nearly 
drove  the  Northern  merchantmen  from  the  high  seas ;  but  they 
could  not  break  the  blockade  of  the  Union  fleet  of  nearly  five 
hundred  war-vessels.  When  the  war  was  over,  the  South  had 
$500,000,000  worth  of  stored  cotton  to  sell!  In  war,  to  be 
late  is  to  perish. 

After  the  appalling  Union  disaster  at  Fredericksburg,  in 
1862,  Napoleon  III  of  France  offered  to  mediate  between  the 
two  countries ;  but  the  offer  came  too  late,  for  Fredericksburg 
was  fought  by  a  fighting  Northern  general,  Burnside,  and 
the  disaster  simply  nerved  the  army  and  the  government  to 
another  fight.  Mason  and  Slidell  arrived  in  Europe  too  late.1 
And  then  in  the  winter  of  1864-5  Davis  sent  Duncan  E.  Ken- 
ner  to  England  and  France  with  the  strange  proposition, — 
independence  with  slavery  abolished.  Few  believed  even  the 
statement.  An  independent  nation  could  not  be  trusted  to  keep 
its  promise  long.  The  conference  at  Hampton  Roads2  came 
too  late,  and  Davis  demanded  too  much.  Only  a  month 
before, — January,  1865. — tne  Confederate  Congress  had  pro- 
posed to  make  General  Lee  dictator,  and  Lee  had  declined. 
But  Davis  could  not  read  the  handwriting  on  the  wall. 

The  Miserable  Fate  to  be  Laughed  at. — Even  after  Lee 
had  surrendered  and  Johnston  also,  Davis  fled  southward  and 
westward,  hoping  to  join  Smith  and  Magruder  far  across  the 
Mississippi  in  Texas.  He  dreamed  of  a  slave  nation  to  include 
Arkansas,  Louisiana,  Texas,  New  Mexico,  and  the  Indian 
Territory.  This  might  soon  grow  by  adding  Missouri  and 
Mississippi  and — and — .  But  his  last  day  dream  ended  in 
his  arrest  May  10,  1865,  m  Irwin  County,  Georgia.  The  news- 
papers said  that  he  was  disguised  in  women's  petticoats.  This 
story  made  him  ridiculous.  That  it  was  false  mattered  noth- 
ing. He  wore  men's  clothes,  with  a  woman's  cape  over  his 
shoulders  not  for  disguise  but  because  he  had  no  umbrella 
and  no  man's  overcoat,  and  it  was  raining.  The  tragedy 
ended  in  a  country-wide  guffaw! 

Becomes  the  Martyr  of  the  Lost  Cause. — They  took 

^ec  p.  45s,  supra.  'See  p.  467.  supra. 


482  THE  CONFEDERATE  PRESIDENT 

the  old  man  to  Fortress  Monroe  in  Virginia  and  chained  him 
in  a  dungeon-cell  for  two  years.  A  Virginia  grand  jury 
indicted  him  for  treason.  Charges  were  made  that  he  helped 
the  plot  against  Lincoln,  Seward,  and  Grant1  Finally,  they 
tried  him  before  the  Federal  Circuit  Court.  Chase,  the  Chief 
Justice,  was  for  convicting  him,  but  his  colleague,  Judge 
Underwood,  disagreed.  On  December  25,  1868,  the  general 
amnesty,  granted  at  last  by  Congress,  caused  the  early  release 
of  all  prisoners.  Two  months  later,  Davis  went  free.  Revenge- 
ful treatment  had  made  him  the  "Martyr  of  the  Lost  Cause" 
and  the  hero  of  the  South.  Soon,  he  went  to  Europe,  where 
he  long  remained. 

In  1 88 1,  Jefferson  Davis  published  a  book  entitled  the  "Rise 
and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government."  In  1890,  he  pub- 
lished another  book,  "Short  History  of  the  Confederate  States 
of  America."  He  died  poor  but  famous,  on  December  6,  1889, 
at  New  Orleans,  being  eighty-one  years  of  age.  His  wife  and 
the  younger  of  his  two  daughters,  "Winnie,"  known  as  "the 
daughter  of  the  Confederacy,"  having  been  born  in  Richmond 
in  1864,  attained  prominent  positions  in  current  letters.  They 
died  in  1906  and  1898,  respectively. 

Soldiers  Compared  with  Politicians. — Much  of  the 
story  of  the  Confederacy  will  never  be  known.  It  was  a  gal- 
lant effort  upon  sound  philosophy  and  political  science  for 
an  immoral  economic  purpose.  It  meant  at  the  time  crystalliz- 
ing an  outworn  feudal  system.  But  for  the  crimes  of  recon- 
struction, made  possible  by  the  murder  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
we  of  a  later  generation  would  have  but  little  sympathy  with 
the  immediate  purpose  of  the  South.  Reconstruction,  however, 
showed  that  the  North  was  in  the  control  of  men  of  wealth  and 
men  of  revenge  with  private  interests  to  serve,  rather  less 
respectable  than  slaveowning. 

The  soldiers  in  gray  and  the  soldiers  in  blue  went  home  to 
work;  but  the  politicians  everywhere  went  on  to  loot.  The 
North  had  grown  in  population,  but  the  South  had  lost  her 
best  and  was  industrially  ruined.  She  must  then  submit  to 
yet  worse  ruin,  to  debauchery  and  to  desecration. 

After  1865  begin  the  ugliest  pages  of  American  history. 

2See  p.  469,  supra. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON  483 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

Andrew  Johnson 

1865-1869 
1 808- 1875 

36-37  States  Population  37,000,000 

Admitted:   Nebraska. 

A  War  Democrat — the  poor  judgment  of  contemporaries — early  life — 
never  went  to  school — a  tailor — at  seventeen  years  married  a  girl  of 
sixteen — wife  an  able  woman — the  social  situation  in  Tennessee — a 
champion  of  the  poor — member  State  Constitutional  Convention — 
State  Assemblyman — State  Senator — opposed  every  kind  of  internal 
improvement — Representative  in  Congress — the  "mechanic  Governor" 
— proslavery — United  States  Senator — a  Jeffersonian  Democrat — only 
Southern  member  of  Congress  who  did  not  resign  and  go  with  his 
State — "Military  Governor"  of  Tennessee — the  contradictory  position 
of  Congress — his  character  and  political  position — no  attention  ever 
paid  seriously  to  the  Presidential  succession — held  to  the  plans  of 
Lincoln — unreconstructed  rebels — vetoed  Freedmen's  Bureau,  Civil 
Rights,  and  Fourteenth  Amendment  Acts,  all  passed  over  his  vetoes — a 
campaigning  tour — the  Tenure  of  Office  Act — the  issue  joined — im- 
peached for  trying  to  remove  Secretary  Stanton — the  leaders  on  each 
side — Johnson  won  by  retaining  one  more  than  one-third  in  his  favor 
— Senate  saved  the  Presidency — Chief  Justice  Supreme — elected  to 
Senate  again — opposed  Grant — Seward  too  prominent — the  Congress 
that  impeached  Johnson  guilty  of  reconstruction  by  force — the  verdict 
of  posterity. 

What  is  a  War  Democrat? — The  seventeenth  President 
of  the  United  States  was  Andrew  Johnson,  who  for  six  weeks 
had  been  Vice-President.  He  had  been  "Military  Governor" 
of  Tennessee,  an  office  unknown  alike  to  our  Constitution  and 
to  our  Federal  statutes,  but  created  de  facto  by  the  "war- 
powers  of  the  President."1  He  was  a  War  Democrat,  mean- 
ing thereby  a  citizen  who  openly  proclaimed  that  he  practiced 
what  he  did  not  preach  and  preached  against  what  he  prac- 
ticed. So  hard  is  it  to  adjust  habitualized  thinking  to  the 
emergencies  of  active  need. 

A  Painful  Contrast. — He  succeeded  one  who  is  now  re- 
garded by  many  as  the  greatest  of  all  Presidents.  Merely  to 
be  so  placed  is  in  itself  a  high  distinction.     By  a  considerable 

1See  p.  451,  supra. 


484  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

majority  of  all  who  witnessed  his  daily  life  and  political  action, 
in  contrast  with  Lincoln,  Johnson  was  then  regarded  as  the 
worst  of  all  the  Presidents  to  that  date.  Thereby  to  be  so 
viewed  is  in  itself  of  a  kind  of  distinction.  According  to  con- 
temporary evidence,  the  Vice-President  was  drunk  beyond 
speech  when  the  news  of  the  assassination  of  Lincoln  and 
Seward  was  told  to  him.  Certainly  between  himself  and  Lin- 
coln, there  was  a  blazing  contrast;  yet  Lincoln  was  sponsor 
for  him. 

On  the  Value  of  Contemporary  Judgment. — The  his- 
torical question,  therefore,  is  whether  in  fact  Andrew  Johnson 
was  the  worst,  or  one  of  the  worst,  of  the  Presidents  or  even 
a  bad  President  or  perhaps  after  all  a  fairly  good  President. 
Candid  and  honest  history  does  not  take  the  say-so  of  near 
contemporaries  about  men.  By  a  vote  of  280  to  220,  Socrates 
was  condemned  to  drink  the  fatal  hemlock,  and  by  a  vote  of 
the  learned  and  devout  Sanhedrim  and  with  the  consent  and 
upon  the  order  of  a  supposedly  impartial  Roman  governor, 
Jesus  was  sent  to  His  crucifixion.  Contemporaries  are  poor 
judges  of  one  another. 

Early  Life. — Andrew  Johnson  was  born  upon  December 
29,  1808,  at  Raleigh,  North  Carolina.  His  father  died  when 
Andrew  was  but  four  years  old,  and  when  he  was  ten,  his 
mother,  who  was  poor,  apprenticed  him  to  a  tailor.  By  study- 
ing at  night  without  a  teacher  a  book  that  contained  British 
and  American  orations,  the  boy  tried  to  learn  to  read,  but  he 
made  slow  headway. 

The  Boy  Marries  a  Girl. — In  1824,  being  fifteen  years  of 
age,  he  went  to  Laurens  Court  House,  South  Carolina,  to 
work  as  a  tailor.  In  1826,  he  returned  for  a  few  months  to 
Raleigh,  but  in  a  few  months  removed  to  Greeneville,  Tennes- 
see, afterward  his  home  for  life.1  At  this  sta^e  of  affairs, 
the  seventeen-year  old  youth  married  a  girl  sixteen  years  old, 
Eliza  McCardle,  who  undertook  to  teach  him  the  elementary 
branches  thoroughly.  She  was  a  girl  of  small  stature  and  frail 
physique,  but  of  ability,  of  character,  and  of  good  breeding; 
and  most  of  what  was  good  in  Andrew  Jackson  was  due  to  his 
excellent  wife.  It  should,  however,  be  scored  to  his  credit 
that  he  knew  enough  to  marry  her  early. 

Spokesman  of  the  Poor. — East  Tennessee  is  a  land  of 
high  mountains  and  of  deep  valleys.   Consequently,  the  farm* 

^ee  pp.  322,  380,  supra. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON  485 

are  small  and  often  remote  from  one  another.  West  Tennessee 
is  a  land  of  rolling  hills,  of  plains,  and  fiat  basins.  Then  it 
had  great  slave  plantations.  Between  the  poor  of  the  Great 
Smoky  and  Cumberland  Mountains  and  the  rich  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, the  Cumberland  and  the  Tennessee  river  valleys,  ever 
since  the  day  of  the  earliest  settlements,  there  has  been  feud. 
Andrew  Johnson  soon  became  the  spokesman  of  the  East 
Tennessee  farmers. 

Member  State  Constitutional  Convention. — In  1828, 
the  champion  of  the  poor  against  the  rich,  before  he  came  of 
age,  Andrew  Johnson  was  elected  an  alderman  of  the  village 
of  Greeneville.  From  1830  to  1834,  he  was  mayor  of  the  vil- 
lage. He  made  his  living  at  his  trade.  In  1834,  he  was  sent 
as  a  delegate  to  the  Tennessee  State  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion, where  he  tried  to  get  an  article  adopted  by  which  only 
the  whites  should  be  counted  in  the  representation  of  the  dis- 
tricts in  the  State  Legislature.  Since  the  negroes  could  not 
vote,  he  was  clearly  right.1  The  State  was  actually  gerry- 
mandered for  the  great  slaveowners.  This  was  a  bold  move 
for  a  poor  young  man ;  and  it  made  him  famous. 

State  Politician. — In  1835  Johnson  was  elected  to  a  term 
in  the  State  Legislature.  In  1837  he  was  defeated.  In  1839 
he  ran  again  and  was  elected.  In  1841  he  was  sent  to  the 
State  Senate,  serving  until  1843.  ^n  these  six  years  as  Repre- 
sentative and  Senator,  Johnson  opposed  all  internal  improve- 
ments at  State  cost, — a  narrow  view,  but  one  that  brought  him 
the  support  of  the  small  taxpayers. 

A  Straddler. — His  political  position  was  a  peculiar  straddle 
in  that  he  admired  and  praised  the  Whig  leaders  but  supported 
the  Democratic  candidates.  He  was  a  partisan  for  Jackson, 
Van  Buren,  and  Polk,  while  enamored  of  the  brilliant  Clay 
and  of  the  splendid  Webster.  This  early  inconsistency  of  his 
was  perhaps  due  to  his  lack  of  fundamental  education  and 
school  training; — he  never  went  to  school  a  day  in  his  life, 
nor  did  he  ever  acquire  even  the  office  law  training  such  as 
served  Lincoln  so  well.  His  little  wife  was  the  only  teacher 
that  he  had. 

The  "Mechanic  Governor/' — From  1843  to  I^^3,  John- 
son served  as  Representative  in  Congress.  In  1853,  he  failed 
of  reelection.  But  in  that  same  year,  rising  out  of  defeat, 
he  was  elected  governor;  in  1855,  he  was  reelected.    He  was 

1See  pp.  275,  276,  supra. 


486  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

popularly  known  as  "the  mechanic  governor"  and  worked  hard 
for  free  education.  In  Congress,  he  had  favored  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas  and  the  Mexican  War.  On  the  slavery  question, 
he  took  the  extreme  Southern  view, — that  the  owner's  rights 
extended  through  all  the  Territories.1  Yet  he  voted  for  the 
admission  of  California  as  a  free  State.  He  worked  for  the 
homestead  law2  and  for  reduced  tariffs,  opposed  internal 
improvements  at  national  cost,  and  diligently  labored  for 
budget  economics.  He  was  a  fairly  consistent  Jeffersonian 
Democrat  in  these  affairs.  He  was  one  of  the  opponents  of 
J.  Q.  Adams  and  steadily  voted  not  to  receive  antislavery 
petitions.3  On  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  since  he  was  out  of 
Congress  and  governor  of  Tennessee,  he  did  not  vote;  but 
his  sympathies  were  against  Douglas  and  with  Pierce  and  Buch- 
anan. Later,  when  he  was  United  States  Senator,  1857  to 
1862,  he  was  against  Lincoln  also  in  the  Douglas-Lincoln 
debates.  In  this  record  of  his  middle  career,  he  won  among 
the  illogical  multitude  the  reputation  of  thinking  for  himself 
and  of  being  something  of  a  political  philosopher  rather  than 
a  partisan;  he  was  also  believed  to  be  a  true  American  and 
Democrat. 

In  the  United  States  Senate. — In  i860,  in  the  contest 
between  Lincoln,  Douglas,  Breckenridge,  and  Bell,  he  stood 
by  Breckenridge  and  the  Southern  Democrats.  But  when  Lin- 
coln was  elected,  he  refused  to  join  the  secession  movement. 
He  was  never  a  Calhoun  Democrat.  When  his  State  seceded, 
he  was  the  only  member  of  Congress  from  the  Confederate 
States  who  did  not  resign  and  "go  with  his  State."  This  self- 
reliant  action  of  his  made  him  famous  throughout  both  the 
North  and  the  South ;  and  ultimately  put  him  into  the  Presi- 
dency. Of  necessity,  it  cost  him  the  support  of  the  South  and 
especially  of  the  leading  Tennessee  politicians.  Yet  his  own 
neighbors  were  with  him  in  this  position. 

Military  Governor. — In  March,  1862,  Lincoln  made 
Andrew  Johnson  military  governor  of  that  part  of  Tennessee 
which  the  Federals  had  won  from  the  Confederacy.  To  do 
this,  the  President  professed  to  invoke  "the  war-powers"  of 
his  office  under  the  Constitution,4 — and  Congress  supported 

*See  p.  403,  supra.  8See  pp.  317,  318,  supra. 

2See  p.  363,  supra.  *See  Article  II,  Section  2. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON  487 

him.  With  Taney  still  Chief  Justice,  this  was  legally  a  dan- 
gerous thing  to  do ;  but  the  plan  worked,  which  is  the  real  con- 
cern whether  in  time  of  war  or  in  time  of  peace. 

A  military  governor  was  an  autocrat,  and  the  peril  of 
assassination  was  always  present.  But  Johnson  who  profes- 
sionally was  not  "military"  and  constitutionally  was  not  "gov- 
ernor" succeeded  in  reestablishing  a  Union  government  in 
Tennessee,  following  close  upon  the  victories  of  Grant,  Rose- 
crans,  and  Thomas. 

A  Significant  Admission. — In  1864,  to  secure  the  votes 
of  the  War  Democrats  and  to  please  the  Border  States,  John- 
son was  picked  to  run  .with  Lincoln.  They  lost  Delaware,  New 
Jersey,  and  Kentucky,  but  won  Missouri  and  Maryland. 
Tennessee  and  Arkansas  voted  for  Lincoln  and  Johnson;  but 
Congress  refused  to  count  the  votes,  asserting  that  they  and 
all  other  Southern  States  were  "out  of  the  Union" — had  really 
seceded  with  success,  a  proposition  utterly  contradictory  to  the 
very  nature  of  the  Union  cause. 

His  Political  Experience. — He  had  now  held  office  for 
thirty-three  years ;  and  was  fifty-six  years  old.  His  experience 
as  legislator  and  executive  was  long  and  varied;  but  it  had 
been  mainly  at  Nashville  and  at  Washington,  places  in  the 
same  latitude,  and  in  the  region  with  a  large  proportion  of 
colored  persons.  He  had  travelled  and  studied  but  little.  A 
vigorous,  intense,  self-confident  man,  he  had  cut  deep  into  life; 
but  he  had  failed  to  cut  wide.  He  had  made  a  tremendous 
impression  upon  men,  and  yet  was  unidentified  in  statesman- 
like fashion  with  any  public  measure.  Upon  April  15,  1865, 
"Andy"  Johnson,  "the  tailor-governor,"  became  President. 

The  Broken  Health  of  Lincoln  Disregarded. — This 
contingency  should  have  been  firmly  fixed  in  the  public  mind. 
Harrison  had  died  in  office  and  Taylor,  both  men  of  immense 
natural  vigor;  and  Jackson  was  always  "near  death"  from 
chronic  diseases.  Polk  had  died  in  the  June  following  his 
term.  There  was  a  myth  afloat  that  Lincoln  had  almost  super- 
human strength  and  endurance.  But  those  who  really  knew 
the  truth  knew  that  his  health  was  broken. 

Johnson  Succeeds  to  the  Presidency. — Johnson  adopted 
the  views  of  Abraham  Lincoln  respecting  the  ex-Confederates 
and  reconstruction.  This  was  a  maddening  surprise  to  Thad- 
deus  Stevens  and  to  the  other  radical  Republicans  in  Con- 


488  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

gress.  Johnson  retained  the  Cabinet  of  Lincoln,  including 
Stanton;1  such  a  course  is  a  serious  error  in  any  President 
In  the  summer  recess  of  Congress,  Johnson  set  up  provisional 
governments  in  every  one  of  the  defeated  States  except  Texas; 
and  all  were  now  applying  for  recognition  or  readmission  as 
States  in  the  Union.  But  nearly  all  the  new  Senators  and 
Congressmen,  it  was  seen,  would  be  Democrats  and  ex-Con- 
federates,— that  is,  according  to  the  Northern  radicals,  unre- 
constructed, sullen,  beaten  rebels.  The  Northern  Republicans 
feared  that  they  would  saddle  the  Confederate  war-debts  upon 
the  United  States  and  delay  the  industrial  conquest  of  the 
South  by  the  Northern  capitalists.  They  meant  to  punish  the 
rebels ;  but  Johnson,  like  Lincoln,  said  in  effect,  "Let  the  dead 
past  bury  its  dead."  And  the  radicals  intended  to  give  votes 
to  the  freedman;  this  was  the  crux  difficultatis,  the  rock 
of  offence. 

The  Political  Breakdown. — In  February,  1866,  the  war- 
fare between  Johnson  and  the  Republican  leaders  in  Congress 
began  in  the  refusal  to  admit  the  newly  elected  members  from 
the  South.  During  1866,  Congress  passed  and  the  President 
vetoed,  and  then  Congress  passed  by  two-thirds  vote  over  his 
vetoes  many  measures,  including  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  Act, 
— at  once  a  wonderful  philanthropy  to  the  negro  and  a  vicious 
graft-scheme  for  the  Northern  white — the  Civil  Rights  Act, 
and  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution.  Then, 
in  the  summer  and  fall  of  the  year,  the  President  went  on  a 
campaigning  tour  in  the  North,  hoping  to  defeat  some  of  his 
Congressional  enemies;  but  was  beaten.  No  other  President 
had  ever  before  thrown  himself  openly  into  the  political  battle, 
though  several  have  done  it  since.  Early  in  1867,  Congress 
disfranchised  the  ex-Confederate  leaders  and  enfranchised  the 
freedmen.  Upon  March  2,  1867,  over  the  President's  veto, 
Congress  passed  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  which  virtually 
prohibited  the  President  from  dismissing  any  officer  appointed 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate;2  and  also 
at  this  time  in  an  army  appropriation  act  reduced  the  President 
to  a  subordinate  both  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  lieutenant-gen- 
eral of  the  army.  The  President  now  had  to  join  issue  with 
Congress. 

xSee  pp.  453,  supra.  "See  p.  152,  supra. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON  489 

Stanton  Deserved  Removal. — Defying  the  Tenure^bf 
Office  Act,  Johnson  attempted  to  remove  Secretary  of  War 
Stanton,  who  sneered  at  his  chief  and  flouted  his  authority, 
and  to  put  Lorenzo  Thomas  in  his  place. 

The  Admission  of  Nebraska. — In  1867,  over  the  veto  of 
President  Johnson,  Nebraska  was  admitted  into  the  Union. 
Her  vote  to  adopt  a  Constitution  had  but  100  majority.  The 
veto  of  Johnson  was  based  partly  upon  this  division  of  public 
sentiment,  partly  upon  a  proposed  limitation  of  the  suffrage 
to  whites,  and  partly  upon  disgust  with  the  whole  history  of 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  region.  Congress  forced  the  State  to 
amend  its  Constitution  so  that  the  negroes  might  vote.  Thereby, 
the  Republican  party  safely  gained  two  Senators. 

The  Purchase  of  Alaska. — In  October,  1867,  there  was 
completed  the  purchase  of  Alaska  for  which  more  than  a 
dozen  years  before  the  negotiations  had  been  begun  by  Presi- 
dent Buchanan.  By  many  circumstances  and  conditions, 
Russia  was  greatly  embarrassed  in  America  and  was  glad 
to  sell  out  for  $7,200,000.  The  area  is  twice  that  of 
Texas  and  the  wealth  incredible.  Alaska  has  already  yielded 
products  valued  at  over  $400,000,000  to  this  country  and  to 
our  people.  The  purchase  was  then  called  by  many  "  Seward's 
folly;"  but  Seward  was  scarcely  more  its  advocate  than  John- 
son or  a  dozen  other  men.  Politically,  the  purchase  was  as 
wise  as  it  has  proven  financially.  No  war  or  intrigue  or  ques- 
tionable ultimate  aim  stains  its  acquisition  by  our  govern- 
ment. This  and  the  new  Bureau  of  Education  are  two  of 
the  few  bright  spots  in  this  dark  picture. 

Johnson  Impeached  by  Scoundrels. — From  February  to 
May,  1868,  the  country  was  shaken  with  the  impeachment 
trial  of  the  President  upon  eleven  counts, — of  which  the  gist 
was  (1)  violation  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  (2)  saying 
that  it  was  unconstitutional,  (3)  declining  to  follow  the 
strange  procedure  indicated  in  the  appropriation  bill,  and  (4) 
"the  high  misdemeanor  in  office"  of  taking  part  in  the  cam- 
paign of  1868.  Those  who  moved  the  impeachment  counted 
upon  the  two-thirds  by  which  they  had  steadily  overcome  the 
vetoes  of  Johnson.  They  planned  to  make  some  man  of  their 
own  choice — probably  Grant  or  Wade — President.  The  lead- 
ing prosecutors  were  Thaddeus  Stevens  and  Benjamin  F. 
Butler.     This  was  the  Stevens,  reputed  a  bachelor,  who  by  his 


49Q  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

brilliant  eloquence  and  dogged  persistence  gave  to  dull  and 
callous  Pennsylvania  her  public  school  system,  and  who  then 
came  to  Congress,  schemed  for  political  rich  men,  and  hounded 
Lincoln.  As  for  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  he  lived  in  a  river  of 
hate  and  was  himself  a  fountain  of  that  brine. 

Yet  abler  men  were  the  President's  attorneys, — among  them 
William  M.  Evarts,  cold  and  perfect  as  a  Greek  statue,  and 
that  Benjamin  R.  Curtis,  who  as  Associate  Justice  of  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court,  had  given  a  dissenting  opinion 
in  the  Dred  Scott  case  and  had  then  resigned  from  a  court 
that  he  could  no  longer  respect.  It  was  a  trial  at  times  frigid, 
at  times  frantic,  the  most  terrible  in  American  history.  The 
Senate  repeatedly  reversed  the  rulings  of  the  Chief  Justice,  who 
presided  with  dignity  and  wisdom.  We  owe  him  to  Abraham 
Lincoln. 

On  May  16,  the  first  vote  was  taken.  It  stood  35  against 
Johnson,  19  for  him.  Necessary  to  oust  him  36.  Of  the  19 
for  Johnson,  12  were  Democrats,  7  were  Republicans.  The 
House  had  voted  to  impeach  by  125  yeas  to  40  nays,  over 
three-fourths. 

Acquitted. — The  requisite  minority  of  the  Senate  had 
saved  the  Presidency. 

The  Chief  Justice  had  proven  the  foundation  of  American 
constitutional  government. 

Ten  days  later,  two  more  votes  were  taken,  and  the  result 
was  confirmed. 

Those  who  do  not  believe  in  the  Senate  and  a  bicameral 
legislature,  those  who  do  not  believe  in  democracy  under 
the  constitutional  guarantees  of  freedom,  those  who  advocate 
recall  by  majority  do  well  to  pause  here  and  consider.1 

The  Republicans  who  had  voted  for  acquittal  included  Wil- 
liam Pitt  Fessenden  of  Maine,  who  had  succeeded  Chase  as 
Secretary  of  War  in  the  Cabinet  of  Lincoln;  and  Reverdy 
Johnson  of  Maryland,  who  had  been  Attorney-General  in  the 
Cabinet  of  Zachary  Taylor. 

The  Constitutional  Meaning. — The  decision  was  a  sur- 
prise to  the  country  as  well  as  to  the  Republican  radicals.  The 
trial  settled  many  other  matters, — for  one,  that  upon  impeach- 
ment proceedings,  the  Chief  Justice  sits  as  a  judge,  not  as  a 
moderator.  As  his  decisions  in  law  are  not  then  reviewable  in 
any  court,  he  becomes  indisputably  the  highest  officer  of  the 

1See  p.  122,  supra. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON  491 

American  government.  The  Constitution  in  no  way  provides 
for  his  impeachment  or  recall  or  reduction.  For  another,  the 
trial  established  the  impeachment  of  a  President  as  a  legal,  not 
a  political,  proceeding. 

In  1869,  Andrew  Johnson,  having  made  no  other  trouble, — 
though  Thaddeus  Stevens  later  introduced  a  futile  bill  with 
five  more  impeachment  charges, — retired  from  the  Presidency 
but  not  from  politics. 

The  Cabinet  History  of  Andrew  Johnson. — This  Vice- 
President,  who  became  President  through  the  murder  of  his 
chief,  never  had  a  free  hand  with  his  Cabinet,  not  even  after 
the  impeachment  failed.  His  official  household  was  as  follows : 

State, — Williams  H.  Seward  of  New  York. 

Treasury, — Hugh  McCulloch  of  Indiana. 

War, — Edwin  M.  Stanton  of  Ohio,  two  years;  U.  S.  Grant 
and  Lorenzo  Thomas,  ad  interim;  John  M.  Schofield  of  New 
York,  nine  months. 

Attorney-General, — James  Speed  of  Kentucky,  over  one 
year;  Henry  Stanbery  of  Ohio,  nearly  two  years;  William  M. 
Evarts  of  New  York,  nearly  one  year. 

Postmaster-General, — William  Dennison  of  Ohio,  one  year; 
Alexander  W.  Randall  of  Wisconsin,  ad  interim,  three  years. 

Navy, — Gideon  Welles  of  Connecticut. 

Interior, — John  P.  Usher  of  Indiana,  one  month;  James 
Harlan  of  Iowa,  over  one  year;  Orville  H.  Browning  of 
Illinois,  toward  three  years. 

Senator  Again. — Being  an  habitual  office-holder,  Johnson 
tried  again  and  again  as  a  non-partisan  to  be  elected  United 
States  Senator,  and  at  last  was  elected  in  1875.  He  made  but 
one  speech,  in  which  he  criticised  the  course  of  President  Grant 
in  his  policy  toward  the  South;  in  this,  he  was  right.  On 
July  31,  of  the  same  year,  he  died  of  paralysis  at  Carter's 
Station,  Tennessee.  He  left  property  valued  at  some  $40,000 
to  his  widow  and  large  family  of  sons,  daughters  and  grand- 
children. Next  year,  the  frail  widow  and  mother  of  his  three 
sons  and  two  daughters  passed  away.  In  extenuation  of  his 
errors  of  tact,  it  is  often  urged  that  the  opponents  of  Andrew 
Johnson  used  far  worse  language  against  him  and  did  meaner 
things, — which  was  true;  that  as  President  he  had  unusual 
domestic  cares,  which  also  was  true;  that  he  forced  an  issue 


492  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

that  sooner  or  later  had  to  be  tried  out, — "It  must  needs  be 
that  offences  come,  but  woe  unto  him  by  whom  they  come." 

Too  Much  Seward. — In  a  democracy,  a  statesman  should 
be  in  part  a  politician  and  in  the  whole  a  gentleman.  The 
chief  adviser  of  Johnson  was  William  H.  Seward, — statesman 
and  gentleman  but  scarcely  a  successful  politician.  Unfor- 
tunately, Johnson  who  was  neither  politician  on  a  national 
scale  nor  gentleman  and  not  much  of  a  statesman,  took  too 
much  advice  from  Seward,  who  was  abler  than  he.  It  takes 
equal  ability  to  carry  out  the  advice  of  a  man  of  ability. 

The  Orgy  of  Reconstruction  Begun. — The  important 
thing  to  record  and  to  remember  of  Andrew  Johnson  is  that 
under  the  Congress  which  sought  by  many  devices  to  shear 
the  Presidency  of  all  its  real  powers, — even  the  constitutional 
power  to  appoint  judges, — by  providing  that  no  vacancies 
should  be  filled  until  1869, — and  likewise  the  Supreme  Court1 
was  begun  that  orgy  of  reconstruction  which  more  disgraces 
the  pages  of  American  history  than  anything  else.  Revenge 
could  go  no  further  than  planning  to  make  the  South  pay  for 
the  war-raids  into  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  and  actually 
putting  illiterate  and  brutal  negroes  into  governorships  and 
wrecking  the  remaining  social  structure  of  honesty  and  de- 
cency. 

Johnson  was  grievously  wronged  by  worse  men  than  him- 
self. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

(Hiram)  Ulysses  [Simpson]  Grant 

1 869- 1 877 
1 822- 1 885 

37-38  States  1870— Population  38,558,371 

Admitted :    Colorado,  "the  Centennial  State." 

Taken  at  his  best — early  life — educated  at  West  Point — name  changed 
by  mistake  but  fortunately — captain  in  Mexican  War — marries — 
resigns  from  army — farming  and  real  estate — clerk  in  father's  store — 
apparently  a  failure — Colonel  Illinois  Volunteers — Brigadier-General 
— wins  Donelson  and  Henry — "Unconditional  Surrender"  Grant — 
surprised  at  Corinth — loses  first  campaign  against  Vicksburg — Lin- 
coln  desires  to   know  "Grant's  brand   of   whiskey" — captures    Vicks- 

aSee  p.  84,  supra. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  493 

burg — compared  with  Meade — military  events — "The  man  has  come" 
— Sherman  in  the  Lower  South — the  battle  of  the  Wilderness — the 
raid  on  Washington — the  Petersburg  mine — Nashville — Lee's  sur- 
render— our  greatest  war-hero — tours  the  country  with  Johnson — 
President — the  rights  of  the  South — the  Ku  Klux  Klan — corruption 
of  the  National  Government — the  Fifteenth  Amendment — the  "Ala- 
bama" case — Santo  Domingo — talks  of  impreachment — the  Amnesty 
Act — Civil  Service  Act — nepotism — strange  prosperity — his  reelection 
— the  Liberal  Republicans  and  Democrats  nominate  Greeley — apostle 
of  the  emancipation  of  labor-force  ignorance — victim  of  American 
politics — the  "Inflation  Bill" — suffrage  taken  from  the  District  of 
Columbia — "Star  Route"  frauds — Grant  tours  the  world,  first  of 
American  ex-Presidents  to  do  so — seeks  third  term — failure  of  bank- 
ing firm  of  Grant  and  Ward — "Memoirs" — heroic  death — disliked 
controversy — made  war  on  war — imperturbable — estimate  of  char- 
acter and  intelligence — public  office  not  a  private  opportunity — or  to 
help  or  honor  anyone. 

Taken  at  His  Best. — To  this  generation,  General  Grant 
comes  down  as  an  attractive  and  yet  impressive  figure, — in  his 
silence,  in  his  military  efficiency,  in  his  friendliness,  in  his 
clean  living,  and  in  his  fortitude  and  heroism  upon  battlefield 
and  the  bed  of  death.  We  take  him  at  his  best,  which  was 
indeed  good.  For  the  rest,  not  wholly  forgiving  the  men  of 
his  own  generation  for  the  crime  of  making  him  President, — 
a  crime  against  himself  as  well  as  against  themselves  and 
against  their  heirs, — we  wholly  forgive  him  for  his  own  errors. 

Early  Life;  West  Point  Graduate. — Hiram  Ulysses 
Grant  was  born  at  Point  Pleasant,  Ohio,  on  April  27,  1822. 
His  paternal  ancestry  is  traced  to  Matthew  Grant,  a  Scotch- 
man, who  settled  at  Dorchester,  Massachusetts,  in  1630.  Not 
many  Presidents  could  trace  their  lineage  accurately  as  far 
back  as  that  in  either  the  old  world  or  the  new.  His  father 
was  Jesse  R.  Grant,  a  farmer,  who  named  this  son  Hiram 
Ulysses  and  let  him  have  an  ordinary  rural  free  public  school- 
ing. When  Ulysses  was  seventeen  years  old,  the  Congressman 
of  the  district  named  him  for  West  Point  This  political  friend 
thought  that  Ulysses  was  the  boy's  first  name  and  as  his 
mother's  maiden  name  was  Simpson,  sent  in  the  appellation  as 
Ulysses  Simpson.  Upon  reflection,  the  family  decided  to  let 
the  new  name  stand.  It  served  him  well  in  its  initials  as  U.  S. 
Grant.    United    States    Grant,    or    Unconditional    Surrender 


494  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Grant.  When  he  was  President,  however,  and  his  administra- 
tion was  charged  with  corruption,  his  opponents  wrote  it 
$  Grant, — Dollars  Grant.  Of  such  trifles  is  popular  fame  not 
made  perhaps  but  ornamented  or  illuminated.  To  be  popular, 
get  a  right  name  or  nickname, — "Old  Hickory,"  "Old  Rough 
and  Ready,"  "Honest  Abe,"  "U.  S.,"  "Teddy,"  will  serve.1 

The  Mexican  War. — At  West  Point,  the  sturdy  farm  boy 
made  only  a  fair  record,  his  best  performance  being  in  mathe- 
matics. He  was  especially  proficient  in  horsemanship,  in  which 
he  took  great  delight.  He  was  graduated  in  1843,  with  the 
usual  brevet  of  second  lieutenant.  He  served  throughout  the 
campaigns  both  of  General  Taylor  and  of  General  Scott,  tak- 
ing part  in  many  battles, — among  them  Palo  Alto  at  the  very 
beginning,  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  Monterey,  Vera  Cruz,  Cerro 
Gordo,  Churubusco,  Molino  del  Rey,  and  Chapultepec.  Twice 
he  was  breveted  for  gallantry  in  action;  and  he  came  home 
from  Mexico  a  captain,  with  a  fine  record  as  a  soldier  in  the 
field. 

Marriage. — In  August,  1848,  being  now  twenty-six  years 
old,  Captain  Grant  took  to  himself  a  wife,  Julia  T.  Dent,  four 
years  his  junior,  of  an  excellent  family  but  no  means.  For 
the  next  six  years,  he  served  in  Oregon  and  in  California,  but 
resigned  in  1854.  There  had  been  charges  of  intemperance 
against  the  young  officer.  It  was  a  common  failing;  and  is  yet 
in  the  regular  army  service.  For  the  next  six  years,  he  lived 
in  or  near  St.  Louis,  engaging  rather  unsuccessfully  in  farm- 
ing and  in  real  estate  operations. 

Clerk  in  a  Store. — By  this  time,  his  father  had  moved  to 
Galena,  Illinois,  and  had  become  a  dealer  in  leather  and  its 
products.  Ulysses  now  took  his  family  to  the  paternal  home 
and  became  a  clerk  in  the  store  at  fifteen  dollars  a  week.  He 
was,  in  short,  a  failure, — a  broken,  disappointed,  futureless 
man,  a  store  clerk  and  ex-army  officer.  His  parents  and  his 
neighbors  were  sorry  for  him.  "Going  to  West  Point"  evi- 
dently ruined  a  good  boy, — so  they  thought. 

Brigadier-General  of  Volunteers. — A  year  later,  the 
Civil  War  broke  out.  At  once  U.  S.  Grant  issued  forth  from 
that  leather  store,  for  he  had  heard  the  call  to  arms.  Memories 
of  Molino  del  Rey  and  of  Chapultepec  sounded  in  his  ears. 
The  Governor  of  the  State  of  Illinois  made  him  Colonel  of  the 
2 1  st  Illinois  Volunteers.     Grant  worked  so  diligently  that  he 

*See  p.  53,  supra. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  495 

was  soon  made  brigadier-general.  The  door  of  opportunity 
was  wide  open,  and  he  had  rushed  in.  On  his  own  respon- 
sibility, he  seized  Paducah  at  the  confluence  of  the  Tennessee 
and  Ohio  rivers  upon  the  Kentucky  side.  This  was  an  ex- 
ample of  that  large  strategy  in  which  Grant  excelled  every 
other  general  on  either  side.  This  energetic  move,  made  Sep- 
tember 6,  1 86 1,  gave  him  fame.  It  was  the  thin  edge  of  the 
wedge  by  which  the  Confederacy  was  to  be  split  in  twain.  On 
November  7,  1861,  at  Belmont,  in  Missouri,  he  fought  his 
first  battle  as  a  commander  and  won.  It  was  little  more  than  a 
daring  reconnaissance  of  a  Confederate  fort  at  Columbus,  on 
the  Mississippi,  but  following  several  Union  disasters,  it  greatly 
encouraged  the  Unionists  in  Kentucky  and  Missouri. 

"Unconditional  Surrender"  Grant. — The  year  1862 
opened  up  in  the  most  serious  style.  General  Albert  Sidney 
Johnston  held  a  strong  Confederate  line,  including  Bowling 
Green,  Lexington,  Fort  Donelson  on  the  Cumberland,  Fort 
Henry  on  the  Tennessee,  and  Columbus.  He  had  small  com- 
mands under  able  generals  in  eastern  Kentucky.  General  John- 
ston was  nearly  sixty  years  old ;  had  seen  long  military  service 
in  Texas,  Mexico,  California,  and  against  the  Indians  and 
the  Mormons ;  and  was  considered  the  ablest  soldier  on  either 
side.  But  Grant  was  undismayed;  and  under  the  orders  of 
his  superior,  General  Buell,  a  careful  soldier,  and  supported 
by  the  gunboats  of  Flag-Officer  A.  H.  Foote,  he  made  for  the 
river  forts. 

On  February  6,  Fort  Henry  was  easily  taken.  Then  Grant 
marched  overland  and  assaulted  Donelson.  General  Pillow 
made  a  sortie,  with  the  result  that  the  Union  forces  won  a 
lodgment  inside  the  fort.  On  the  16th  the  garrison  of  15,000 
men  surrendered.  It  was  their  answer  to  the  famous  reply  of 
Grant  when  an  armistice  was  asked, — 

"No  terms  except  unconditional  and  immediate  surrender 
can  be  accepted.  I  propose  to  move  immediately  upon  your 
works. 

"I  am  sir:  very  respectfully 

"Your  obt.  svt. 

"U.  S.  Grant, 

"Brig.  Gen." 


496  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

"U.  S.  Grant,  Unconditional  Surrender  Grant,"  he  became 
and  remained  thereafter  to  the  "Boys  in  Blue"  and  will  re- 
main to  them  till  the  last  veterans  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic  are  laid  in  their  final  rest.  It  was  a  glaring  contrast 
to  the  drilling,  drilling  by  McClellan  in  Virginia.  The  armies 
of  the  West  marched  forward.  Their  drill  was  to  march  and 
to  fight.  At  one  time,  being  chased  by  Confederates,  only  his 
horsemanship  saved  him, — under  fire,  he  rode  his  horse  down 
a  bluff  and  along  a  plank  not  a  foot  wide  to  a  steamboat  in 
motion  in  the  Mississippi.  On  the  6th  of  April,  Grant,  now  a 
major-general,  following  several  days  under  arrest  because  of 
the  disfavor  of  the  new  commander,  H.  W.  Halleck,  was  at 
Corinth  with  45,000  men  and  Buell  was  two  marches  distant 
with  37,000  men.  Here  Johnston  and  Beauregard  completely 
surprised  Grant.  A  battle  of  terrible  fury,  known  variously 
as  Pittsburg  Landing  and  Shiloh,  one  of  the  worst  of  the 
war,  was  fought,  but  on  the  first  day  Grant  barely  held  his 
ground  on  the  banks  of  the  river.  There  were  enormous  losses 
on  both  sides,  Johnston  being  killed.  The  Confederates  had 
already  lost  Zollicoffer,  a  brilliant  general,  in  Kentucky.  Next 
day,  disheartened  by  this  second  calamity  to  a  leader,  when 
Buell  rushed  in  with  his  reserves,  Beauregard  retreated.  By 
June  6,  he  had  evacuated  both  Corinth  and  Memphis. 

Intrigues. — Now  followed  a  dark  period  of  political  wire- 
pullings and  consequent  changes  of  commanders.  Grant  was 
forced  into  the  background  for  a  while.  There  were  more 
tales  of  drunkenness.  At  any  rate,  Grant  was  tender-hearted ; 
at  Shiloh  he  gave  up  his  tent  to  army  surgeons  who  were 
operating  on  wounded  men  and  stayed  out  all  night  in  the  icy 
rain. 

In  the  late  fall  and  early  winter  of  1862,  the  first  campaign 
against  Vicksburg  failed.  For  the  failure,  there  were  several 
reasons.  The  Confederates  knew  the  rivers,  bayous  and 
swamps  well;  the  Federals  were  learning  them.  There  was 
intrigue  for  place  among  the  Federal  commanders,  in  which 
Grant  took  no  part,  but  from  which  he  suffered.  The  poli- 
ticians tried  to  get  Lincoln  to  put  Grant  out  of  the  service ;  it 
was  the  time  when  Lincoln  is  reported  to  have  asked  what 
kind  of  whiskey  Grant  drank,  asserting  that  he  would  like  to 
send  a  barrel  to  each  of  his  other  generals.1 

The  Siege  of  Vicksburg. — In  April  as  spring  opened  up, 

1See  p.  460,  supra. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  497 

General  Grant,  Captain  Porter,  and  Admiral  Farragut  set 
themselves  to  win  Vicksburg  by  a  new  plan  of  campaign.  Mili- 
tary critics  have  called  it  "strange,"  "bizarre,"  "accidental  in 
outcome."  It  was  in  truth  a  fine  example  of  complex  strategy. 
Grant  proposed  to  inarch  his  army  into  Arkansas,  then  south 
past  Vicksburg,  when  ten  miles  below  it  to  cross  the  Mississippi 
river,  to  proceed  east  and  take  the  city  of  Jackson, — thereby 
cutting  off  Confederate  reinforcements  from  reserves, — then 
to  turn  northwest  and  to  assault  and  besiege  the  "impregnable" 
city.  Porter  ran  his  gunboats  down  the  river  past  Vicksburg 
and  Farragut  came  up  the  river  from  New  Orleans;  and  the 
two  fleets  then  transported  the  veterans  of  Grant  across  the 
wide  Mississippi.  There  were  weeks  and  months  of  march- 
ing ;  at  times  for  a  week,  Grant  was  cut  off  from  his  supplies. 
In  three  assaults,  he  was  defeated,  but  at  last,  upon  July  4, 
1863,  ne  nad  starved  General  J.  C.  Pemberton  into  surrender. 
In  this  campaign,  he  took  in  all  over  42,000  Confederate  pris- 
oners, but  lost  24,000  men,  whose  bodies  are  buried  (mostly 
in  nameless  graves)  in  the  National  Park  at  Vicksburg.  The 
Confederates  had  lost  half  as  many. 

Major-General  U.  S.  A. — Vicksburg  was  a  campaign, — 
Gettysburg  a  battle.  Grant  cleaned  up  his  victory.  Meade  did 
not.  McClellan  and  Meade  were  afraid  of  Lee;  Grant  was 
not  afraid  of  anyone.  Vicksburg  was  a  finality.  In  a  few 
days,  the  last  little  fort  on  the  Mississippi  fell,  and  Abraham 
Lincoln  could  say  of  the  river  that  he  knew  and  loved, — "The 
Father  of  Waters  flows  unvexed  to  the  sea."  St.  Louis 
was  an  open  port  again,  and  most  of  the  Mississippi  valley 
was  able  to  resume  trade.  Grant's  had  become  a  household 
name  from  Pittsburg  to  Denver.  It  meant  not  only  military 
glory  but  also  high  prices  and  prosperity. 

Lincoln  now  raised  him  to  be  major-general  in  the  regular 
army.  On  September  19  and  20,  the  desperate  battle  of  Chicka- 
mauga  was  fought,  in  which  Bragg  and  Longstreet  drove  in 
the  center  and  the  right  flank  of  the  Union  forces  under  Rose- 
crans,  but  Thomas  by  holding  the  left  flank  won  the  sobriquet, 
"the  Rock  of  Chickamauga."  Grant  was  given  supreme  com- 
mand in  the  West  and  received  reinforcements  under  Hooker 
from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  loser  at  Chancellorsville 
soon  defeated  Longstreet  at  Wauhatchie. 

More  Union  Victories. — Then  the  Union  forces  joined 


498  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

and  attacked  Bragg  at  Chattanooga  on  November  23,  24  and 
25.  On  the  right  flank,  Hooker  and  his  men  won  the  extra- 
ordinary "battle  of  the  clouds"  on  Lookout  Mountain;  the 
drill  of  McClellan  was  telling  with  fatal  effect  against  the  less 
disciplined  Confederate  soldiers  of  the  West.  Soon  after- 
wards, Burnside  defeated  Longstreet  at  Knoxville. 

Head  of  the  Army. — The  rest  of  the  story  of  Ulysses  S. 
Grant  as  a  commander  is  the  whole  story  of  the  winding  up 
of  the  Interstate  War.  On  March  9,  1864,  ne  was  made 
Lieutenant-General  and  General-in-chief.  President  Lincoln, 
Secretary  Stanton,  and  the  former  chief,  General  Halleck, 
with  the  politicians,  stood  aside.  Donelson,  Shiloh,  Vicksburg, 
and  Chattanooga  had  written  "The  man  has  come"  upon  the 
face  of  the  war. 

Grant  placed  William  Tecumseh  Sherman  in  command  in 
the  West  and  kept  George  Gordon  Meade  in  command  in  Vir- 
ginia, moving  his  own  headquarters  there. 

The  Confederates  also  changed  commanders.  Jefferson 
Davis,  who  hated  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  was  forced  to  put  him 
in  command,  superseding  Bragg.  Early  in  1864,  Sherman 
wiped  out  all  the  railroads  at  Meridian,  Mississippi,  and  de- 
stroyed the  town,  cutting  off  prospective  Confederate  supplies 
for  the  summer  of  that  year. 

Grant  as  Strategist. — First,  Grant  would  "hammer"  Lee 
in  Virginia,  and  wear  him  out  by  "attrition."  Second,  Sher- 
man was  to  chase  Johnston  and  to  ravel  him  into  rags  and 
threads.  Third,  Lee  was  to  be  kept  so  busy  that  he  could  not 
reinforce  Johnston,  and  Johnston  so  busy  that  he  could  not 
reinforce  Lee.  For  this  hammering  and  chasing,  Grant  had 
700,000  men  in  the  field.  And  Lincoln  had  in  sight  somewhat 
over  $1,000,000,000  for  the  campaign  of  1864.  The  Con- 
federates had  scarcely  300,000  men,  including  their  negro 
slaves,  and  no  real  money.  Their  sole  advantages  consisted  in 
holding  the  inner  lines  and  in  having  the  active  sympathy  of 
the  local  population.  Southern  patriotism  was  never  higher 
than  in  1864,  and  the  Confederacy  still  hoped  to  win. 

In  May  the  Confederates  drove  the  Federals  out  of  the 
Shenandoah  valley. 

Hammering. — In  May  also  was  fought  with  immense  losses 
on  both  sides  the  Battle  of  the  Wilderness, — 6th  and  7th.  After 
the  battle  of  Spotsylvania  Courthouse,  by  which  on  the  Qth 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  499 

and  ioth  Grant  vainly  tried  to  get  between  Lee  and  the  city 
of  Richmond,  he  telegraphed  to  Lincoln,  at  Washington,  "I 
propose  to  fight  it  out  on  this  line,  if  it  takes  all  summer."  It 
was  to  take  yet  longer.  At  Cold  Harbor,  he  lost  12,000  men 
uselessly,  so  far  as  the  assault  itself  was  concerned.  The  total 
loss  of  Grant  was  already  72,000,  more  than  half  of  his  force. 
But  Lee  had  begun  with  only  65,000  soldiers,  and  already 
ninety  per  cent,  of  Southerners  from  sixteen  to  sixty  years  of 
age  were  under  arms,  while  enlistments  were  going  on  at  the 
North.  Grant  now  undertook  the  capture  of  Petersburg  by 
siege.  It  still  received  supplies  by  the  Richmond  and  Danville 
railroad. 

In  June  General  Lee  sent  Early  with  1 7,000  men  on  a  raid. 
He  nearly  won  Washington.1  Foiled  there,  Early  pushed  on 
to  Chambersburg,  Pennsylvania,  demanding  there  $100,000 
in  gold  or  $500,000  in  greenbacks  from  the  citizens.  Not  get- 
ting the  money,  he  burned  the  town,  leaving  3,000  non-com- 
batants homeless.2 

Driving  On. — In  July  General  Grant  exploded  a  tremen- 
dous mine  at  Petersburg.  His  sappers  and  miners  worked 
underground  for  weeks  to  prepare  it.  The  explosion  killed 
only  half  a  thousand  Confederates.  Into  the  crater  went  4,000 
Union  soldiers,  all  of  whom  being  surrounded  were  either 
killed  or  captured.  Grant  himself  called  the  elaborate  enter- 
prise "a  stupendous  failure."  He  was  not  good  in  details. 
But  still  he  clung  there  at  Petersburg. 

In  the  South  Sherman  with  over  100,000  men  was  steadily 
driving  Johnston  before  him, — from  Dalton,  to  Resaca,  to 
Allatoona, — to  which  last-named  place  he  telegraphed,  "Hold 
the  fort,  for  I  am  coming," — to  Dallas,  to  Kenesaw  Mountain, 
to  the  Chattahoochee  river.  With  but  50,000  men,  Johnston 
could  not  stand  before  him.  Early  in  the  war,  General  Joseph 
E.  Johnston  had  been  badly  wounded,  and  for  a  year  had  been 
unable  to  serve.  He  had  always  been  a  cautious  man.  Now 
he  became  more  cautious  than  ever. 

In  September  and  October,  by  sending  Sheridan  with  26,000 
men  to  destroy  the  villages  and  farms  of  the  Shenandoah 
valley,  General  Grant  more  than  retaliated  upon  the  Confed- 
erates for  the  raid  of  Early  into  Pennsylvania.     The  success 

1See  p.  464,  supra.  2See  p.  465,  supra. 


500  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

of  this  Union  raid  deprived  both  the  Confederate  Government 
and  Capital  and  the  Confederate  Army  of  most  of  their  food 
supplies. 

President  Davis  now  replaced  Johnston  with  Hood,  who 
set  out  to  move  the  war  back  into  Tennessee.  He  crossed  from 
Georgia  through  Alabama  into  upper  Mississippi  and  encoun- 
tered Thomas  and  Schofield  who  overthrew  him  at  Nashville, 
Tennessee,  in  the  most  crushing  defeat  of  the  War. 

Sherman's  March. — Upon  February  i,  1865,  General 
W.  T.  Sherman,  who  had  marched  from  Atlanta  to  Savannah, 
began  his  northward  campaign  to  Richmond,  taking  the  Caro- 
lina cities  as  he  went.  He  was  cutting  the  heart  out  of  the 
Confederacy. 

Upon  April  1,  1865,  General  Phil  Sheridan  took  6,000  pris- 
oners at  Five  Forks,  twelve  miles  southwest  of  Petersburg, 
and  cut  off  the  last  source  of  supplies  to  Lee.  Next  day  Lee 
moved  out  of  Petersburg.  A  few  days  later,  hoping  to  escape 
southward,  he  met  Sheridan  across  his  path.  He  could  have 
whipped  Sheridan,  for  he  had  more  men,  his  finest  veterans. 
Davis  had  made  an  error  in  forwarding  supplies;  but  they 
were  used  to  going  without  food. 

The  Surrender. — Lee  might  have  joined  Johnston;  but — 
was  it  wholly  fear  of  starvation? — did  he  relish  the  idea  of  a 
group  consisting  of  himself,  Johnston,  Hood,  and  Davis  fight- 
ing in  the  Carolina  mountains  through  another  winter?  At 
any  rate,  he  preferred  to  throw  himself  upon  the  mercy  of  the 
Union  General,  and  on  the  9th  of  April  at  Appomattox  Court- 
house surrendered  his  29,000  men.  General  Grant  left  to  the 
Confederates  their  horses  to  work  their  "little  farms"  and 
their  side-arms  for  personal  protection  and  for  honor's  sake. 
To  each  man  he  furnished  a  day's  ration  of  food ;  whereupon, 
the  valiant  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  vanished  like  a  morn- 
ing cloud  before  the  sun. 

On  the  26th  Johnston  surrendered  to  Sherman  near  Raleigh, 
North  Carolina.  In  May  General  Kirby  Smith  and  Colonel 
Richard  Taylor  (son  of  Zachary  Taylor1)  fired  the  last  shots 
of  the  war  in  Texas,  where  they  had  resolutely  held  their 
ground  after  the  Vicksburg  campaign,  and  surrendered.  It 
was  a  strange  prominence  for  the  son  of  "Old  Rough  and 
Ready." 

An  Inevitable  President. — It  was  the  aim  of  the  mem- 

*Scc  pp.  207,  398,  supra. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  501 

bers  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  that  the  President  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  should  be  the  first  citizen  of 
the  land;  they  intended  that  the  man  of  greatest  influence 
should  become  also  the  officer  of  greatest  power.  Washington, 
whatever  his  real  merits,  had  been  such  a  President;  and  Jef- 
ferson, Madison,  Jackson,  and  Taylor  had  followed  measure- 
ably  well.  Others  had  not  fallen  far  below  this  ideal.  Lincoln 
became  such  a  President  but  only  after  his  reelection  in  1864. 
After  Appomattox,  only  the  loyal  heart  of  U.  S.  Grant  saved 
to  him  that  honor.  Lincoln  admired  Grant,  and  the  younger 
man,  whom  no  created  thing  save  whiskey  ever  dazed,  held 
the  President  in  the  esteem,  gratitude,  and  reverence  that  he 
deserved  so  richly  from  his  favorite  general.  Such,  however, 
is  the  delight  of  the  multitude  in  war-heroes  that  this  man  who 
had  commanded  late  in  1864  and  early  in  1865  a  million  sol- 
diers and  at  last  had  defeated  the  hitherto  unconquerable  Lee 
might  have  cast  a  shadow  even  upon  Abraham  Lincoln.  Once 
that  the  war  was  over,  every  intelligent  observer  of  the  times, 
every  discerning  reader  of  past  history  knew  that  as  soon  as 
the  term  of  Andrew  Johnson  expired  General  Grant  would  be 
President.  Not  that  Grant  was  either  fit  by  nature  or  fitted  by 
experience  for  the  Presidency,  but  the  Republic  had  no  other 
way  to  show  him  signal  honor  before  the  nations.1 

The  story  of  Grant  as  a  general  must  be  fairly  well  under- 
stood else  the  story  of  Grant  as  President  will  be  wholly  mis- 
understood. He  was  the  people's  darling;2  and  might  do  and 
did  do  as  he  pleased.  Many  Southerners  liked  him,  for  he 
had  been  kind  to  Robert  E.  Lee,  their  own  popular  idol.  Quite 
as  well  as  anyone  else,  Grant  himself  foresaw  that  he  would 
be  chosen  President  in  1868,  and  he  governed  himself  accord- 
ingly, not  with  selfish  ambition  but  as  by  fate.  Ulysses  S. 
Grant  never  was  a  self-seeker.  He  was  in  no  sense  inclined, 
however,  to  self-abnegation.    At  worst,  he  was  self-indulgent. 

The  Rights  of  the  South. — When  Johnson  proposed  to 
try  Lee  and  others  for  treason,  Grant  intervened,  and  said  that 
the  terms  of  the  surrender  at  Appomattox  must  be  kept  in 
letter  and  spirit.  He  said  indeed  that  he  would  resign  as  gen- 
eral of  the  army, — which  supreme  rank  had  been  created  for 
him  in  July,  1866, — in  case  the  agreement  were  not  kent. 

*S«e  p.  227,  supra.  "Se«  p.  343,  supra. 


502  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Loyal  to  the  President. — When  Johnson  suspended  Stan- 
ton and  appointed  Grant  in  his  place  for  a  brief  time  as  Sec- 
retary of  War,  the  General  of  the  army  protested.  Only  a 
strictly  military  habit  of  mind  caused  him  to  obey.  It  was  the 
same  spirit  of  military  obedience  that  had  caused  him  and  Ad- 
miral Farragut  in  1866  to  tour  the  country  with  Johnson  and 
Seward.  This  tour  did,  however,  considerably  increase  the 
probability  that  Grant  would  be  President.  The  people  liked 
the  contrast  between  the  silent  soldier  and  the  talkative  tailor.1 

Overwhelming  Victory  at  the  Polls. — On  May  20, 
1868,  at  the  Republican  National  Convention,  upon  the  first 
ballot,  Grant  was  unanimously  nominated  for  the  Presidency. 
The  Democratic  party  was  hopelessly  lost  in  its  efforts  to  find 
a  man  to  beat  Grant.  The  thing  was  impossible.  Grant  was 
easily  the  most  popular  and  the  most  influential  man  in  this 
democratic  country  of  ours.  But  the  Democratic  party  made 
a  very  poor  choice  in  naming  Horatio  Seymour,  lately  gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  as  its  candidate.2  Seymour  had  been  not 
only  a  peace-at-any-price  man,  anti-Lincoln  and  pro-Vallan- 
digham,  all  his  life  a  politician  and  office-candidate,  but  he 
had  actually  proposed  early  in  1861  that  New  York  State 
should  support  the  Southern  Confederacy,  even  join  it.  He 
was  a  Copperhead  of  the  Copperheads.  The  result  was  that 
Grant  received  214  electoral  votes,  Seymour  80.  The  Re- 
publican Vice-Presidential  candidate  was  Schuyler  Colfax  of 
Indiana,  long  a  member  of  Congress  and  for  some  time  Speaker 
of  the  House,  a  man  of  excellent  ability,  quite  above  the  ordi- 
nary run  of  Vice-Presidents,  and  of  a  reputation  for  honesty 
rather  below  most  Vice-Presidents.  His  opponent  had  been 
General  F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  one  of  Sherman's  corps  commanders, 
a  Kentuckian  who  had  migrated  to  Missouri.  He  was  one 
of  those  Blair  brothers  of  whom  Lincoln  thought  so  highly. 
Politics  had  given  to  him  a  strange  bedfellow. 

The  South  Resists. — Grant,  who  always  objected  to 
"political  generals,"  but  was  now  himself  a  "military  Presi- 
dent," inherited  a  situation  in  respect  to  which  he  had  no 
adequate  policy.      The  Thirteenth  and  Fourteenth   Amend- 

1See  p.  488,  supra. 

sSee  p.  462,  supra.     In  the  popular  vote  Grant  polled  3,012,833 ;  Seymour 
2,703,249.    Colfax  hurt  the  Republican  ticket. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  503 

ments  to  the  Constitution  and  the  various  Acts  of  Congress 
during  the  administration  of  Andrew  Johnson  had  put  the 
white  South  at  the  mercy  of  its  own  negro  freedmen  and  of 
Northern  carpetbaggers.  And  the  white  South,  which  had 
lost  in  the  War  nearly  half  a  million  of  its  best  men,  was 
gathering  its  forces  to  reduce  the  freedmen  to  lower  place  and 
to  drive  out  the  carpetbaggers.  The  South  had  three  motives. 
Of  these,  the  first  was  race-hatred  as  ancient  as  humanity 
itself,  but  quiescent  in  the  days  of  slavery.  The  second  was 
sectional  hatred,  for  the  Interstate  War  had  left  the  North 
superior  to  the  South,  an  offence  in  itself  almost  unforgivable 
but  certainly  unforgivable  in  view  of  the  hideous  and  damning 
facts  of  reconstruction.  Domination  of  a  people  by  representa- 
tives of  another  section  of  the  same  people  never  was  agreeable. 
The  third  motive  was  plain  justice, — the  desire  for  economy 
in  administration,  for  honesty,  for  reasonable  taxes  and  expen- 
ditures. 

The  South  was  resisting  oppression,  corruption,  extrava- 
gance and  social  wrongs.  The  Ku  Klux  Klan  was  the  logical 
outcome  of  an  intolerable  social  and  political  situation. 

The  Opportunity  for  Corruption. — Another  serious 
feature  of  the  governmental  condition  under  President  Grant 
was  the  corruption  of  the  National  Government  itself.  The 
tremendous  expenditures  of  the  Civil  War  stand  out  in  these 
figures : 

1860-61  1864-65  1865-66 

Revenues $41,345,000     $    329,568,000     $    558,033,000 

Payments   ....   66,357,000       1,290,313,000  520,751,000 

National  debt.  .  90,867,000       2,682,592,000       2,772,712,000 

By  1866  the  annual  interest  alone  upon  the  national  debt  was 
$133,068,000,  being  over  three  times  the  total  national  rev- 
enues of  1 86 1.  The  War  had  cost,  all  told,  at  least  $8,000,- 
000,000  in  cash,  in  debt,  and  in  loss, — being  one-third  of  all 
our  national  wealth.  It  is  astounding,  appalling  to  contem- 
plate. 

Corruption  Defiant. — In  the  administration  of  Lincoln, 
the  two  departments  most  to  be  watched  for  corruption, — 
Treasury  and  War, — were  headed  by  men  who  were  incorrup- 
tible and  implacably  hostile  to  corruption,  the  former  by 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  succeeded  in  1864  by  William  P.  Fessenden, 


504  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

and  the  latter  by  Edwin  M.  Stanton.  Nevertheless,  corrup- 
tion had  stalked  in,  and  by  1869  when  Grant  became  President, 
was  so  powerful  as  to  be  defiant. 

Two  Corrupt  Deals. — Two  illustrations  of  corruption  will 
suffice, — Grant  had  himself  seen  the  robbery  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Missouri  under  Fremont  by  the  supply  of  worthless 
rifles  that  exploded,  blowing  off  the  right  forefingers  of  some 
hundreds  of  men.  They  cost  $77,000  for  about  4,000  of 
them,  and  yet  because  they  were  legally  contracted  for,  the 
Supreme  Court  itself  ordered  the  bill  paid  despite  proof  that 
the  contractors  themselves  paid  $2.75  each  for  arms  that  they 
sold  to  the  Government  at  ten  times  as  much.  It  is  singularly 
interesting  to  know  that  what  is  now  a  multimillionaire  bank- 
ing firm  in  the  East  has  as  its  chief  partner  one  of  those  army 
contractors.  A  second  incident  occurred  in  Grant's  own  ad- 
ministration. The  United  States  Government,  contrary  to 
neutrality  laws,  sold  to  a  lawyer  at  Ilion,  N.  Y.,  an  immense 
number  of  guns  and  rounds  of  ammunition  from  its  own 
arsenals,  in  1870,  for  $4,000,000;  which  merchandise  that 
lawyer  immediately  transhipped  to  France  for  its  use  against 
Prussia  in  the  Franco-Prussian  War,  receiving  a  price  under- 
stood to  be  above  $20,000,000.  Every  one  believed  that  the 
profits  were  divided  between  bankers  and  the  army  ring. 

The  Freedmen  Enfranchised. — On  March  30,  1870,  the 
Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  was  adopted.  It 
provided  that,  throughout  the  United  States,  the  suffrage" 
should  not  be  restricted  on  account  of  race  or  color  or  previous 
condition  of  servitude.  It  was  distinctly  aimed  at  the  denial 
by  the  white  South  to  the  negroes  of  their  equal  rights.  The 
ballot,  to  use  the  phrase  so  often  in  the  mouth  of  Thaddeus 
Stevens,  is  "the  muniment  of  freedom,"  the  protection  of  the 
citizen  against  oppression.  Without  the  ballot,  the  freedman 
was  doomed  to  return  to  a  condition  scarcely  less  onerous  and 
servile  than  slavery  itself.  A  large  part  of  the  political  history 
of  the  South  since  1870  has  been  the  defeat  of  this  Fifteenth 
Amendment.  This  has  been  accomplished  in  part  by  threats 
and  violence  against  negroes  seeking  to  vote,  and  in  part  by 
educational  and  property  qualifications  with  exemption  to' 
those  whose  grandfathers  were  voters.  Since  the  grandfathers 
of  the  whites  did  vote  and  those  of  the  freedmen,  duly  born  in 
wedlock,  did  not  vote,  and  proofs  are  wanting  in  the  cases  of 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  505 

freedmen  whose  white  grandfathers  did  vote,  these  laws  have 
practically  shut  the  colored  race  out  from  participation  in 
government. 

Treaty  with  Great  Britain. — On  May  8,  1871,  by  the 
Treaty  of  Washington,  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
settled  the  disputes  arising  out  of  the  Civil  War,  especially  the 
dispute  as  to  the  damages  to  American  shipping  by  the  "Ala- 
bama" and  other  Confederate  commerce-destroyers  built  or 
outfitted  or  both  in  England,  and  agreed  to  arbitrate  the 
amounts. 

Grant  Seeks  to  Annex  Santo  Domingo. — In  1869  the 
Republic  of  Santo  Domingo  sought  annexation  by  the  United 
States  under  circumstances  that  indicated  a  decidedly  "jingo- 
istic" policy  on  the  part  of  the  President,  who  had  used  ships 
of  war  and  American  Government  officers  rather  beyond  the 
extent  of  his  powers  as  indicated  by  the  Constitution.  A  pro- 
posed treaty  leading  to  annexation  was  fought  strenuously 
by  Senator  Charles  Sumner,  then  the  leading  spirit  in  Con- 
gress, and  was  defeated.  There  was  talk  even  of  impeaching 
the  President,  but  the  failure  in  the  case  of  the  unpopular 
Johnson  warned  the  Congressional  leaders  to  keep  their  hands 
off  in  the  case  of  Grant.  This  proposed  annexation  was  quite 
as  justifiable,  however,  as  the  invasion  of  Cuba  twenty  years 
later;  and  far  more  justifiable  than  the  Mexican  War. 

Amnesty  to  the  "Rebels." — In  May,  1872,  a  new  Am- 
nesty Act  somewhat  relieved  the  political  situation  in  the  South 
by  granting  full  civil  rights  to  all  but  four  hundred  persons 
who  had  held  high  office  in  the  Confederacy.  The  President 
favored  even  greater  liberality. 

Appointments  to  Office. — Grant  was  by  no  means  dull 
to  the  need  of  Civil  Service  Reform.  In  1870  he  persuaded 
Congress  to  permit  him  to  appoint  a  Civil  Service  Commission, 
but  it  had  so  little  power  that  it  accomplished  scarcely  more 
than  setting  up  a  standard  of  resistance  to  the  evil  effects  of 
the  Crawford  Tenure  of  Office  Act,1  by  which  since  1820 
every  appointment  automatically  expired  at  the  end  of  four 
years. 

The  Cabinets  of  U.  S.  Grant. — The  military  statesman, 
once  President,  turned  loose  all  of  the  men  whom  Lincoln  and 
Johnson  had  used  as  Secretaries.  He  put  in  none  who  had 
held  Cabinet  places  before;  and  he  changed  his  men  with  a. 

xSee  pp,  298,  301,  313,  supra. 


506  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

frequency  exceeding  even  that  of  Jackson.  He  was  a  con- 
spicuously poor  judge  of  men.    The  record  is  this : 

State, — Elihu  B.  Washburne  of  Illinois,  six  days ;  Hamilton 
Fish  of  New  York,  eight  years. 

Treasury, — George  S.  Boutwell  of  Massachusetts,  four 
years;  William  H.  Richardson  of  Massachusetts,  one  year; 
Benjamin  H.  Bristow  of  Kentucky,  two  years;  Lot  M.  Morrill 
of  Maine,  nearly  one  year. 

War, — John  A.  Rawlins  of  Illinois,  brief  term ;  William  T. 
Sherman  of  Ohio,  brief  term;  William  W.  Belknap  of  Iowa, 
six  and  a  half  years.  (This  was  the  Secretary  so  seriously 
under  fire  for  corruption  and  fraud.)  Alfonso  Taft  of  Ohio, 
ten  weeks,  who  was  the  father  of  President  William  Howard 
Taft,  then  nearly  nineteen  years  old;  James  D.  Cameron  of 
Pennsylvania,  nearly  one  year,  son  of  the  famous  Simon 
Cameron. 

Attorney-General, — Ebenezer  R.  Hoar  of  Massachusetts, 
one  year;  Amos  T.  Ackerman  of  Georgia,  one  year;  George 
H.  Williams  of  Oregon,  over  four  years ;  Edwards  Pierrepont 
of  New  York,  a  month;  Alfonso  Taft,  nearly  one  year. 

Postmaster-General, — J.  A.  J.  Cresswell  of  Maryland,  five 
years ;  James  W.  Marshall  of  Virginia,  seven  weeks ;  Marshall 
Jewell  of  Connecticut,  two  years;  James  N.  Tyner  of  Indiana, 
nearly  one  year. 

Navy, — Adolph  E.  Borie  of  Pennsylvania,  three  months; 
George  M.  Robeson  of  New  Jersey,  nearly  eight  years. 

Interior, — Jacob  D.  Cox  of  Ohio,  one  and  a  half  years; 
Columbus  Delano  of  Ohio,  five  years;  Zachariah  Chandler  of 
Michigan,  one  and  a  half  years. 

Nepotism  and  Corruption. — Grant  was  guilty  of  misuse 
of  the  power  of  appointment.  He  provided  places  for  ap- 
parently all  his  relatives  and  intimate  friends.  No  other  Presi- 
dent, before  or  since,  ever  did  anything  like  this.  Certain  con- 
tracts, outrageously  profitable,  came  to  benefit  persons  near 
himself.  His  own  style  of  living  was  such  as  the  nation  had 
never  witnessed  before  in  the  case  of  any  President.  That 
Grant  in  1861  was  poor  and  continued  poor  throughout  the 
war  was  a  matter  of  common  knowledge.  Nearly  all  the 
Presidents  since  J.  Q.  Adams  had  saved  part  of  their  salaries 
for  the  evil  days  when  they  must  go  out  and  down  from  the 
highest  station  in  the  land.    Grant  was  spending  liberally  upon 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  507 

a  large  family.  It  is  true  that  his  salary  was  now  double  that 
of  Lincoln.  But  small  things  as  well  as  great  pointed  to  singu- 
lar relations.  The  Philadelphia  multimillionaire  and  inter- 
national banker,  Anthony  J.  Drexel,  was  one  of  the  most 
intimate  friends  of  the  President;  he  bragged  that  upon  his 
frequent  visits  to  the  Executive  Mansion  (as  the  White  House 
was  then  called)  he  gave  a  double  gold  eagle  to  each  of  the 
menials  and  servitors.  Grant  visited  him  in  return  for  a  week 
at  a  time. 

The  Atmosphere  of  Washington;  Renomination. — 
The  atmosphere  at  Washington  became  too  thick  for  breathing 
comfortably  by  honest  and  sensitive  men.1  Yet  the  Republican 
party  by  acclamation  unanimously  proposed  Grant  as  Presi- 
dent for  a  second  term.  It  named  Henry  Wilson  of  Massachu- 
setts as  Vice-President.  He  had  long  been  Senator  and  Chair- 
man of  the  Military  Committee,  and  in  1862  had  introduced 
the  bill  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  had 
carried  It, — virtually  the  same  bill  that  Abraham  Lincoln  had 
introduced  when  Congressman.2  He  was  Sumner's  colleague 
and  had  been  Lincoln's  friend.  It  was  an  exceptionally  strong 
nomination. 

Horace  Greeley  Fusion  Candidate. — But  a  group  of 
Liberal  Republicans  had  wished  to  secure  a  stronger  President 
than  Grant  could  be ;  and  in  May  they  organized  a  convention 
at  Cincinnati.  Their  intention  was  to  nominate  for  President 
Charles  Francis  Adams,  whose  record  in  diplomacy  proclaimed 
him  a  man  of  the  first  class  in  statesmanship.  But  the  con- 
vention was  stolen  by  politicians  who  forced  the  nomination 
of  Horace  Greeley,  editor  of  "The  New  York  Tribune,"  then 
the  most  powerful  newspaper  in  America.  With  him  was 
nominated  B.  Gratz  Brown,  formerly  Senator  from  Missouri. 
Later,  the  Democratic  party  met  and  endorsed  this  ticket  in 
convention. 

Horace  Greeley  took  the  nomination  seriously,  and  set  to 
work  to  win.  His  wife  was  a  Southern  woman, — from  North 
Carolina;  his  running  mate  was  a  native  Kentuckian,  and  a 
genuine  "border  State"  man.  Even  Horatio  Seymour,  four 
years  before,  had  carried  New  York  State  against  Grant,  Gree- 
ley was  the  apostle  of  the  emancipation  of  labor  from  igno- 
re p.  84,  supra.  'See  p.  439,  supra. 


So8  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

ranee,  oppression,  vice,  and  servitude.  Karl  Marx,  the  inter- 
national Socialist,  was  the  London  correspondent  of  his  paper, 
— at  a  guinea  a  week.  By  speeches  everywhere,  Greeley  made 
a  tremendous  effort  to  win.  But  though  he  did  in  fact  re- 
ceive 2,834,000  votes,  Grant  had  3,597,000;  and  the  Electoral 
College  stood  286  to  63.  The  defeat  broke  Greeley's  heart; 
and  he  died  in  a  nervous  collapse  November  29,  1872,  a  victim 
of  American  politics.  One  man  cannot  at  once  change  a  great 
nation's  habits  of  thought  and  action. 

Currency  Inflation  Vetoed. — In  his  second  term,  Grant 
vetoed  the  Inflation  Bill  of  1874.  Some  persons  thought 
that  "the  more  money,  the  more  wealth/'  They  had  seen 
fiat  money  made  by  the  Legal  Tender  Act  of  1862  to  sup- 
port the  Interstate  War,  an  act  never  favored  by  Chase  and 
McCulloch  of  the  Treasury  Department.  In  Lincoln,  how- 
ever, there  still  persisted  some  of  the  financial  heresies  that 
Jackson  and  Van  Buren  had  exposed.  Soon  afterward,  the 
Government  undertook  preparation  for  the  resumption  of 
specie  payment. 

M.  R.  Waite  Chief  Justice. — In  1874,  following  the 
death  of  Chief  Justice  Chase,  President  Grant  named  and  the 
Senate  confirmed  Morrison  R.  Waite  of  Ohio  as  his  succes- 
sor, a  good  man  but  without  the  ability  and  reputation  appro- 
priate to  that  position.  He  was  distinctly  a  railroad  corpora- 
tion attorney, — in  close  financial  relations  with  the  rising  Van- 
derbilt  millionaires  who  were  on  intimate  terms  with  Grant. 

The  District  of  Columbia  Victimized. — In  the  same 
year  Congress  took  the  suffrage  away  from  all  residents  of 
the  District  of  Columbia,  and  reduced  the  Washingtonians  to 
helots  lower  than  freedmen.  Two  reasons  were  given — that 
the  freedmen  held  the  balance  of  power  in  the  Capital  between 
the  Democrats  and  the  Republicans,  and  that  corruption,  elec- 
tion frauds,  insecurity  of  life,  person,  and  property  prevailed 
in  the  District.  By  this  move,  with  the  strong  approval  of 
the  President,  the  people  of  the  Capital  were  thrown  from  the 
frying-pan  of  political  wickedness  into  the  fire  of  human 
worthlessness.  Self-respecting  persons  no  longer  acquired 
permanent  residence  in  the  District.  All  are  transients  or  else 
voting  citizens  in  Maryland  with  second  residences  in  Wash- 
ington. Corruption,  thereby,  was  transferred  from  the  voting 
citizenship  of  the  District  to  Congress  governing  the  District. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  509 

Public  Confidence  Lost. — The  scandals  of  government 
continued  to  increase.  Wholesale  revenue  frauds  in  whiskey 
and  other  items  were  uncovered.  In  the  postal  service,  the 
Star  Route  mail  frauds  came  to  light.  Despite  an  excellent 
financial  policy  in  the  Treasury  Department,  Grant  lost  the 
public  confidence.  In  1876,  the  Republicans  rejoiced  in  the 
two-term  tradition.  The  nation's  debt  of  gratitude  had  been 
paid,  and  the  nation's  government  debauched  to  pay  it. 

The  Centennial  State  Admitted. — In  1876,  one  hundred 
years  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  Colorado,  the 
Centennial  State,  was  admitted  into  the  Union.  Though  known 
to  the  world  since  the  time  of  the  Spanish  explorer  Coronado, 
1540,  Colorado  received  her  first  considerable  population  after 
the  discovery  of  gold  in  1858.  Johnson  had  vetoed  in  1867 
the  admission  of  this  great  State  with  103,000  square  miles 
of  land,  whose  scenery  and  wealth  are  the  astonishment  of 
all  the  known  world  now. 

Tour  of  the  World. — In  1877,  upon  his  retirement  from 
the  Presidency,  General  Grant  set  out  upon  a  tour  of  the  world, 
accompanied  by  Mrs.  Grant  and  by  one  of  their  sons.  Every- 
where, he  was  treated  with  distinction.  Everywhere,  he  made 
a  good  impression  for  this  country  and  for  himself.  Upon  his 
return  from  this  trip,  which  included  the  great  nations  of 
Europe  and  India,  China  and  Japan,  the  General  went  home 
to  Galena,  Illinois,  arriving  there  late  in  1880. 

Seeks  Third  Term. — In  that  same  year,  in  June,  Grant 
had  received  upon  36  ballots  over  300  votes  in  the  Republican 
Convention  at  Chicago.  Three  factors  contributed  to  his 
defeat.  The  first  was  the  two-term  tradition.  Even  some  of 
his  friends  refused  to  vote  for  the  nomination  because  they 
did  not  believe  in  giving  any  man  a  third  term  whether  con- 
secutive or  recurrent.  Others  of  his  friends  thought  that 
because  of  this  tradition  even  Grant  could  not  win  at  the  polls. 
The  second  factor  in  his  defeat  was  the  now  general  knowl- 
edge of  the  corruption  of  the  Government  during  his  adminis- 
tration. The  third  factor  was  the  popular  favor  of  James  G. 
Blaine,  "the  plumed  knight"  of  Maine,  protagonist  of  high 
protection,  in  a  sense  a  reincarnation  of  the  magnetic  Henry 
Clay.    A  "dark  horse"  won.1 

Heroic  End. — In  August,  1881,  Grant  removed  to  New 
York  City,  to  join  a  banking  firm  by  the  name  of  Grant  & 

^ee  pp.  55,  165,  supra,  and  p.  524,  infra, 


510  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Ward,  one  of  his  sons  being  the  active  partner,  himself  a  silent 
one.  The  ex-President  paid  no  attention  to  the  business, 
though  he  invested  every  dollar  in  his  possession  in  it.  In  but 
three  years,  the  firm  failed,  owing  millions  and  having  almost 
no  assets.  Gigantic  frauds  had  been  perpetrated  by  two  of 
the  partners.  Grant  was  now  penniless  and  in  disgrace.  He 
owed  to  William  H.  Vanderbilt  for  cash  loans  $150,000,  and 
was  also  already  the  victim  of  either  tuberculosis  or  cancer  of 
the  throat, — physicians  still  dispute  which.  His  financial  con- 
dition aroused  the  editors  of  "The  Century  Magazine," — who 
included  the  poet  Richard  Watson  Gilder, — and  they  asked 
him  for  some  memoirs  of  the  War.  The  sick  man  set  himself 
to  the  unfamiliar  task  of  writing.  The  disease  came  on  apace. 
In  June,  1885,  he  was  removed  to  Mount  McGregor,  near 
Saratoga,  where  on  July  19,  he  finished  his  great  work.  On 
the  23d  he  died.  That  spring  he  had  been  made  general  of 
the  army  on  the  retired  list  by  vote  of  Congress.  The  heroic 
fight  against  poverty  and  disgrace  and  the  perfect  style  of  the 
"Personal  Memoirs"  conspired  to  give  the  work  such  a  sale  as 
to  realize  nearly  $500,000  to  his  heirs,  paying  all  his  debts, 
and  leaving  a  balance  to  his  widow. 

Grant's  Tomb. — In  memory  of  Grant,  his  fellow  country- 
men, by  their  voluntary  contributions,  have  built  a  tomb  of 
granite  and  porphyry  on  Riverside  Drive  in  New  York  City, 
overlooking  the  Hudson  river.  In  this  mausoleum,  the  finest 
ever  erected  to  an  American,  the  body  of  Grant  was  laid  in 
1897  with  appropriate  ceremonies.  There  also  rests  now  the 
body  of  Mrs.  Grant,  the  mother  of  three  sons  and  one  daugh- 
ter.   She  died  in  1902. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant  was  one  of  the  most  lovable  persons  ever 
in  American  public  life,  yet  he  had  the  personal  dignity  of  the 
Sphinx.  His  was  a  massive  yet  a  simple  personality,  a  con- 
queror with  no  slightest  lust  of  battle. 

Imperturbable. — "Let  us  have  peace,"  said  he  again  and 
again.  That  was  his  spirit.  It  accounts  for  the  vast  cam- 
paigns in  the  West  and  in  the  East.  Perhaps,  also,  it  accounts 
for  his  failings  as  President  in  the  political  atmosphere  of 
Washington  after  the  war.  He  disliked  controversy.  He  made 
war  upon  war  itself.  His  own  motive  in  seeking  to  annex 
Santo  Domingo  was  to  end  the  civil  wars  there. 

Yet  Grant  was  at  heart  a  soldier,  by  no  means  a  thinker  or 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  511 

an  observer.  He  did  the  work  that  came  to  his  hand.  In  this 
spirit,  he  fought  "the  greenback  monster/'  By  saying  in 
1876-77,  that  he,  General  Grant,  would  seat  whichever  man 
the  Supreme  Court,  Congress,  and  the  Electoral  Commission 
ordered,  he  ended  the  talk  of  armed  assaults  by  Democrats 
upon  the  White  House.  If  he  had  Cleveland,  however,  to  op- 
pose, instead  of  Tilden,  there  might  have  been  a  different 
story.  There  might  have  been  another  civil  war,  had  Grant 
not  spoken.  He  went  through  life  imperturbable.  Jealous 
superiors  might  put  him  in  the  guardhouse,  temperance  zealots 
might  ask  his  removal  for  drunkenness,  reformers  might  de- 
nounce him  for  crimes  of  omission  and  of  commission  as 
President,  scoundrels  might  steal  every  dollar  that  he  had  and 
plunge  him  into  debt  apparently  beyond  recovery,  and  incurable 
disease  might  eat  his  throat, — naught  moved  his  soul.  Such 
soMdity  of  character  is  greatness.  He  was  poised,  stable, 
enduring,  self -centered,  self -secure. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant  stood  before  Kings  unabashed,  before  tens 
of  thousands  in  battle  unexcited,  before  poverty  calm,  before 
scandals  involving  his  official  and  personal  honor  unbaffled.  He 
had  seen  all  things  in  all  the  earth  save  personal  loss  of  dear 
ones ;  and  he  had  overcome.  Was  it  partly  because  such  a  man 
is  an  enigma  tot  most  of  his  fellows  that  they  forgave  him 
so  much  and  helped  him  to  overcome? 

The  Estimate  of  a  Poet. — We  may  perhaps  best  accept 
the  estimate  of  the  poet  Ambrose  Bierce,  and  think  of  Gen- 
eral Grant, — 

"He  fringed  the  continent  with  fire, 
The  rivers  ran  in  lines  of  light ! 
Thy  will  be  done  on  earth — if  right 
Or  wrong,  he  cared  not  to  inquire. 

"Let  us  have  peace:  our  clouded  eyes 
Fill,  Father,  with  another  light 
That  we  may  see  with  clearer  sight 
Thy  servant's  soul  in  Paradise." 


512  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 


CHAPTER  XX 

Rutherford  Birchard  Hayes  (With  an  Account  of  his 
Rival,,  Samuel  J.  Tilden) 

1877-1881 

1 822- 1 893 

38  States  1880— Population  50,155,783 

Tilden  elected — Hayes  constitutionally  inaugurated — two  rich  men — much 
money  spent  in  the  election — educated  at  Kenyon  College  and  Harvard 
Law  School — marriage — city  solicitor  of  Cincinnati — a  good  soldier— 
Major-General  of  Volunteers — member  House  of  Representatives — 
Governor  of  Ohio — dark  horse  candidate — a  rich  banker  chosen  as 
Vice-Presidential  candidate — Tilden  highly  educated — great  railroad 
lawyer — damages  the  canal  ring — destroys  Tweed — the  popular  vote 
— contested  Electoral  votes  in  not  a  few  States — campaign  frauds — 
the  legal  disputes — the  Electoral  Commission  meant  by  Congress  to  be 
non-partisan,  grossly  bi-partisan — a  federation,  not  a  nation — John 
Sherman — specie  resumption — removes  Chester  Alan  Arthur,  collector 
port  of  New  York — a  civil  service  reformer — lets  reconstruction  fail 
in  the  South — the  changed  social  situation — a  friend  of  the  Indians — 
forest  conservation — his  personal  and  official  ethics — religious  and 
pious  like  Taylor  and  Polk — a  patriarchal  family  like  W.  H.  Harrison, 
Johnson  and  Grant — a  beautiful  old  age — his  personal  appearance. 

Tilden  Elected. — Once  in  American  history,  we  elected 
one  man  President,  but  for  constitutional  reasons  we  caused 
another  man  to  serve.  The  man  who  became  President  made 
a  good  record;  but  it  has  been  the  general  opinion  that  the 
candidate  actually  elected  but  ruled  out  on  legal  grounds  would 
have  made  a  better  President. 

Tilden's  "BarV  Tapped. — At  least  once  in  our  history,  a 
deal  of  money  was  spent  to  corrupt  the  electorate.  How  much 
the  candidates  contributed  to  the  campaign  funds  and  spent 
otherwise  in  great  amounts,  we  are  not  likely  ever  to  know. 
Hayes  was  rich,  but  Tilden  was  four  or  five  times  richer.1 
Millions  of  dollars  was  spent  upon  each  side.  In  the  language 
of  the  politics  of  the  time,  "Tilden's  bar'l  was  tapped."  He 
was  a  bachelor  and  ambitious.  The  expenditures  of  Hayes 
were  better  concealed. 

1See  p.  47,  supra. 


RUTHERFORD  BIRCH ARD  HAYES  513 

This  charge  of  bribery  and  other  corruption  at  the  elections 
had  been  made  many  times  before.  But,  in  1876-7,  it  was 
proven  in  respect  to  each  side.  This  is  one  reason  why  the 
Democratic  candidate  accepted  defeat  gracefully.1 

In  other  words,  a  situation  in  part  foreseen  by  the  fathers 
came  to  pass.  Two  rich  men  were  pitted  against  one  another 
for  the  great  stake  of  the  Presidency.  What  the  fathers  had 
not  provided  was  a  proper  way  to  decide  when  there  was 
almost  a  tie  between  candidates  and  when  the  votes  necessary 
to  decide  were  in  dispute. 

Early  Life  of  Hayes. — The  nineteenth  President  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  was  born  in  Ohio,  at  Delaware,  on 
October  4,  1822.  His  parents  were  well-to-do  and  sent  him  to 
Kenyon  College  and  then  to  the  Law  School  of  Harvard.  No 
better  educated  man  was  ever  President.  He  secured  his  law 
diploma  and  admission  to  the  bar  of  Ohio  in  the  same  year, 
1845.  After  practicing  a  brief  time  at  Lower  Sandusky  (now 
Fremont)  Hayes  removed  to  Cincinnati,  where  he  soon  rose 
to  prominence,  making  money  and  becoming  city  solicitor 
in  1858. 

In  December,  1852,  being  thirty  years  of  age,  Hayes  married 
Lucy  Ware  Webb  of  Chillicothe,  then  twenty-one  years  old,  a 
young  lady  of  some  property. 

Marriage. — In  1854  he  had  left  the  Whig  party  to  become 
a  Republican.  From  the  first,  he  had  been  an  anti-slavery  man. 
As  soon  as  the  war  broke  out,  he  entered  the  volunteer  service 
as  major.  In  July,  1861,  he  was  on  the  firing  line  in  western 
Virginia.  He  served  four  years,  winning  especial  distinction 
at  South  Mountain,  Winchester,  Fisher's  Hill,  and  Cedar 
Creek.  He  was  a  brave  yet  careful  soldier,  not  an  aggressive 
leader  and  in  no  sense  a  political  creature.  When  the  war 
was  over,  he  was  by  brevet  major-general  of  volunteers.  Four 
wounds  attested  his  bravery  and  constant  patriotism. 

General  Hayes  in  Congress. — In  1864  General  Hayes 
was  elected  to  Congress,  serving  two  terms  as  a  strong  anti- 
Johnson  man,  and  supporter  of  the  Republican  method  of 
reconstruction.  He  belonged  distinctly  to  the  "bloody-shirt" 
irreconcilables. 

Governor  of  Ohio. — In  1868  Hayes  was  elected  governor 
of  Ohio,  continuing  in  that  office  until  1872.  In  that  year,  he 
ran  again  for  Congress  but  was  defeated.    In  1873,  ne  removed 

1See  p.  517,  infra. 


514  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

to  Fremont,  intending  to  leave  public  life;  but  in  1875,  his 
party  again  placed  him  in  nomination  for  the  governorship. 
A  campaign  followed  that  attracted  national  attention.  The 
Democratic  party  declared  for  an  indefinite  enlargement  of  all 
irredeemable  paper  currency.  The  Republicans  stood  for  re- 
sumption of  specie  payments  and  for  "intrinsic  money  of 
redemption."  They  were  now,  in  other  words,  the  heirs  of 
Jackson  and  Van  Buren.  The  Democrats  of  1840  were  the 
financial  teachers  of  the  Republicans  of  1875.  And  the  Whigs 
of  1840  were  the  forerunners  of  the  Democrats  of  1875.  In 
this  campaign  of  1875,  Hayes  again  won. 

The  Contest  for  the  Republican  Nomination. — The 
Republican  National  Convention  met  at  Cincinnati  in  June, 
1876.    The  first  ballot  for  Presidential  candidate  stood, — 


Blaine                285. 

Hayes 

61. 

O.  P.  Morton  124. 

Hartranft 

58. 

Bristow              113. 

Jewell 

11. 

Conkling              99. 

Wheeler 

3. 

Blaine  was  the  most  brilliant  man  in  American  public  life, 
Speaker  of  the  House,  and  soon  to  be  Senator.  Conkling  of 
New  York  already  hated  him.  Blaine  was  a  wonderful  public 
speaker ;  but  there  was  a  stain  on  his  escutcheon,  certain  Mulli- 
gan letters  in  the  Credit  Mobilier  case  of  the  transcontinental 
railroads.  His  wife  was  a  Catholic,  a  fact  that  certain  poli- 
ticians thought  would  cause  a  considerable  defection,  for  most 
of  the  old  "Know  Nothings"  were  now  Republicans.  Yet  on 
the  seventh  ballot,  Blaine's  vote  had  risen  to  351,  but  Hayes 
had  384,  and  Bristow  21.  This  bare  majority  was  at  once 
made  unanimous.  For  the  Vice-Presidential  candidate,  Wil- 
liam Almon  Wheeler  was  named.  He  was  a  banker  by  pro- 
fession and  had  served  five  terms  in  Congress.  He  strength- 
ened the  ticket  financially  and  as  a  New  Yorker;  but  he  was 
otherwise  a  selection  without  merit. 

Opposed  to  this  ticket  of  Hayes  and  Wheeler,  the  Demo- 
crats set  up  Samuel  J.  Tilden  of  New  York  and  Thomas  O. 
Hendricks  of  Indiana,  a  better  ticket  but  at  that  time  probably 
a  worse  party. 

Samuel  J.  Tilden. — As  Tilden  was  actually  elected,  he  is 
entitled  to  more  than  a  passing  notice.     He  had  been  born  at 


RUTHERFORD  BIRCHARD  HAYES  515 

New  Lebanon,  N.  Y.,  February  9,  18 14.  After  preparation  in 
good  schools,  he  attended  first  Yale  College  and  then  New 
York  University.  In  184 1,  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  Until 
this  time  his  health  had  been  poor,  but  afterward  this  greatly 
improved,  enabling  him  to  rise  to  the  first  rank  as  a  lawyer  in 
New  York  City.  He  became  the  great  railroad  lawyer  of 
America.  In  politics,  he  followed  Martin  Van  Buren.  During 
the  Interstate  War,  he  was  a  pro-Lincoln  Democrat.  In  1866, 
as  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  State  Committee,  he  unearthed 
the  signs  of  the  frauds  of  the  New  York  City  Tweed  ring. 
In  1872,  as  a  member  of  the  State  Assembly,  he  took  a  leading 
part  in  the  impeachment  of  the  corrupt  judges  by  whose  con- 
nivance Tweed  had  been  successful  as  boss. 

Governor  of  New  York. — This  exposure  of  Tweed  and 
Tammany  brought  Tilden  into  public  view  and  made  him  gov- 
ernor in  1874.  There  he  attacked  the  "canal  ring."  He  was 
now  the  best  known  reformer  in  the  United  States;  and  the 
highest  credit  would  attach  to  the  Democrats  for  nominating 
one  who  had  exposed  a  Democratic  ring  in  New  York  City 
but  for  the  fact  that  they  were  influenced  by  hopes  of  generous 
slush  funds  for  the  Presidential  campaign. 

Hendricks  was  a  native  of  Ohio,  who  had  served  in  Con- 
gress both  as  Representative  and  as  Senator.1 

The  Vote  in  1876,  Our  Centennial  Year. — In  the  elec- 
tion of  1876,  Hayes  received  in  all  4,033,295  votes,  Tilden 
4,284,265.  Not  only  so,  but  Hayes  had  only  163  uncontested 
electoral  votes  while  Tilden  had  184.  The  number  necessary 
for  a  choice  was  185.  There  were  contests  in  South  Carolina, 
Florida,  Louisiana,  and  Oregon.  And  there  were  materials 
for  contests  in  Vermont  where,  however,  Hayes  had  24,000 
majority;  but  the  credentials  were  irregular.  There  were  also 
other  minor  disputes.  There  were  combustibles  enough  about, 
and  the  tinder  was  ready.    Would  any  one  set  a  spark  ? 

Four  States  sent  in  two  sets  of  electoral  ballots.  From 
Oregon,  one  set  of  ballots  gave  to  Hayes  three  votes,  the  other 
gave  to  him  two  votes  with  one  to  Tilden. 

The  Constitutional  Question. — The  three  other  States 
each  sent  in  two  entirely  different  lists  of  electors.  The  con- 
stitutional question  arose, — Who  is  to  determine  these  votes  ?  It 
was  a  question  that  involved  some  half  dozen  other  questions. 

1.  Did  the  President  of  the  Senate  count  the  votes,  while 

^ee  p.  534,  infra. 


516  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Congress  looked  on?     Or  did  the  two  houses  of  Congress 
count  thern,  while  the  President  recorded  the  count? 

2.  Was  this  counting  a  judicial  or  an  arithmetical  process? 
If  sorely  arithmetical,  who  gave  the  judicial  decisions  requi- 
site? Must  Congress  now  legislate  to  fill  the  vacuum  in  the 
statutes  ? 

3.  Might  the  President,  the  Vice-President,  any  Justice,  the 
Senate,  or  Congress  go  behind  a  State  certificate  and  review  the 
acts  of  the  certifying  officers  ? 

4.  Might  Congress  review  the  State  election  itself? 

5.  If  so,  might  Congress  appoint  a  commission  to  attend 
to  these  matters?  How  far  might  Congress  delegate  its 
powers  ? 

An  Electoral  Commission. — Unhappily,  the  Senate  was 
Republican,  the  House  Democratic.  The  country  seemed  on 
the  verge  of  civil  war  again.1  Three  Southern  ex-Confederate 
States  were  involved;  and  Oregon  had  strong  Southern  sym- 
pathies due  to  settlers  and  to  climate.  After  long  dispute,  on 
January  29,  1877,  Congress  created  an  Electoral  Commission 
to  advise  and  direct,  their  decisions  to  stand  unless  rejected  by 
both  Houses.  This  Commission  consisted  of  3  Republican 
Senators,  2  Republican  Representatives,  2  Republican  Justices 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  2  Democratic  Senators,  3  Demo- 
cratic Representatives,  and  2  Democratic  Justices;  all  by  ap- 
pointment of  Congress.  As  the  fifteenth  member,  these  four- 
teen men  were  to  select  another  Justice. 

Its  Membership. — Able  men  were  chosen  from  Congress, 
— Edwards  of  Vermont,  Morton  of  Indiana,  Frelinghuysen 
of  New  Jersey,  Thurman  of  Ohio,  Bayard  of  Delaware,  Payne 
of  Ohio,  Hunton  of  Virginia,  Abbott  and  Hoar  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  Garfield  of  Ohio.  The  Justices  were  Strong,  Miller, 
Clifford,  and  Field.  They  chose  Justice  Joseph  P.  Bradley  as 
the  fifteenth  member.  He  was  a  native  of  New  York  but  a 
resident  of  New  Jersey.  Grant  had  appointed  him  in  1870. 
He  was  a  Republican.  The  Democrats  employed  as  counsel 
before  a  Commission  of  eight  great  lawyers,  including  Charles 
O'Conor,  Jeremiah  S.  Black,  and  Lyman  Trumbull.  The 
Republicans  employed  four  lawyers,  William  M.  Evarts  as 
leader. 

On  the  face  of  affairs,  judging  by  the  popular  votes,  candid 
and  impartial  observers  thought  that  Hayes  had  really  car- 

,  ^ce  p.  103,  supra. 


RUTHERFORD  BIRCHARD  HAYES  517 

ried  South  Carolina  and  Oregon,  and  Tilden  Florida  and 
Louisiana;  in  other  words,  Tilden  had  a  safe  majority. 

Frauds. — The  Louisiana  situation  was  this :  The  Republi- 
cans there  had  thrown  out  several  thousand  Democratic  votes. 
The  two  parties  now  reversed  their  historic  positions.  The 
Democrats  insisted  that  the  Commission  should  go  behind  the 
returns  of  the  State  and  correct  the  wrongs;  the  Republicans 
insisted  upon  State  sovereignty  as  final.  Here  Tilden  and 
Hendricks  were  estopped  from  pushing  their  case.  To  do  so, 
was  to  abandon  historic  ground  of  constitutional  interpretation. 

The  Commission  voted  8  to  7  to  take  the  returns  prima  facie. 
— Edmunds,  Morton,  Frelinghuysen,  Hoar,  Garfield,  Strong, 
Miller,  Field,  and  Bradley,  Republicans,  voted  according  to 
party.  And  they  kept  on  steadily  voting  in  every  essential 
point  8  Republicans  to  7  Democrats. 

Universal  Partisanship. — They  were  not  judges  but 
partisans.1  In  other  terms,  judges  are  as  human  as  the  rest 
of  us.  Reverence  for  courts  is  superstition;  but  respect  for 
them  is  a  patriotic  duty  until  proof  of  un worthiness  is  estab- 
lished. It  was  established  in  this  conspicuous  instance  upon 
the  face  of  the  record. 

The  Electoral  Commission  settled  two  questions, — 1st,  Con- 
gress determines  the  count;  2d,  on  the  face  of  the  returns, 
deciding  merely  which  returns  represent  the  State  sovereignty. 
In  February,  1887,  Congress  converted  these  principles  into 
statute  law. 

Probably,  this  settlement  is  in  accordance  with  the  Con- 
stitution. Certainly,  it  was  not  in  accordance  with  law  and 
ethics.  But  the  settlement  asserts  our  federalism  and  denies 
complete  nationalism. 

No  man  knows  whether  Hayes  or  Tilden  would  have  been 
elected,  if  no  money  had  been  spent  improperly,  no  intimida- 
tion used,  and  the  votes  of  all  negroes  accepted  cheerfully. 
Ethics  and  politics  have  no  necessary  parallelism  or  intercon- 
nection; but  there  is  a  day  of  final  accounting. 

A  Peace  Patriot. — Tilden  was  a  patriot  for  peace,  and 
immediately  issued  a  letter  advising  his  partisans  to  acquiesce. 
Nor  did  he  hope  ever  to  run  again. 

A  Pleasant  Disappointment;  His  Cabinet. — In  order 
that  there  should  be  a  President  on  Sunday,  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes  took  his  oath  of  office  Saturday,  March  3,  and  re- 

xSee  p.  414,  supra. 


518  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

peated  it  Monday,  March  5,  1877.1  The  country  expected  a 
weak  administration  and  was  considerably  and  happily  dis- 
appointed.   His  cabinet  was  sound  and  enduring. 

State, — William  M.  Evarts  of  New  York. 

Treasury, — John  Sherman  of  Ohio. 

War, — George  W.  McCrary  of  Iowa,  two  and  a  half  years ; 
Alexander  Ramsey  of  Minnesota,  one  and  a  half  years. 

Attorney-General, — Charles  Devens  of  Massachusetts. 

Postmaster-General, — D.  McK.  Key  of  Tennessee,  three 
years;  Horace  Maynard  of  Tennessee,  nearly  one  year. 

Navy, — Richard  W.  Thompson  of  Indiana,  nearly  four 
years;  Nathan  Goff,  Jr.,  of  West  Virginia,  two  months. 

Interior, — Carl  Schurz  of  Missouri. 

Of  these  men,  four, — Evarts,  Sherman,  Devens,  and 
Schurz, — were  of  unusual  ability  for  Cabinet  Secretaries. 
Schurz  was  a  brilliant,  erratic,  loyal  German  revolutionary 
emigre  who  had  a  war  record  decidedly  worth  while. 

Silver  Legal  Tender. — A  bill  went  through  Congress 
making  the  silver  dollar  of  412J4  grains  legal  tender  for  all 
debts,  unless  anything  else  was  specifically  named  in  the  con- 
tract. Hayes  vetoed  this  bill;  but  Congress  passed  it  over 
his  veto. 

Specie  Payment  Resumed. — Nevertheless,  with  the  mag- 
nificent support  of  John  Sherman,  one  of  the  clearest-headed 
statesmen  whom  this  country  ever  saw,  on  January  1,  1879, 
specie  payment  was  resumed,  without  any  resultant  panic,  as 
had  been  prophesied.  On  the  contrary,  the  business  of  the 
country  immediately  improved.  In  his  December,  1879,  mes- 
sage, Hayes  urged  Congress  to  repeal  the  silver  act,  to  suspend 
the  coinage  of  silver,  and  to  withdraw  all  legal  tender  money — 
greenbacks — from  circulation.    But  Congress  failed  to  act. 

Civil  Service  Reform. — The  President  tried  to  get  money 
for  the  work  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  appointed  by 
Grant,  but  failed.  Nevertheless,  he  introduced  at  many  points 
in  the  service  competitive  examinations.  These  included  the 
post  office  and  custom  house  in  New  York.  He  ordered  that 
"no  officer  should  be  required  or  permitted  to  take  part  in  the 
management  of  political  organizations,  caucuses,  conventions, 
or  election  campaigns"  and  tried  to  put  an  end  to  the  great 
evil  of  assessing  officers  and  clerks  for  campaign  purposes,  an 
evil  foreseen  by  the  makers  of  the  Constitution  as  tending 

*ln  the  same  situation,  Taylor  waited  until  Monday. 


RUTHERFORD  BIRCHARD  HAYES  519 

to  build  up  a  self -perpetuating  bureaucracy.1  Because  they  per- 
sisted in  using  their  offices  for  partisan  ends,  he  removed  Ches- 
ter Alan  Arthur,2  the  collector  at  the  port  of  New  York; 
Alonzo  B.  Cornell,  the  naval  officer  there,  and  George  H. 
Sharpe,  the  surveyor  of  customs ;  and  others  elsewhere.  Arthur 
afterward  became  President;  Cornell,  Governor  of  New  York; 
and  Sharpe  Speaker  of  the  New  York  Assembly.  These  re- 
movals of  prominent  men  showed  the  mettle  of  President 
Hayes  and  helped  forward  the  cause  of  civil  service  reform. 
They  were,  of  course,  made  possible  only  because  of  the  failure 
of  the  impeachment  of  Andrew  Johnson.  But  they  made 
Senator  Roscoe  Conkling  a  bitter  enemy  of  the  President. 

Carpet-Bag  Governments  Fall. — Hayes  tried  to  make 
friends  with  the  natural  leaders  of  the  South.  He  withdrew 
the  Federal  troops  from  the  State  Capitals  and  allowed  the 
carpet-bag  governments  to  fall.  Of  course,  this  weakened 
the  Republican  party  at  the  South.  Many  considered  this  a 
betrayal  of  the  freedmen.  With  the  removal  of  the  troops, 
the  Ku  Klux  Klan  disappeared. 

The  Races  Separated. — By  this  time  the  race-situation  in 
the  South  had  greatly  changed.  The  race-miscegenation,  so 
generally  characteristic  of  humanity  under  similar  conditions, 
which,  prior  to  i860,  had  been  so  steadily  increasing  that  a 
mestizo  South  with  almost  no  whites  or  blacks  was  possible 
within  a  hundred  years,3  had  almost  entirely  ceased.  In  1831, 
Virginia  had  proposed  emancipation  partly  for  this  reason. 
It  is  highly  interesting  to  note  that  Connecticut  had  chattel 
slaves  until  1850.  After  the  war,  the  attempt  of  the  freedmen 
to  gain  control  of  the  "Black  Belt"  had  ended  in  race-aliena- 
tion, which,  however,  since  the  time  of  Hayes  is  gradually 
declining.  The  colored  man  and  the  true  negro  constitute  two 
social  castes  below  the  white.  There  is  no  other  possible  basis 
of  peaceful  social  relations.  Hayes  was  statesman  enough  to 
help  to  this  solution  of  the  race  problem. 

The  urban  colored  man  is  one  "nation" ;  the  rural  negro  an- 
other "nation."  The  former  are  "brights"  (opprobriously 
styled    "yallers") ;   the   latter   are   "browns"    (opprobriously 

aSee  p.  377,  infra.  'See  pp.  532,  533,  infra. 

8See  J.  F.  Rhodes'  History  of  the  United  States  after  the  Compromise 
of  1850. 


'5'2d  'LIVES  OF  THE 'PRESIDENTS   ■ 

styled  "negroes"  or  "blacks")/  They  are  more  hostile  to  one 
another,  more  resentful,  than  to  the  whites. 

Hayes  did  other  wise  things, — among  them  gave  much  atten- 
tion to  ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  Indians,  and  began 
that  forest  conservation  since  then  become  so  great  a  politi- 
cal issue. 

His  Personal  Notions. — But  not  only  did  he  "offend  Re- 
publican politicians  by  attacks  upon  the  spoils  system, — Hayes 
had  certain  personal  notions,  never  serving  wine  or  alcoholic 
stimulants  of  any  kind  at  the  White  House,  nor  smoking 
cigars.  Moreover,  he  never  had  a  conversation  without  a 
record  taken  then  and  there  by  a  shorthand  writer.  He  had 
no  quiet  conferences  for  deals.  He  was  a  strictly  religious 
man,  like  Zachary  Taylor  and  Polk;  and  the  White  House 
sheltered  a  very  serious  household.  Moreover,  the  Democratic 
politicians  always  talked  of  the  cloud  upon  his  title.  He  was 
unpopular, — therefore  an  impossible  candidate,  this  man  who 
had  many  less  than  the  majority  of  the  popular  vote  and  who 
had  been  railroaded  into  office  upon  legal  technicalities. 

In  Old  Age. — His  old  age  was  very  happy.  Great  uni- 
versities gave  him  their  highest  degrees.  He  was  President 
of  the  National  Prison  (reform)  Association;  and  also  of  the 
Board  of  Trustees  of  the  John  F.  Slater  Fund  to  promote  in- 
dustrial education  among  the  colored  people  of  the  South.  He 
worked  steadily  and  faithfully  for  many  philanthropic  causes, 
giving  not  only  his  time  but  also  money. 

In  1889,  his  wife,  the  mother  of  seven  sons  and  of  one 
daughter,  died.  Three  years  later,  upon  January  17,  1893,  he 
passed  away  from  paralysis  of  the  heart,  at  Fremont,  being 
then  seventy  years  old.  The  early  Presidents  evidently  had 
easier  lives. 

Personal  Appearance. — Rutherford  B.  Hayes  was  a  man 
of  attractive  personal  appearance, — large,  dignified,  quiet,  de- 
cisive, of  a  military-bearing,  and  in  later  years  of  a  fatherly, 
even  patriarchal  cast  of  countenance  and  manner.  His  was  a 
Presidential  type  of  personality. 


RUTHERFORD  BIRCH ARD  HAYES  521 


CHAPTER  XXI 

James  Abram  Garfield 

1881 

1831-1881 
39  States  Population  51,000,000 

The  assassin  a  social  symptom — early  life  of  Garfield — the  canal  boat 
experience — school  teaching — educated  at  Williams  College — Hiram 
College  President — in  politics  as  an  orator — State  Assemblyman — 
lawyer — Colonel  Ohio  Volunteers — Major-General — Representative  in 
Congress — marriage — a  radical — a  leader  and  a  student — scandals — 
member  Electoral  Commission — United  States  Senator-elect — "Any- 
thing to  beat  Grant" — a  dark  horse  candidate — the  Democratic  ticket 
— a  scurrilous  campaign — President — his  Cabinet — the  New  York  half- 
breeds — the  assassination — died  poor — what  might  have  been. 

The  Assassin  a  Social  Symptom. — Under  President  Gar- 
field, the  spoils  system  bore  bitter  fruit.  But  it  took  more 
than  the  spoils  system  to  make  an  assassin  of  Charles  Julius 
Guiteau.  He  had  been  a  lawyer  in  Chicago  and  author  of 
books  upon  moral  and  religious  questions,  books  that  displayed 
him  as  an  overschooled  mediocre  mind,  dizzy  with  vagaries. 
But  it  took  more  than  vagaries, — misunderstood  by  him  to  be 
metaphysics  and  ethics, — to  make  an  assassin  of  Guiteau  at 
thirty-nine  years  of  age.  He  must  go  to  Washington,  live  in 
its  boarding  houses,  talk  politics  with  its  broken-down  poli- 
ticians, with  its  life's  failures  turned  office-seekers,  and  occa- 
sionally becoming  clerks,  and  drench  himself  in  the  same  mis- 
erable society  whence  John  Wilkes  Booth  issued  to  slay 
Lincoln.  The  man  whom  the  courts  executed  on  June  30, 
1842,  for  shooting  James  A.  Garfield  on  July  2,  1841,  was 
weak-minded  and  perverted  and  vicious.  The  wrongs  of  the 
"Stalwarts"  of  New  York1  sizzled  in  his  mind  because  it  was 
originally  and  by  chosen  associates  an  overheated  mind.  He 
thought  that  he  was  fitted  to  be  an  American  consul  some- 
where,— preferably  at  Paris, — but  anywhere  with  honor  and 
salary,  while  in  fact  he  was  not  fit  to  be  alive  and  loose  among 
his  fellow  Americans.  In  several  ways,  he  was  a  social  symp- 
tom, a  sign  of  the  times,  a  product  and  an  example  of  warning. 
Like  Booth  and  Czolgoscz,  the  other  murderers  of  Presidents, 

*See  p.  529,  infra. 


522  LIVES .  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS' 

he  was  also  essentially  a  foreigner,  for  the  parents  of  all  three 
were  foreign-born. 

No  Real  Protection  for  Presidents. — The  most  miser- 
able feature  of  the  assassinations  of  Lincoln,  Garfield,  and 
McKinley  is  that  we  set  these  men  up  in  the  open  to  be  the 
targets  of  criminals  against  society;  and  we  have  yet  to  dis- 
cover any  way  to  protect  the  targets  from  criminals. 

Early  Life. — Garfield  was  born  on  November  19,  1 831,  in 
a  log-cabin  in  Orange,  Cuyahoga  County,  Ohio.  This  was 
the  Western  Reserve,  settled  by  enterprising  Yankees,  mostly 
from  Connecticut.  His  father  was  a  farmer,  and  James 
worked  on  the  farm,  attending  district  school  only  in  winter. 
When  he  was  sixteen  years  old,  he  left  his  home  and  mother, 
by  this  time  a  widow,  intending  to  make  a  living  as  a  sailor. 
But  the  ship  captain  to  whom  he  applied  in  Cleveland  upon 
Lake  Erie  for  a  berth  and  a  job  drove  the  awkward  country 
boy  away.  Soon,  the  lad  found  work  as  helper  on  a  canal- 
boat.  He  drove  the  mules  and  labored  as  deckhand  for  some 
months.  Out  of  his  birth  in  a  log-cabin  and  this  experience 
as  a  canalboat  boy,  material  was  to  be  gathered  to  rank  Gar- 
field in  later  history  with  Lincoln  "the  railsplitter,"  Johnson 
"the  tailor,"  and  other  Presidents  of  humble  beginnings. 

Educated  at  Williams  College. — Life  on  the  canal  soon 
gave  Garfield  malarial  fever;  and,  racked  by  ague,  he  went 
home  to  the  farm.  He  worked  as  rural  school  teacher,  as 
carpenter,  and  as  farmhand  indifferently  while  he  made  his 
way  through  a  seminary  at  Chester,  Ohio,  and  the  Western 
Reserve  Eclectic  Institute  at  Hiram.  He  had  seen  enough  of 
the  world  to  know  the  importance  of  education  and  now  set 
out  for  Williams  College  in  Massachusetts,  where  he  was 
graduated  in  1856  at  twenty- four  years  of  age.  Of  this  insti- 
tution, his  son,  Henry  A.  Garfield,  born  in  1863,  became  Presi- 
dent in  1908. 

Small  College  President. — Immediately  after  gradua- 
tion, James  Abram  Garfield  returned  to  the  Hiram  Institute 
as  teacher  of  Greek  and  Latin.  In  1857,  the  institute  became 
a  college ;  and  Garfield,  its  first  President. 

His  Personality. — Already,  he  was  interested  in  politics. 
He  was  a  big,  vigorous,  handsome  young  man  of  engaging 
manners,  sympathetic,  and  affable;  and  the  world  cheerfully 
opened  before  him.     In  1857  and  in  1858,  he  made  many 


JAMES  ABRAM  GARFIELD  523 

political  speeches  as  an  ardent  anti-slavery  man,  stirred  by  the 
effects  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act.1  In  1859,  his  District 
sent  him  to  the  State  Senate,  though  he  continued  to  serve  as 
President  of  little  Hiram  College.  In  the  State  Legislature,  he 
took  advanced,  and  at  times  rather  lonely,  ground,  and  was 
usually  beaten  as  too  radical.  In  1861  he  was  admitted  to 
the  bar,  for  he  had  found  time  to  study  law  despite  his  other 
occupations. 

Major-General. — Early  in  1861,  Garfield  became  Colonel 
of  the  42d  Ohio  Volunteers,  with  many  Hiram  College  stu- 
dents in  the  ranks.  He  did  brilliant  service  in  Kentucky,  be- 
coming brigadier-general,  and  early  in  1862  defeating  the  Con- 
federates in  Eastern  Kentucky  at  Prestonburg.  At  Shiloh, 
his  corps  was  part  of  that  reserve  under  General  Buell  which 
won  the  second  day's  fight.  In  1863,  he  was  chief  of  staff 
under  Rosecrans  in  the  Army  of  Cumberland.  His  bravery 
at  Chickamauga  led  to  his  promotion  to  be  major-general  of 
volunteers. 

Representative  in  Congress. — Marriage  and  Family. — 
But  though  a  good  soldier,  Garfield  was  destined  to  another 
field  of  combat,  the  floor  of  Congress.  In  1862,  his  district 
elected  him  a  Representative,  and  resigning  from  the  army,  he 
took  his  seat  in  December,  1863,  being  then  thirty-two  years 
of  age.  In  1858  he  had  married  Lucretia  Rudolph,  a  lady 
of  twenty-six  years;  and  a  growing  family,  together  with 
natural  instincts  to  study  and  to  debate,  led  him  from  the 
camp  to  the  forum.  Once  in  Congress,  he  was  soon  notable 
as  a  radical  of  the  radicals.  He  advocated  the  confiscation 
of  the  private  property  of  the  Confederates, — using  the  usual 
terms  of  "rebel' '  and  "traitor," — to  repay  in  part  the  ruin 
that,  according  to  him,  they  had  "made"  but  in  truth  suffered 
themselves,  and  threatened  their  Northern  brothers.  Garfield 
voted  for  the  Wade-Davis  resolution  denouncing  Lincoln  as 
supine.  When  history  is  really  written  with  fullness  of 
truth,  a  few  centuries  hence,  what  revelations  our  descendants 
will  have  of  the  reciprocal  views  of  the  great  in  1861-1865! 
Lincoln  looked  upon  Garfield  as  a  brash,  virulent  youngster; 
but  stiffened  his  back  notwithstanding. 

A  Diligent  Student  of  Public  Affairs. — General  Gar- 
field soon  rose  to  be  chairman  of  some  important  committees, — » 
military  affairs,  banking  and  currency,  and  appropriations.  He 

*See  p.  410,  supra. 


524  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

was  not  only  ready  and  brilliant;  he  was  also  a  prodigiously 
hard  worker.  No  man  in  Congress  ever  prepared  his  speeches 
and  reports  more  thoroughly.  He  studied  in  the  Library  of 
Congress  mornings  and  nights,  and  at  noon  and  in  the  after- 
noon was  master  on  the  floor  because  he  had  the  facts  and  the 
history.  Of  all  the  business  relating  to  the  three  constitutional 
amendments,  the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  with  its  enormous 
powers,  reconstruction,  the  national  debt,  the  currency,  taxa- 
tion of  bonds,  national  aid  to  education,  the  revenues,  General 
Garfield  was  the  foremost  exponent  in  the  House,  where  he 
served  until  1880,  when  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate. 

A  Fight  for  Re-election. — Not  every  one  of  Garfield's 
reelections  came  easily.  In  1874,  he  was  accused  of  corruption 
in  the  Credit  Mobilier  affair,1  but  he  made  a  village-to-village 
and  house-to-house  canvass,  and  won  in  a  year  of  general  dis- 
aster to  the  Republican  party.  He  was  a  man  now  of  great 
fascination  upon  the  platform,  and  his  manners  were  socially 
graceful  and  pleasing.  These  qualities  rather  than  proof  of 
innocence  saved  him. 

In  1877  he  served  on  the  Electoral  Commission  and  voted 
every  time  for  his  party.  In  the  same  year,  when  Blaine  left 
the  House  and  the  floor  leadership  to  become  Senator  from 
Maine,  Garfield  took  his  place. 

Again  a  Dark  Horse  Wins. — In  1880,  at  the  Republican 
Convention,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Illinois  united  to 
nominate  General  Grant  for  a  third  term.  These  men  were 
known  as  "Stalwarts."  They  were  Roscoe  Conkling  men,  de- 
fenders of  the  spoils  system.  A  second  faction  of  the  party 
stood  for  James  G.  Blaine.  A  third  faction  were  for  John 
Sherman  of  Ohio,  who  had  agreed  with  Tilden  not  to  run 
again  for  the  Presidency  lest  civil  disorder  set  in  because  of 
the  old  rancor.  The  forces  for  Secretary  Sherman  were  headed 
and  managed  by  Garfield,  then  Senator-elect. 

The  first  ballot  stood 

Grant  304,  Blaine  284,  Sherman  93,  Edmunds  34,  Wash- 
burne  30,  Windom  10. 

On  thirty-two  succeeding  ballots,  Garfield  had  one  or  two 
votes,  save  in  five  ballots,  when  he  had  none. 

The  thirty- fourth  ballot  gave  Garfield  17  votes,  the  thirty- 
fifth  gave  him  50,  taken  mostly  from  Blaine  and  Edmunds. 

The  thirty-six  ballots  stood — 

'See  p.  535,  infra. 


JAMES  ABRAM  GARFIELD  525 

Grant  307,  Blaine  42,  Sherman  3,  Washburne  23,  Garfield 
399.     Necessary  for  a  choice  387. 

For  Vice-President,  the  party  then  went  to  the  other  wing 
and  chose  a  Stalwart,  the  officeholder,  whom  Hayes  upon  the 
recommendation  of  John  Sherman  had  removed  from  the 
collectorship  of  the  port,  Chester  Alan  Arthur. 

In  the  convention  and  afterward,  it  was  charged  that  Gar- 
field had  sold  John  Sherman  out  and  traded  with  Blaine.  But 
whether  or  not  the  charge  was  true,  the  cry  "Anything  to  beat 
Grant"  had  resulted  in  the  coming  in  of  a  dark  horse. 

The  Democratic  Ticket. — Against  Garfield  and  Arthur, 
the  Democrats  named  Hancock  and  English.  General  Win- 
field  Scott  Hancock  was  a  gallant  soldier,  who  had  seen  service 
in  the  Mexican  War,  and  had  been  corps  or  division  com- 
mander at  Antietam,  Fredericksburg,  Gettysburg,  and  Spottsyl- 
vania  Court  House.  His  was  indeed  the  division  at  Gettys- 
burg against  which  Pickett's  charge,  the  high  tide  of  the  "Rebel- 
lion," broke  in  vain.  Physically,  he  was  a  Saul  for  size  and 
very  handsome. 

William  H.  English  had  served  in  Congress  during  the  ad- 
ministrations of  Pierce  and  Buchanan.  He  was  a  banker  of 
high  standing.  Hancock  proved  a  picturesque  figure.  He  knew 
but  little  more  of  politics  than  Zachary  Taylor,  and  said 
bluntly  that  "the  tariff  is  a  local  question."  It  certainly  is, 
as  the  paid  lobbyist  and  logrollers  well  understand. 

A  Scandalous  Campaign. — The  campaign  was  scurrilous. 
Garfield  was  said  to  have  received  a  dividend  of  Credit 
Mobilier  Company  stock  amounting  to  $329,  and  the  cities 
of  the  country  were  placarded  with  "329."  A  forged  letter 
quoted  him  as  opposed  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Chinese.  Of 
course,  he  lost  the  South,  for  he  had  been  a  strong  supporter 
of  the  "Force"  acts. 

President. — In  November  the  popular  vote  stood : 

For  Garfield  4,454,416;  for  Hancock  4,444,952. 

Garfield  had  but  9500  plurality.  The  Greenbackers  had 
cast  over  300,000  votes  so  that  like  many  other  Presidents, 
Garfield  was  the  choice  of  only  the  largest  minority  as  against 
the  field.  But  in  the  Electoral  College,  he  received  214  electoral 
votes  to  155  for  Hancock,  who  carried  the  South  and  New 
Jersey,  Nevada,  and  California.  But  for  the  forged  letter, 
Garfield  would  have  won  the  two  Pacific  section  States. 


526  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

His  Cabinet. — For  Secretary  of  State  and  the  premier  of 
his  Cabinet,  Garfield  chose  James  G.  Blaine.  It  was  a  move 
due  to  a  political  necessity,  comparable  with  the  moves  of  J.  Q. 
Adams  in  choosing  Henry  Clay  and  of  Abraham  Lincoln  in 
choosing  William  H.  Seward  and  Simon  Cameron.  In  so 
doing,  he  espoused  the  cause  of  the  "Half-breeds"  against 
the  "Stalwarts."  Senatorial  courtesy  calls  upon  the  President 
to  consult  the  Senators  about  all  appointments  to  high  offices 
in  their  States.  But,  ignoring  Roscoe  Conkling  and  Thomas 
G.  Piatt,  Garfield  made  William  H.  Robertson  Collector  of  the 
Port  of  New  York.  The  two  Senators  thereupon  resigned. 
When  they  appealed  to  their  Legislatures  for  reelection,  each 
was  defeated,  but  whether  this  would  have  happened  but  for 
the  murder  of  Garfield,  it  is  idle  to  inquire. 

Assassination. — In  the  angry  soul  of  a  man  in  Washing- 
ton, there  came  the  notion  of  justice  to  the  Stalwarts.  Let 
Garfield  die,  and  Arthur,  a  stalwart,  will  be  President.  The 
evil  of  the  balancing  of  factions  bore  this  strange  result.  On 
July  2,  1 88 1,  Guiteau  shot  Garfield  at  the  Washington  rail- 
way station  as  he  was  about  to  go  away  to  join  his  wife  and 
family  in  a  brief  vacation.  The  wound  was  abdominal,  and 
because  of  his  fine  health  and  great  physical  strength,  the  sur- 
geons hoped  to  save  him.  The  patient  was  taken  to  a  college 
at  Elberon,  N.  J.,  by  the  sea;  but  despite  all  that  the  science 
and  art  of  medicine  knew  how  to  do  then,  he  died,  after  the 
bravest  kind  of  struggle,  on  September  19,  being  two  months 
less  than  fifty  years  old. 

Bright  Hopes  Ended. — Garfield  was  at  one  time — the  fall 
of  1880 — Congressman,  Senator-elect,  and  President-elect.  In 
sheer  ability,  in  grasp  of  problems  of  national  import  and 
destiny,  in  high  patriotism,  in  oratory,  and  in  scholarship,  he 
should  rank  among  the  better  Presidents,  but  like  William 
Henry  Harrison,  he  died  too  early  to  make  an  impression  in 
the  record  of  the  Presidency.  What  his  success  would  have 
been  is  all  in  the  realm  of  conjecture. 

The  assassination  of  Garfield  was  a  blow  to  James  G. 
Blaine,  to  whom  the  Secretaryship  of  State  in  1881  meant 
opportunity.  With  Garfield  as  President  and  Blaine  virtually 
as  minister  of  foreign  affairs  and  political  leader  for  the 
administration,  the  country  seemed  about  to  enter  upon  its 


CHESTER  ALAN  ARTHUR  527 

most  brilliant  and  progressive  epoch  in  time  of  peace.  The 
bullet  of  an  assassin  changed  all  that. 

The  young  President  left  no  property,  not  even  a  cash 
balance.  This  fact  in  itself  has  tended  to  clear  his  reputation 
of  the  campaign  charges  of  serious  financial  dishonor.  His 
widow,  the  mother  of  four  sons  and  one  daughter,  lived 
until  1909. 

The  Cabinet  of  Garfield. — 

State, — James  G.  Blaine  of  Maine. 

Treasury, — William  Windom  of  Minnesota. 

War, — Robert  T.  Lincoln  of  Illinois,  who  had  left  Harvard 
to  become  Captain  U.  S.  A.  at  twenty  years  of  age. 

Attorney-General, — Wayne  McVeagh  of  Pennsylvania. 

Postmaster-General, — Thomas  L.  James  of  New  York. 

Navy, — William  H.  Hunt  of  Louisiana. 

Interior, — Samuel  J.  Kirkwood  of  Iowa, 


CHAPTER  XXII 

Chester  Alan  Arthur 

1881-1885 
1830-1886 

39  States  Population  57,000,000 

A  politically  unintended  succession — early  life — educated  at  Union  Col- 
lege— a  school  principal — lawyer — helps  negro  equality — personal  ap- 
pearance— prominent  in  State  militia — Collector  Port  of  New  York — 
removed — the  balanced  ticket — opposes  spoils  system  when  President — 
Pendleton — Chinese  Exclusion  Act — vetoed  river  and  harbor  improve- 
ment bill — tariff  revision — polygamy  in  Utah — restrictions  upon  immi- 
gration— early  a  widower — great  entertainer — not  renominated — poor — 
soon  died  of  disease  and  a  broken  heart. 

Another  Unintended  Succession. — The  twenty-first 
President  was  the  fourth  Vice-President  to  become  head  of 
the  nation  due  to  the  death  of  his  chief.  These  successions 
were  coming  now  with  excessive  frequency, — in  1841,  in 
1850,  in  1865,  and  in  1 88 1.    In  two  instances,  the  deaths  were 


528  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

due  to  the  climate  of  Washington,1 — as  beyond  doubt  was  that 
also  of  Polk  in  1849,  just  following  his  term  of  office.  But  in 
two  other  instances,  the  deaths  were  due  to  assassinations, — 
to  deliberately  planned,  carefully  executed  murders.  The 
assassination  of  Garfield  in  July  and  his  death  in  November 
had  put  the  Vice-President,  a  political  opponent  within  the 
same  party,  in  a  most  trying  position.  Efforts  were  made  by 
the  extremists  to  connect  the  "Stalwarts"  with  Guiteau's  mad 
deed. 

But  the  course  of  Arthur  as  soon  as  he  became  President 
showed  that  he  had  in  him  the  qualities  of  a  fairly  com- 
petent politician,  and  his  record  was  far  better  than  impartial 
observers  anticipated.  This  had  happened  before  as  in  the 
case  of  Hayes.  It  has  amply  justified  the  American  notion  of 
suspending  judgment  and  giving  the  new  man  in  office  his 
"head"  and  his  chance, — to  which  notion  the  recall  now  com- 
ing into  fashion  is  directly  contrary. 

Early  Life;  Educated  at  Union  College. — Chester 
Alan  Arthur  was  born  at  Fairfield,  Franklin  County,  Vermont, 
on  October  5,  1830.  His  father  was  a  Baptist  preacher,  of 
Scotch-Irish  ancestry,  having  indeed  himself  migrated  from 
County  Antrim,  Ireland,  when  eighteen  years  of  age.  His 
mother,  Malvina  Stone,  was  an  American  girl,  but  resident 
in  Canada  at  the  time  of  her  marriage.  His  parents  gave  this 
son  a  thorough  education.  He  was  graduated  at  Union  Col- 
lege in  1848,  taking  high  rank.  He  then  taught  school,  becom- 
ing principal  of  the  Pownall  village  academy  in  Vermont  and 
using  school-teaching  as  a  stepping  stone.  He  also  studied 
law.  He  removed  to  New  York  City  and  was  admitted  to 
the  bar  there  in  1854. 

Helps  Negroes. — Hitherto,  Arthur  had  been  a  Whig,  but 
in  1854  he  went  as  a  delegate  to  the  Republican  State  Conven- 
tion at  Saratoga.  Despite  his  youth,  he  soon  made  a  reputa- 
tion as  a  lawyer,  arguing  as  special  counsel  for  the  State  in 
the  "Lemmon  slave  case"  that  slaves  brought  into  New  York 
State,  though  in  transit  between  two  slave  States,  became  ipso 
facto  free.  This  was  Lord  Mansfield's  doctrine.2  The  highest 
State  courts  sustained  the  doctrine ;  but,  of  course,  it  was  nulli- 
fied by  the  Dred  Scott  decision.     In  1855,  Arthur  obtained  a 

^ee  pp.  371,  389,  398,  supra.  2See  p.  418,    supra. 


CHESTER  ALAN  ARTHUR  529 

decision  that  negroes  should  have  in  New  York  State  the  same 
street  railroad  accommodations  as  white  persons. 

Personal  Appearance. — Tall,  large,  with  handsome  head 
and  brilliant  eyes,  Chester  A.  Arthur  was  quick  to  adapt  him- 
self to  the  manners  of  the  best  society  as  judged  by  exponents 
of  wealth  and  fashion.  He  became  fastidious  in  dress  and 
unusually  suave  in  manner. 

Collector  of  Port  of  New  York. — Before  the  War,  he 
was  judge-advocate  of  the  Second  Brigade  of  New  York  State 
militia,  and  thereafter  became  successively  engineer-in-chief 
of  the  State  militia,  inspector-general,  and  quartermaster-gen- 
eral, which  last  office  he  held  until  1863,  when  he  resigned. 
In  1 87 1,  he  became  Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York  by 
appointment  of  President  Grant.  In  1877,  ne  was  chairman 
of  the  Republican  Central  Committee  of  the  City  of  New 
York.  When  President  Hayes  issued  his  order  against  the 
political  activities  of  office-holders,  Collector  Arthur  ignored 
the  order.1  The  "Stalwarts"  objected  vigorously  to  the  re- 
moval of  Arthur  by  Hayes,  asserting  truly  that  all  other 
officeholders  were  doing  political  work  and  that  Arthur,  Cor- 
nell, and  Sharpe  were  being  treated  as  scapegoats  for  merely 
continuing  to  do  what  half  a  century  of  custom  had  in  a  sense 
ratified,  even  sanctified.  But  the  only  way  to  reform  is  to 
begin  to  reform;  Hayes  began  with  big  men,  which  was  just 
though  unusual. 

Vice-Presidential  Candidate. — In  1880  Arthur  was 
delegate-at-large  from  New  York  State  to  the  Republican 
National  Convention.  As  the  conspicuous  victim  of  "Half- 
breed"  politics,  the  "Stalwart"  leader  was  placed  on  the 
ticket  with  Garfield.  The  nomination  was  not  well  received. 
Arthur  was  looked  upon  as  a  typical  New  York  State  poli- 
tician. But  as  the  Democratic  Vice-Presidential  candidate 
was  also  coldly  received  by  the  public,  the  struggle  turned 
mainly  upon  the  personalities  of  Garfield  and  Hancock.  The 
party  leaders  managed  to  put  the  currency  and  tariff  issues  in 
the  background.  Garfield,  Arthur,  and  English  were  all 
sound-money  men ;  and  Hancock,  hoping  to  hold  the  Pennsyl- 
vania protectionists, — himself  being  a -Pennsylvanian, — pro- 
tested that  protection  was  not  big  enough  for  a  national  issue.2 

1See  p.  519,  supra. 

aSee  p.  525,  supra.  Hancock  asserted  that  "log-rolling"  is  its  only  legis- 
lative method. 


530  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

In  the  patronage  fight  over  the  appointment  of  Robertson1 
as  Collector,  the  partisan  course  pursued  by  Vice-President 
Arthur  greatly  offended  the  country.  And  when  it  became 
probable  that  Garfield  would  die,  patriots  were  alarmed. 

Civil  Service  Reform. — Early  in  his  administration,  Presi- 
dent Arthur  gave  the  strongest  support  to  the  Pendleton  bill 
to  establish  the  merit  system  in  the  place  of  the  spoils  system. 
The  assassination  of  Garfield  convinced  the  country  that  this 
source  of  anger  and  bitterness  must  be  done  away.  George 
H.  Pendleton  had  several  items  to  his  discredit, — among  them 
running  as  Vice-President  on  the  ticket  with  George  B.  Mc- 
Clellan  in  1864;  and  another, — advocating  the  Greenbacker 
delusions  after  the  war;  but  his  Civil  Service  Reform  bill  went 
far  to  straighten  him  up.  He  was  now  Senator  from  Ohio. 
In  1885  President  Cleveland  made  him  Minister  to  Germany, 
in  recognition  of  the  Pendleton  Act  in  Arthur's  administra- 
tion. By  this  law,  the  Civil  Service  Commission  was  given 
duties,  powers,  and  money. 

Not  Afraid  to  Veto  Bills. — In  1882  President  Arthur 
vetoed  a  Chinese  Exclusion  bill,  to  run  twenty  years,  assert- 
ing that  the  time  was  too  long  and  seeking  to  avoid  inter- 
national disputes  with  China.  He  vetoed  also  an  $18,000,000 
River  and  Harbor  Improvement  bill,  partly  because  these 
"pork  bills"  are  always  somewhat  corrupt'  Steals  from  the 
public  treasury,  partly  from  disbelief  in  the  principle.  There 
was  a  big  surplus  in  the  Treasury,  and  the  curse  of  it  was 
that  a  surplus  is  a  bribe  to  extravagance.  Later,  he  signed  a 
bill  excluding  the  Chinese  for  ten  years. 

In  1883,  a  new  Tariff  Act  was  passed,  the  first  thorough 
revision  of  customs  duties  since  the  Interstate  War,  but  it 
pleased  neither  low  nor  high  tariff  partisans. 

The  Mormons. — The  administration  of  Arthur  saw  the 
passage  of  the  Edmunds  Anti-polygamy  Act.  In  1878  the 
Supreme  Court  had  decided  that  Congress  could  prohibit 
polygamy  in  the  Territories.  The  new  Act  established  fines 
and  imprisonment  for  polygamists  and  deprived  them  of  the 
suffrage  and  of  the  right  to  hold  office.  A  thousand  Mormons 
were  soon  sent  to  the  penitentiary.  But  in  later  years  convic- 
tions have  become  increasingly  difficult  to  secure. 

Immigration. — In  1882  and  in  1885,  Congress  passed  laws 
forbidding  lunatics,  idiots,    paupers,    convicts,    and    contract 

1See  p.  526,  supra. 


CHESTER  ALAN  ARTHUR  53 1 

laborers  from  landing  upon  our  shores.  The  President's  un- 
usually long  experience  of  eight  years  as  Collector  of  the  Port 
of  New  York  had  taught  him  that  the  United  States  was  be- 
coming the  dumping-ground  of  Europe.  Arthur  argued  that 
"the  refuge  of  the  oppressed"  need  not  be  the  sewage-basin 
of  the  unfit. 

A  Gay  Social  Life  at  the  White  House. — In  1858 
Arthur  had  married  a  lady  of  twenty-one  years,  Ellen  Lewis 
Herndon.  They  had  a  son  and  a  daughter;  but  the  mother 
had  died  in  1880.  Arthur  remained  a  widower.  But  with  his 
sister,  who  was  a  widow,  and  his  daughter  (the  son  was  at 
Princeton),  he  lived  a  gay  life  as  President,  entertaining  and 
being  entertained  beyond  any  other  tenant  of  the  White 
House.  His  midnight  suppers  and  revels  were  as  famous  as 
his  beautiful  four-in-hand  and  the  other  horses  that  he  loved 
— to  ride  behind,  for  he  never  drove  himself  or  rode  in  the 
saddle. 

His  Cabinet. — 

State, — Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen  of  New  Jersey. 

Treasury, — Charles  J.  Folger  of  New  York,  three  years; 
Walter  Q.  Gresham  of  Indiana,  one  month,  various  ad  interim. 

War, — Robert  T.  Lincoln  of  Illinois. 

Attorney-General, — Benjamin  H.  Brewster  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Postmaster-General, — Timothy  O.  Howe  of  Wisconsin, 
one  and  a  half  years;  Walter  Q.  Gresham,  over  one  year; 
Frank  Hatton  of  Iowa,  a  half  year. 

Navy, — William  E.  Chandler  of  New  Hampshire. 

Interior, — Henry  M.  Teller  of  Iowa,  seven  months ;  Samuel 
J.  Kirkwood  of  Colorado,  three  years. 

In  1884,  believing  that  he  had  rendered  good  service, 
Arthur  sought  the  nomination  for  President.  But  though  at 
the  start  he  made  an  excellent  showing,  quite  beyond  Tyler 
or  Fillmore  or  Johnson,  at  the  Republican  Convention  the 
vote  on  the  first  ballot  stood: 

Blaine  334/4,  Arthur  278,  miscellaneous  160^,  and  no 
choice. 

On  the  fourth  ballot  Blaine  won. 

Early  Death. — Though  Arthur  had  spent  his  summers  in 
a  government  residence  at  the  Soldiers'  Home  in  Washington, 
the  climate  had  proven  serious  for  a  man  of  his  physique.  Once 


532  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

back  in  New  York,  a  poor  man,  accustomed  to  free  and  high 
living,  he  soon  became  ill.  His  friends  said  that  his  heart  was 
broken.  At  fifty-six  years  of  age,  upon  November  18,  1886, 
the  former  President  died  of  a  complication  of  diseases. 

It  seems  probable  that  in  New  York  State  at  least  he  would 
have  been  a  stronger  candidate  against  Cleveland  than  Blaine 
was;  but  in  politics  there  are  no  ethics  and  in  history  no 
alternatives. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

(Stephen)  Grover  Cleveland 

1885-1889 


1893-1897 

1837-1908 

39  States 

Population  59,000,000 

44-45  States 

69,000,000 

Admitted:    Utah) 

A  strong  President — personal  appearance — comparisons  with  other  Presi- 
dents— a  gift  of  writing  so  as  to  be  read — no  office-seeker — early  life — 
afloat  as  a  boy — bad  habits — Sheriff — private  law  practice — Mayor  of 
Buffalo — Governor  of  New  York  by  great  vote — no  spoilsman — won 
Presidency  by  very  narrow  margin — Blaine — villainous  charges,  some 
of  them  true — "Tell  the  truth" — "Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion" — a 
civil  service  reformer — vetoed  more  bills  than  all  other  Presidents 
together — pensions — Inter-State  Commerce  Commission — the  Presi- 
dential succession — Chinese  Exclusion — marriage  silenced  certain 
scandals — defeated  for  President,  though  making  great  gain  in  the 
popular  vote — practiced  law  in  New  York  City — forest  conservation — 
reelected — a  political  revolution,  still  more  votes — the  panic  of  1893 — 
the  coinage  of  silver — bond  sales — Force  Act  formally  repealed — 
hard  times — strikes — refused  to  annex  Hawaii — tariff-revision — income 
tax  unconstitutional — the  Venezuela  boundary  message — retired  to 
Princeton — insurance  company  trustee — wrote  several  books — an  out- 
doors man. 

A  Strong  President. — Indisputably,  one  of  the  half-dozen 
great  Presidents,  Cleveland  displayed  the  powers  of  his  office 
in  time  of  peace. 

Personal  Appearance  and  Some  Characteristics. — 
Physically,  he  was  the  largest  man  to  attain  the  Presidency 


GROVER  CLEVELAND  533 

up  to  his  time, — a  larger  man  than  George  Washington, — and 
weighing  over  two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds.  Like  Arthur,  he 
was  the  son  of  a  clergyman.  Like  Tyler  and  Johnson,  he  had 
Congress  always  against  him,  and  also  the  party  responsible 
for  his  election  to  office.  Like  Jefferson  and  Lincoln,  he  had 
the  gift  of  writing.  His  sayings, — "A  public  office  is  a  public 
trust,"  "Tell  the  truth,"  "The  people  support  the  government; 
but  the  government  does  not  support  the  people,"  "A  condition, 
not  a  theory,  confronts  us," — his  expressions,  "innocuous  de- 
suetude," "since  mankind  first  went  to  war,"  "the  pension  list 
a  roll  of  honor,"  caught  the  public  ear.  His  President's  Mes- 
sages to  Congress  were  read  by  the  public  with  an  interest 
and  conviction  known  before  only  in  the  cases  of  Jefferson,  of 
Jackson,  and  of  Lincoln.  He  was  no  stylist.  His  English  had 
none  of  the  fluency  of  Jefferson's,  little  of  the  piquant  charm 
of  Lincoln's;  but  like  Jackson  he  wrote  with  the  force  of  a 
fighter.  It  was  not  the  English  of  a  swordsman  but  of  an 
artillerist,  all  his  heavy  batteries  booming.  Back  of  his  words 
were  deeds;  and  out  of  them  rose  prospects  of  deeds. 

Not  an  Office  Seeker. — Cleveland  never  sought  an  office, 
— never  sought  either  nomination  or  election.  He  was  the 
least  eager  of  men.  He  inspired  confidence  and  justified  it; 
often,  he  aroused  rage  and  justified  that  also.  Though  he 
came  from  New  York  State,  he  never  was  a  New  York  politi- 
cian or  any  other  kind  of  politician.  Whether  right  or  wrong, 
he  was  a  statesman  and  a  great  executive.  He  thought  and 
acted  in  the  large  and  not  in  the  little,  in  sincerity  and  not  in 
policy,  for  principles,  not  for  persons. 

Early  Life. — Stephen  Grover  Cleveland  was  born  in  the 
village  of  Caldwell,  Essex  County,  northeastern  New  Jersey, 
on  March  18.  1837.  His  father  came  of  old  colonial  stock  of 
descent  from  Moses  Cleveland,  who  had  emigrated  from  Eng- 
land to  Massachusetts  in  1835. *  In  his  capacity  of  Presby- 
terian clergyman,  the  Reverend  Richard  F.  Cleveland  soon 
moved  into  New  York  State  where  he  died,  when  Grover,  the 
fifth  of  nine  children,  was  seventeen  years  old.  The  youth 
drifted  about  from  one  occupation  and  community  to  another 
until,  in  1855,  he  arrived  in  a  lawyer's  office  in  Buffalo  as  a 
clerk  on  four  dollars  a  week.  In  1859  he  was  admitted  to  the 
bar.  In  1863  ne  became  by  appointment  assistant  district  at- 
torney of  Erie  County,  which  includes  Buffalo.     He  took  but 

1Sec  pp.  88,  109,  no,  supra. 


534  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

little  interest  in  the  war,  and  when  drafted,  hired  a  substitute. 
At  this  time,  neither  his  health  nor  his  habits  were  good.  In 
1865  he  ran  for  the  office  of  district  attorney  but  was  de- 
feated. His  life  at  this  period  was  coarse  and  bold.  He  drank 
hard  and  associated  with  persons  not  respectable. 

Sheriff  of  Erie  County,  New  York. — In  1869  the  Demo- 
cratic party  of  his  county  named  him  for  the  profitable  office 
of  sheriff.  He  was  popular  partly  because  of  his  rough  man- 
ners, and  though  the  county  was  normally  Republican,  was 
elected  by  a  large  majority.  He  retired  in  1873  with  a  record 
for  unusual  efficiency  and  for  scrupulous  honesty  in  office. 
For  the  next  eight  years  he  devoted  himself  to  the  law,  acquir- 
ing a  good  practice.  His  personal  habits  improved,  and  he 
grew  in  favor  with  the  so-called  better  classes. 

In  1 88 1  the  Democrats  of  Buffalo  nominated  him  for 
mayor.  Corruption  and  maladministration  characterized  the 
city  government.  As  a  reform  candidate,  the  ex-sheriff  won 
by  a  handsome  vote.  His  administration  was  signally  success- 
ful. The  new  mayor  cleaned  house  under  the  law  and  pro- 
jected new  laws. 

Governor  of  New  York. — In  the  next  year  the  Demo- 
cratic party  of  the  State  nominated  Mayor  Cleveland  of  Buf- 
falo for  governor.  Against  a  weak  candidate,  at  a  period  of 
dissension  between  the  Stalwarts  and  the  Half  breeds,  Cleve- 
land won  a  tremendous  victory.  The  Stalwart  candidate  was 
C.  J.  Folger,  at  the  time  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under 
Arthur.  "Federal  interferences  with  State  elections,,  was  the 
battle-cry.     Cleveland's  plurality  was  193,000. 

As  governor,  Cleveland  chose  business  men  for  the  ap- 
pointive offices,  not  politicians  nor  political  heelers.  He  urged 
successfully  a  civil  service  reform  law.  He  vetoed  freely 
measures  that  he  did  not  like.  He  had  been  a  good  sheriff, 
and  a  better  mayor.  He  was  one  of  the  best  governors  in  the 
history  of  New  York  State. 

Nominated  for  President. — In  1884  the  Democratic  party 
was  hungry  for  power  at  Washington.  At  the  National  Con- 
vention, Governor  Cleveland  had  over  twice  as  many  votes 
on  the  first  ballot  as  his  next  competitor,  but  under  the  two- 
thirds  rule  not  quite  enough  to  win.  On  the  second  ballot  he 
had  nearly  all  the  votes,  and  the  nomination  was  made  unani- 
mous.   As  his  running  mate,  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  of  Indiana 


GROVER  CLEVELAND  535 

was  chosen.  He  had  been  the  candidate  with  Tilden  at  the 
time  of  the  "fraud  of  1876";  and  his  nomination,  it  was 
thought,  would  hold  all  the  party  men  while  Cleveland's  name 
would  attract  the  reformers  and  "Mugwumps,"  as  the  inde- 
pendent Republicans  were  styled. 

James  G.  Blaine,  the  Plumed  Knight  of  Maine. — The 
Republicans  named  James  G.  Blaine  and  John  A.  Logan.  The 
latter  was  one  of  the  ablest  men  developed  by  the  Interstate 
War. 

Blaine  was  a  journalist  who  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in 
Congress  during  the  Interstate  War,  and  was  now  regarded  as 
the  first  of  the  Republican  leaders.  At  this  time,  he  was 
Senator-elect  from  Maine. 

Our  Most  Scurrilous  Campaign. — There  ensued  the 
most  bitter  and  villainous  of  the  Presidential  campaigns  in 
the  history  of  this  country.  It  was  proven  that  Cleveland  was 
the  father  of  a  natural  son  by  one  Maria  Halpin ;  the  boy  was 
then  a  dozen  years  old.  Cleveland  calmly  said  to  his  managers, 
"Tell  the  truth!"  j 

This  frankness  won  for  him  the  support  of  the  brilliant 
preacher,  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  and  saved  him  many  votes. 
It  was  generally  known  that  the  same  case  could  be  proven 
against  Blaine  also,  but  Cleveland  resolutely  set  his  face  against 
such  a  counter-attack.  The  fact  that  he  had  sent  another  man 
than  himself  to  be  shot  at  by  the  Confederates,  at  a  cost  of 
three  hundred  dollars  in  bounty  paid,  was  used  with  damaging 
effect  against  Cleveland.  But  the  charges  against  Blaine  as 
a  member  of  Congress  were  numerous,  and  though  at  the  time 
not  fully  proven,  helped  to  his  defeat.  The  charges  mainly 
concerned  the  transcontinental  railroad  propositions.  Similar 
charges  were  made  against  Logan  also. 

The  Main  Issue. — But  the  election  turned,  on  the  whole, 
upon  the  large  issue  that  Cleveland  represented  the  new  ideas 
of  honest,  economical  and  efficient  government,  while  Blaine 
represented  the  old  Civil  War  ideas.  Cleveland  was  "a  new 
man" ;  Blaine  had  a  long  record. 

The  Spoke  in  the  Wheel  of  Fortune. — Cleveland  stayed 
at  home  and  let  the  workers  carry  on  the  struggle.  But  Blaine 
made  a  marvellous  campaign,  speaking  upon  hundreds  of  occa- 
sions in  many  States.  He  was  tired  and  proposed  to  rest  in 
New  York.     There  at  a  banquet  on  October  29,  a  few  days 


536  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

before  the  election,  Reverend  Doctor  Burchard,  aged  and  ven- 
erable, arose  and  in  a  dull  toast  said  that  the  Democratic  party 
represented  "rum,  Romanism,  and  rebellion."  Blaine,  who 
was  weary  and  inattentive,  failed  to  catch  the  phrase  and  to 
repudiate  it;  in  other  words,  apparently  he  acquiesced  in  it. 
Next  day  the  country  rang  with  the  phrase.  Some  papers 
even  said  that  Blaine  himself  had  uttered  it.  His  own  wife 
was  a  Roman  Catholic,  but  this  did  not  save  him.  It  was  a  cam- 
paign "roorback,"  too  late  to  be  answered.  Cleveland  carried 
New  York  State  by  scarcely  iooo  votes.  That  the  Burchard 
remark  changed  600  votes  from  Blaine  to  Cleveland,  no  politi- 
cal observer  doubts.  Those  less  than  600  votes  cost  him  the 
Presidency,  for  with  New  York  Cleveland  had  in  the  Electoral 
College  219  votes  to  182.  Had  New  York  gone  to  Blaine,  he 
would  have  had  216  to  185. 

It  was,  of  course,  true  that  the  Democratic  party  had  in  it 
far  more  Secessionists  and  Copperheads  than  the  Republican ; 
but  that  it  distinctly  represented  rum  or  Romanism  or  rebellion 
as  against  the  Republicans  for  temperance  or  Protestantism 
or  unionism  was  false.  This  remark  put  into  the  Presidency  a 
bedrock  serious  man  instead  of  a  statesman  of  high  imagina- 
tion, a  political  genius.  It  was  a  crisis  in  our  history.  Blaine 
would  have  gone  in  for  internationalism ;  Cleveland  went  in  for 
domestic  improvement. 

The  Cabinet  of  Cleveland. — For  his  Cabinet,  the  first 
Democrat  since  Buchanan,  chose  able  men.  Its  membership 
was  as  follows,  viz. : 

State, — Thomas  F.  Bayard  of  Delaware. 

Treasury, — Daniel  Manning  of  New  York,  two  years; 
Charles  S.  Fairchild  of  New  York,  two  years. 

War, — William  C.  Endicott  of  Massachusetts. 

Attorney-General, — Augustus  H.  Garland  of  Arkansas. 

Postmaster-General, — William  F.  Vilas  of  Wisconsin,  nearly 
three  years ;  Don  M.  Dickinson  of  Michigan,  over  one  year. 

Navy, — William  C.  Whitney  of  New  York. 

Interior, — L.  Q.  C.  Lamar  of  Mississippi,  nearly  three 
years ;  William  F.  Vilas,  over  one  year. 

Agriculture  (a  new  Department), — Norman  J.  Coleman  of 
Missouri,  three  weeks. 

Great  Strength  and  Force. — The  new  President  had  the 
Pendleton  Civil  Service  Act  to  carry  out.1  To  its  express  pro- 

?See  pp.  533,  534,  supra. 


GROVER  CLEVELAND  537 

visions  for  the  clerks  of  lowest  grade,  he  added  12,000  offices, 
nearly  fifty  per  cent,  more  than  the  original  quota.  He  vetoed 
413  bills,  of  which  about  300  were  private  pensions  for  indi- 
viduals. This  was  more  than  all  his  predecessors  together. 
The  most  important  bill  concerned  soldiers'  dependents;  it 
seemed  to  open  the  doors  to  fraud.  The  argument  for  many 
pensions  was  that  the  nation  owes  its  life  to  the  soldiers  of 
1861-65;  and  that  the  promises  held  out  in  order  to  secure 
enlistments  after  1862  were  golden.  Many  men  stayed  at 
home,  and  some  of  these  grew  rich.  But  the  arguments  against 
pensions  were  stronger  with  Cleveland  than  were  those  for 
them.  Patriotism  is  never  mercenary.  The  dependents,  save 
bona  fide  wives,  orphans  and  widows  of  that  period,  had  no 
ethical  claim.  History,  as  judged  by  the  just,  is  likely  to  say 
that  the  United  States  after  1865  Pa^  to°  many  pensions  and 
too  small  ones.  Cleveland  seldom  vetoed  pensions  because  they 
were  too  large. 

In  his  annual  message  of  1887,  he  attacked  the  revenue  policy 
by  which  a  great  surplus  was  being  accumulated  in  the  treas- 
ury. The  Mills  bill  for  reducing  the  tariff  followed,  but  was 
defeated  in  the  Senate. 

Interstate  Commerce. — This  Forty-ninth  Congress, 
however,  passed  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act  appointing  a 
Commission,  since  grown  to  enormous  powers,  to  maintain 
fair  and  uniform  rates  on  all  railroads  and  steamboat  lines 
between  States. 

The  Presidential  Succession. — During  this  first  admin- 
istration, owing  to  the  death  of  Vice-President  Hendricks  in 
1885,  Congress  fixed  the  Presidential  Succession  as  follows, — 
viz. :  After  the  Vice-President,  the  Secretaries  of  State,  Treas- 
ury, War,  Attorney-General,  Postmaster-General,  the  Secre- 
taries of  the  Navy  and  of  the  Interior.  This  was  the  historical 
order  of  their  creation.  Only  an  epidemic  disease,  an  explo- 
sion when  all  were  present,  or  a  similar  catastrophe,  could  re- 
move all  of  these  officers  so  fast  as  to  prevent  their  replace- 
ment so  that  the  Presidency  should  be  vacant  even  one  day. 
In  this  same  administration,  Congress  determined  that  in  the 
case  of  any  dispute  over  a  vote  in  the  Electoral  College,  the 
State  involved  should  decide  it;  if  the  State  declines  or  other- 
wise fails  to  do  so,  then  Congress  decides. 

In  1888  Congress  passed  a  new  Chinese  Exclusion  Act, 


538  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

which,  being  renewed  in  1892  and  in  1902,  has  completely  shut 
out  the  race.  In  the  same  year,  upon  the  death  of  Waite, 
Cleveland  appointed  Melville  W.  Fuller  of  Chicago,  Chief 
Justice.  He  was  a  brilliant  railroad  lawyer  without  much  fame. 

Renominated. — In  this  year  the  Democratic  party  renomi- 
nated Cleveland,  though  not  without  opposition,  and  with  him 
named  for  Vice-President  Allen  G.  Thurman  of  Ohio,  a  vet- 
eran politician,  then  seventy- five  years  old.  He  had  been  Chief 
Justice  of  his  State  and  for  many  years  United  States  Senator. 
His  war-period  utterances  hurt  the  ticket. 

A  Tariff  Campaign. — Against  Cleveland  and  Thurman, 
the  Republicans  nominated  Harrison  and  Morton.  The  cam- 
paign was  conducted  with  dignity.  The  cry  against  the  private 
morals  of  the  President  was  silenced  because  in  1886  he  had 
married  Frances  G.  Folsom,  the  beautiful  and  highly  intelligent 
daughter  of  a  Buffalo  law-partner  of  Cleveland's.  Judge 
Folsom  was  dead,  but  the  people  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
if  his  widow  and  his  daughter  could  approve  sufficiently  of 
Cleveland  now  for  this  marriage  to  take  place,  earlier  matters 
were  of  private  concern  with  no  farther  interest  to  them. 

The  campaign  turned  almost  solely  upon  the  tariff.  The 
Electoral  College  voted  233  for  Harrison  against  168  for 
Cleveland. 

In  1884  the  popular  votes  had  been: 

Cleveland  4,874,986,  Blaine  4,851,981. 

In  1888  it  was: 

Cleveland  5,540,329,  Harrison  5,439*853- 

In  1892  it  was  destined  to  be: 

Cleveland  5,556,543,  Harrison  5,175,582,  Weaver  1,040,886. 

A  Narrow  Defeat. — It  was  a  surprising  jugglery  due  to 
the  federalism  of  our  system  that  Cleveland  ^should  gain 
665,343  votes  and  have  a  plurality  over  Harrison  of  100,476 
and  yet  lose  the  Presidency  by  a  vote  of  4  to  3  in  the  Electoral 
College.  When  he  left  the  White  House,  his  young  wife  re- 
quested the  servants  to  take  good  care  of  it,  for  "we're  coining 
back  in  just  four  years."  Cleveland  went  to  New  York  city 
to  practice  law,  and  in  those  four  years  added  16,214  friends. 
■  His  removal  to  New  York  city  was  due  to  calls  from 
bankers  and  merchants  there.  His  opposition  to  the  free  coin- 
age of  silver,  his  saving  of  100,000,000  acres  of  the  public 
lands  to  actual  settlers,  and  his  free-trade  ideas  had  brought 


GROVER  CLEVELAND  539 

him  favor  with  certain  capitalists  there.  He  took  no  part  in 
politics,  but  went  quietly  about  the  business  of  earning  a  living. 

A  Third  Nomination. — In  1892  the  Democratic  party  in- 
sisted upon  his  running  a  third  time.  With  him  they  named 
for  Vice-President  Adlai  E.  Stevenson  of  Illinois,  a  singularly 
colorless  candidate,  who  had  served  two  terms  in  Congress  in 
the  seventies  and  had  been  first  assistant  postmaster-general  in 
the  administration  of  Cleveland.  It  seems  probable  that  few 
persons  expected  to  see  the  Democrats  win,  for  Populism  was 
at  its  height;  and  it  was  believed  that  this  great  socialistic 
movement  would  damage  the  Democratic  party. 

In  the  Electoral  College,  after  a  quiet  campaign  save  for  the 
People's  party,  which  had  nominated  James  B.  Weaver  of 
Iowa,  formerly  a  Greenback  man,  the  Electoral  votes  stood : 

Cleveland  2.77,  Harrison  145,  Weaver  22. 

The  Cleveland  Victory  Analyzed. — The  result  was  to 
be  understood  only  in  the  light  of  the  facts,  first,  that  after 
trying  Cleveland  one  term  and  Harrison  one  term,  the  people 
in  the  ratio  of  11  to  10  liked  Cleveland  better,  and,  second, 
that  in  the  same  ratio  they  were  ready  for  tariff  revision  and 
money-changes,  while  out  of  every  23  voters,  2  desired  neither 
Cleveland  nor  Harrison  but  an  experimentalist.  The  Vice- 
Presidential  candidate  was  James  G.  Field  of  Virginia,  a 
lawyer,  whose  nomination  helped  Populism  in  the  South. 

It  was  a  startling  fact  that  while  the  popular  vote  had  been, 
— counting  all  the  small  parties, — about  ten  and  a  half  millions 
in  1889,  it  had  grown  to  twelve  millions  in  1892.  Evidently, 
the  people  were  taking  a  far  greater  interest  in  politics.  Some 
kind  of  political  revolution  portended.  The  vote  had  gained 
33  per  cent,  in  eight  years,  the  population  but  16  per  cent.  The 
Democratic  party  had  won  handsomely;  and,  in  1893,  the 
President  had  both  Houses  of  Congress  with  him.  It  was  the 
first  Democratic  Government  since  i860. 

The  second  administration  of  Cleveland  was  far  more  event- 
ful than  his  first,  and  showed  him  in  an  even  brighter  light. 
But  it  recorded  also  several  mistakes. 

More  Civil  Service  Reform. — One  of  the  fine  acts  was  to 
add  44,000  places  to  the  competitive  examination  civil  service 
lists,  making  87,000  places  in  all,  removed  from  the  spoils 
system.  Of  course,  one  result  is  that  by  1912  our  Departments 
have  many  superannuated  clerks.     The  only  forward  remedy 


540  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

is  the  civil  list  with  pensions ;  it  is  a  remedy  with  some  serious 
by-results. 

The  Second  Cabinet  of  Cleveland. — For  the  premier  of 
his  second  Cabinet,  Cleveland  took  a  man  whom  he  had  tried 
in  two  Departments  in  his  first  administration. 

State, — Walter  Q.  Gresham  of  Illinois,  two  years;  Richard 
Olney  of  Massachusetts,  two  years. 

Treasury, — John  G.  Carlisle  of  Kentucky. 

Attorney-General, — Richard  Olney,  two  years;  Judson 
Harmon  of  Ohio,  two  years. 

Postmaster-General, — Wilson  S.  Bissell  of  New  York,  two 
years ;  William  L.  Wilson  of  West  Virginia,  two  years. 

Navy, — Hilary  A.  Herbert  of  Alabama. 

Interior, — Hoke  Smith  of  Georgia,  over  three  years;  David 
R.  Francis  of  Missouri,  less  than  one  year. 

Agriculture, — J.  Sterling  Morton  of  Nebraska. 

The  Panic  of  1893. — In  1893  a  financial  panic  fell  upon 
the  country.  It  was  such  a  crash  as  Cleveland  had  predicted 
from  the  excessive  coinage  of  silver.1 

Three  hundred  banks  failed;  one  quarter  of  the  railways 
of  the  country  went  into  the  hands  of  receivers.  Thousands 
and  tens  of  thousands  of  business  men  were  ruined;  employees 
went  without  wages;  and  death  stalked  abroad  in  the  land. 
Foreign  investors  sold  our  securities,  believing  that  we  were 
to  go  upon  the  silver  basis, — a  silver  dollar  was  then  worth  67 
cents  in  gold.  In  the  United  States  Treasury  and  in  circula- 
tion, we  had  six  hundred  millions  in  silver,  with  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  millions  of  legal  tender  money.  Cleveland  called 
a  special  session  of  Congress  in  August,  1893.  In  November 
the  Purchase  Act  was  repealed,  though  many  Democrats  were 
pro-silver. 

The  Bond  Sales. — In  April,  1893,  the  legal  reserve  of 
$100,000,000  in  gold  to  protect  the  Government's  fiat  money 
and  coin  certificates  had  been  broken  by  the  drains  upon  it, 
due  to  heavy  appropriations,  to  revenue  deficits,  and  to  calls 
for  intrinsic  money  of  redemption.  To  buy  gold  for  the  re- 
serve, the  Government  issued  bonds  of  high  denomination  in 
various  amounts, — in  all,  $162,000,000.  The  bonds  were  sold 
in  blocks  to  metropolitan  bankers,  who  immediately  made 
profits  by  selling  them  to  the  public.  The  criticism  that  the 
bonds  should  have  been  of  low  denomination  and  sold  directly 

*See  pp.   103,  518,  supra. 


GROVER  CLEVELAND  541 

to  the  public  was  general  at  the  time ;  such  bonds  stay  sold  and 
thereby  stiffen  the  money  market. 

This  Congress  also  repealed  the  Force  Act  of  1871  by  which 
the  Federal  courts  were  impowered  to  protect  the  ballot,  troops 
might  be  sent  to  the  polls,  and  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  sus- 
pended.1 

Great  Social  Distress. — The  years  1893  and  1894  saw 
great  distress.  Coxey  "armies"  of  the  unemployed  marched 
to  Washington  and  to  various  State  Capitals ;  they  called  them- 
selves "soldiers  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Christ."  Strikes  and 
riots  occurred  in  and  near  Chicago,  to  which  point  the  Presi- 
dent sent  troops  to  protect  the  United  States  mails,  though  the 
Governor  of  Illinois,  John  P.  Altgeld,  said  that  the  soldiers 
were  not  needed  and  that  this  action  was  Federal  interference 
with  State's  rights. 

Hawaii  had  a  revolution  and  applied  for  annexation;  but 
Cleveland  would  consent  only  to  recognize  the  overthrow  of 
the  monarchy  and  the  setting  up  of  the  Republic. 

The  Tariff. — He  also  refused  to  sign  the  Wilson-Gorman 
tariff,  objecting  to  it  because  it  was  not  sufficiently  drastic  and 
as  a  rider  carried  an  income  tax  provision.  The  bill  became 
law  without  his  signature;  but  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court  declared  the  form  of  income  tax  proposed  unconstitu- 
tional. 

The  Admission  of  Utah. — In  January,  1896,  Utah  was 
admitted  into  the  Union.  There  was  a  long  controversy  in 
Utah,  in  Congress  and  among  the  people  regarding  this  action. 
Utah  was  practically  synonymous  with  Mormonism ;  and  Mor- 
monism,  with  polygamy ,  and  polygamy,  with  Brigham  Young, 
the  Vermont  painter  and  glazier  turned  leader  and  prophet, 
whose  twenty-five  wives  and  fifty  or  more  children  scarcely 
met  American  standards  of  social  conduct.  These  were  in 
fact  less  children  than  twenty-six  married  persons  usually 
have.  Almost  nothing  is  as  it  seems, — polygamy  reduces  the 
birthrate.  Young  deprived  twenty-four  men  of  wives  and 
children.  But  it  was  believed  by  many  opponents  of  Mormonism 
that  Statehood  would  help  the  Gentiles  more  than  the  Latter- 
Day  Saints.  And  with  all  its  history  of  fraud,  superstition 
and  bloodshed,  of  industry  and  social  cooperation,  Utah  came 
into  the  Union. 

The  Venezuelan  Message. — Dramatic  as  had  been  the 

lSee  pp.  502,  503,  supra. 


542  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

intervention  of  Cleveland  in  the  Pullman  strike  at  Chicago, 
he  now  did  something  far  more  dramatic.  Great  Britain  re- 
fused to  arbitrate  her  boundary  with  Venezuela,  whereupon 
the  President  sent  a  tremendous  message  to  Congress,  defend- 
ing the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  advising  that  body  to  appoint  a 
commission  to  determine  the  boundary  itself.  Great  Britain 
roared  in  reply  in  true  lion-style.  Stocks  fell.  A  panic  threat- 
ened. War  seemed  imminent.  Congress  appointed  commis- 
sioners, whereupon  Great  Britain  agreed  to  arbitrate. 

Split  in  the  Democratic  Party. — Then  the  party  con- 
ventions were  held.  The  Republicans  kept  together,  but  the 
Democrats  split.  Most  of  them  supported  the  regular  party 
candidates,  but  Cleveland  and  every  member  of  his  Cabinet 
save  Hoke  Smith  of  Georgia,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  who 
resigned,  gave  their  support  to  the  National  or  "Sound  Money" 
Democrats,  the  lesser  body. 

Influential  in  Retirement. — After  his  term  expired, 
Cleveland  went  back  to  his  native  State,  choosing  Princeton 
as  his  home.  There  he  was  a  trustee  of  the  University  and  a 
lecturer  on  public  affairs.  He  became  prominent  in  the  re- 
organization of  the  immense  Equitable  Life  Insurance  Com- 
pany of  New  York,  and  was  referee  for  it  and  for  its  two 
rivals,  the  Mutual  Life  and  the  New  York  Life.  He  also 
wrote  two  books,  one  on  "Presidential  Problems,"  the  other 
entitled  "Fishing  and  Hunting  Sketches,"  a  work  that  showed 
how  he  had  learned  to  lay  aside  political  cares  from  time  to 
time  and  like  Washington  alone  among  his  predecessors  refresh 
himself  in  outdoor  life.  He  died  at  Princeton,  June  24,  1908, 
in  a  general  breakdown,  leaving  a  widow,  three  daughters  and 
one  son..  His  property,  consisting  of  but  his  house  there  and 
of  investments  made  of  his  savings  as  President  and  as  lawyer, 
was  so  small  an  amount  as  to  set  finally  at  rest  the  notion  that 
he  had  benefited  by  millions  from  the  bond  issues  of  1893. 

Cleveland  Democracy  Established. — In  solidity  of  judg- 
ment and  in  courage  of  opinion,  in  thorough  study  of  every 
piece  of  legislation  submitted  to  him,  and  in  understanding  of 
men  for  office,  Grover  Cleveland  was  the  equal  of  any  other 
President.  Only  Lincoln  worked  harder  when  in  office.  His 
limitations  were  his  lack  of  sympathy  with  the  weak  and  the 
poor  and  a  corresponding  regard  for  the  successful.  He  was 
by  no  means  brilliant.    But  at  his  hands,  Democratic  theory 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON  543 

and  practice  advanced  beyond  Jeffersonian  Democracy  and 
Jacksonian  Democracy.  Cleveland  National  Democracy  as 
exemplified  from  1885  to  I^>97  made  a  new  high  water  mark 
of  personal  responsibility  for  our  politics  and  government. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

Benjamin  Harrison 

1 889- 1893 
1833-1901 

38-44  States  1890 — Population  62,622,250 

Admitted :   North  Dakota,  South  Dakota,  Montana,  Washing- 
ton, Idaho,  Wyoming. 

The  sandwich  President — personal  characteristics — "a  favorite  son" — an- 
cestry— educated  at  Miami  University — lawyer — court  crier — mar- 
riage— colonel — brigadier-general — good  war-record — Indiana  Supreme 
Court  reporter — defeated  for  governorship — United  States  Senator — 
defeated  for  reelection—a  dark  horse — the  Vice-Presidential  candi- 
date— our  federal  system — President — Pan-American  Congress — Mc- 
Kinley  Tariff  Act — commercial  treaties — prices  raised — pensions 
doubled — six  new  States — equal  suffrage — Sherman  Coinage  Act — 
"free  silver" — Mormon  issues — Homestead  Strike — the  Vice-Presi- 
dential "rich  man"  candidate — Louisiana  Lottery — international  affairs 
—seal  fisheries — law  practice — university  lecturer — Venezuelan  counsel 
at  Paris — wrote  two  books — an  excellent  lawyer — compared  with  Van 
Buren — and  Cleveland — not  an  advocate  of  great  principles — above 
the  average  President. 

The  Sandwich  President. — Benjamin  Harrison  was  the 
sandwich  President,  whose  predecessor  was  his  successor.  In 
1888  a  former  President  ran  against  a  renominated  President 
in  office, — a  situation  unique  in  our  history.  Physically,  the 
shortest  man  in  height  who  was  ever  President,  his  greater 
rival  was  next  to  the  largest  of  all  our  Presidents.  He  was  the 
only  President  who  was  the  grandson  of  another.  No  other 
one-term  President  since  manhood  suffrage  came  in  was  ever 
renominated  only  to  be  defeated  save  Cleveland,  and  he  was 
twice  renominated,  failing  at  the  second  of  three  elections. 


544  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Like  Grant,  Benjamin  Harrison  was  short,  stout,  and 
reticent.  Like  Van  Buren,  he  was  an  excellent  lawyer.  Like 
Tyler,  he  lost  his  wife  when  President.  Like  J.  Q.  Adams, 
he  was  a  lineal  descendant  of  a  President. 

Early  Life  on  the  Harrison  Farm. — Benjamin  Harri- 
son was  born  at  North  Bend,  near  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  on  August 
22,  1833.  This  was  just  after  the  recall  of  his  grandfather, 
William  Henry  Harrison,  from  his  brief  term  as  Minister  to 
Columbia,  and  at  that  period  when  life  looked  dark  to  the  old 
man  who  is  his  day  had  rendered  valiant  service  to  his  country. 
Benjamin's  father  was  John  Scott  Harrison,  then  twenty-seven 
years  old,  and  destined  to  serve  a  term  in  Congress — 1853-57. 

Educated  at  Miami  University. — They  all  lived  together 
upon  the  Harrison  farm.  Benjamin  went  to  a  log  schoolhouse 
nearby.  He  studied  for  college  under  a  tutor;  then  attended 
an  institution  known  as  "The  Farmers'  College"  and  finally 
entered  Miami  University,  the  best  educational  institution  of 
the  period  in  Ohio,  and  in  1852  was  graduated  there.  He 
proceeded  to  Cincinnati  to  study  law  with  Bellamy  Storer, 
already  famous  and  destined  to  higher  rank  as  a  lawyer  and 
judge.  In  1853  Benjamin  Harrison  was  admitted  to  the  bar, 
though  not  yet  of  age;  soon  he  married  Caroline  Lavinia  Scott, 
and  removed  to  Indianapolis.  Being  poor,  he  was  made  court- 
crier  at  two  and  a  half  dollars  a  day;  but  being  clever  and 
diligent,  he  soon  attracted  clients. 

Fine  Military  Record. — Enlisting  in  the  Interstate  War 
in  1862,  Harrison  soon  became  colonel.  Fie  saw  service  under 
Buell  and  Sherman,  and  as  a  commander  of  brigade  took  im- 
portant parts  in  the  Kenesaw  Mountain,  Peach  Tree  Creek, 
and  Nashville  battles.  When  mustered  out  in  January,  1865, 
he  was  breveted  brigadier-general  for  "ability,  energy  and  gal- 
lantry." It  was  a  fine  record  for  a  young  man  of  thirty-one 
years. 

United  States  Senator. — Upon  the  ending  of  the  war, 
General  Harrison  returned  to  Indiana,  becoming  Supreme 
Court  reporter  in  1864  as  he  had  been  in  i860- 1862.  He  con- 
tinued in  this  line  until  1868.  Court-reporting,  though  an  ex- 
ceptionally fine  training  for  a  jurist,  ends  most  men's  careers 
in  law-practice  and  in  politics.  But  in  1876  Harrison  became 
candidate  for  governor  of  Indiana  only  to  be  defeated.  Gar- 
field offered  him  a  place  in  his  Cabinet  in  1881,  but  he  declined 


BENJAMIN  HARRfSON  545 

in  order  to  serve  as  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate. 
There  he  opposed  President  Cleveland  vigorously. 

Nominated  for  President. — Defeated  in  an  effort  to 
secure  reelection  to  the  Senate,  the  Republican  party  seized 
upon  him  for  the  Presidential  nomination  as  a  forlorn  hope, 
the  dark  horse  to  win  the  race.  The  first  ballot  in  the  Con- 
vention had  been  John  Sherman  229,  W.  Q.  Gresham  ill, 
C.  M.  Depew  99,  and  14  others  from  84  to  3  each.  Harrison 
had  80  votes.     The  eighth  ballot  stood: 

Harrison    554,    Sherman    118,    Alger    100,    Gresham    59, 
Blaine  5,  McKinley  4. 

On  the  first  ballot,  Levi  P.  Morton  of  New  York  State  was 
named  for  the  Vice-Presidency  by  561  votes  out  884. 

Morton  was  a  Boston-New  York  banker  who  had  been  sent 
as  Minister  to  France  by  Garfield. 

Harrison  and  Morton  defeated  Cleveland  and  Thurman 
because  our  country  is  not  a  nation  but  a  federation  of  States. 
Otherwise,  a  great  popular  majority  in  New  York  city  might 
steadily  offset  the  majority  opinions  of  all  or  nearly  all  of  the 
rural  States.  The  federal  system  is  not  perfect,  but  it  is  far 
better  than  a  national  government  highly  centralized  could  be. 

The  Cabinet  of  Harrison. — For  the  premier  of  his  Cabi- 
net, the  President  chose  the  party  leader. 

State, — James  G.  Blaine  of  Maine,  over  three  years;  John 
W.  Foster,  eight  months. 

Treasury, — William  Windom  of  Minnesota,  two  years; 
Charles  Foster  of  Ohio,  two  years. 

War, — Redfield  Proctor  of  Vermont,  over  two  years ; 
Stephen  B.  Elkins  of  West  Virginia,  under  two  years. 

Attorney-General. — W.  H.  H.  Miller  of  Indiana. 

Postmaster-General, — John  Wanamaker  of  Pennsylvania. 

Navy, — Benjamin  F.  Tracy  of  New  York. 

Interior, — John  W.  Noble  of  Missouri. 

Agriculture, — Jeremiah  M.  Rusk  of  Wisconsin. 

South  American  Relations. — The  Pan-American  Con- 
gress notion,  first  broached  by  John  Quincy  Adams,  was  now 
revived  by  Blaine.1  This  brought  the  Monroe  Doctrine  again 
prominently  before  the  country.  A  brilliant  policy  of  South 
American  relations  was  inaugurated  which  matured  in  the 
Exposition  at  Buffalo  where  McKinley  was  assassinated.  It 
finds  another  expression  in  the  Bureau  of  American  Republics, 

MSee  pp.  535  et  seq.,  supra. 


546  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

whose  building  at  Washington  was  donated  by  the  steel  three- 
hundred  millionaire  Andrew  Carnegie  in  1907. 

The  McKinley  Tariff. — President  Harrison  encouraged 
the  passage  of  the  McKinley  Tariff  Act,  by  which  it  was  de- 
signed to  give  tariff  protection  to  the  American  farmer  as  well 
as  to  the  American  manufacturer.  The  general  notion  was  to 
reduce  the  revenue  on  imports  by  making  many  of  the  tariff 
duties  prohibitive.  This  was  the  perfect  flower  of  the  "Ameri- 
can system"  as  originally  advocated  by  Henry  Clay  and  the 
Whigs.1  This  Act  carried  with  it  certain  provisions  for  a 
strange  kind  of  reciprocity  with  other  nations.  Certain  articles 
on  the  free  list  might  be  placed  back  upon  the  tax  list  in  case 
other  countries  that  exported  these  did  not  favor  American 
exports.  This  Tariff  led  to  several  commercial  treaties  with 
European  and  South  American  countries.  It  delighted  the 
protected  manufacturers.  The  average  duties  were  48.2  per 
cent.,  the  highest  then  known  in  our  history.  It  raised  prices 
nearly  all  around, — farmers  got  more,  manufacturers  got  more, 
miners  got  more,  all  getting  from  one  another.  Only  the  pro- 
fessional classes,  the  clerks  and  the  wage-earners  in  unpro- 
tected industries  suffered. 

Cleveland  had  vetoed  a  bill  returning  to  the  States  $16,- 
000,000  collected  from  them  for  the  Interstate  War ;  Harrison 
signed  a  similar  bill. 

Pensions. — Cleveland  had  vetoed  the  dependent  pension 
bill ;  Harrison  urged  its  passage  again.  It  doubled  the  list  of 
pensioners, — from  a  half  million  to  a  million.  From  1861  to 
1889,  pension  payments  in  all  were  $1,000,000,000.  From 
1889  to  1897,  under  the  new  Act,  they  were  another  $1,000,- 
000,000.     (In  1 910  we  paid  $156,000,000.) 

The  New  Northwest  Secures  Statehood. — As  Chair- 
man of  Committee  in  the  Senate,  Benjamin  Harrison  had 
urged  the  admission  of  new  States.  Now  came  in  1889  the 
astonishing  increase  of  four  great  States, — North  Dakota, 
South  Dakota,  Montana,  Washington, — and  in  1890  of  two, 
Idaho  and  Wyoming.  The  total  area  was  nearly  570,000 
square  miles,  a  region  greatly  exceeding  all  the  Original  Thir- 
teen States,  not  including  their  "claims."  It  was  nine  times 
New  England.  Some  day  this  Northwest  will  have  a  popula- 
tion many  times  all  New  England.  Will  it  then  be  content 
with  one-ninth  as  many  Senators?     Will  there  be  a  West 

aSee  pp.  106,  533,  supra. 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON  547 

against  East  as  there  was  a  South  against  the  North,  and  for 
much  the  same  reason,  inequality  and  gerrymander  in  the 
Senate  ?  Will  the  Senate  go  ?  Or  will  the  two  Senators  per 
State  plan  go?    Or  will  these  great  Western  States  split  up? 

In  Wyoming  in  1890,  there  was  already  equal  suffrage  for 
men  and  women ;  and  now  Colorado,  Utah,  Idaho,  Washington, 
and  California  all  have  equal  suffrage.  How  soon  will  the 
Solid  South  or  the  Solid  East  be  broken  by  "votes  for  women?" 

Silver  Currency. — In  1890  Congress  passed  the  Sherman 
Coinage  Act,  directing  the  purchase  of  4,500,000  ounces  of 
silver  (140  tons)  each  month,  2,000,000  to  be  coined  into  dol- 
lars. Sherman  advocated  this  in  order  to  defeat  "free  silver." 
By  1893  silver  had  fallen  still  further  so  that  a  "dollar"  in 
silver  was  worth  51  cents.  The  silver-mine  owners,  who  were 
trying  with  government  help  to  keep  up  the  price,  then  vir- 
tually surrendered. 

Mormonism. — In  1890  a  general  conference  of  the  Mor- 
mon Church  pledged  that  immense  body  to  give  up  polygamy. 
Thereupon  by  proclamation  the  President  granted  to  the  Mor- 
mons civil  and  political  amnesty,  and  restored  to  them  church 
property  confiscated  under  the  Edmunds-Tucker  Act  passed  in 
the  first  administration  of  Cleveland.  It  was  characteristic 
ecclesiastico-political  trickery. 

The  Homestead  Strike. — In  1892  a  furious  strike  raged 
at  the  works  of  the  Carnegie  Steel  Company,  Homestead, 
Pennsylvania.  There  were  battles  between  the  strikers  and 
detectives  hired  by  the  company.  The  strikers  lost.  This 
affair  cost  Harrison  many  votes,  for  it  showed  the  working- 
men  how  little  protective  tariffs  helped  them. 

In  that  summer  Harrison  was  renominated  with  Whitelaw 
Reid  as  his  running  mate  for  Vice-President,  an  Ohio  man  by 
birth,  like  Harrison.  He  owned  and  edited  the  "New  York 
Tribune,"  succeeding  Horace  Greeley.1  By  his  own  accumula- 
tion and  by  marriage,  he  was  rich.  His  wife  was  the  daughter 
of  the  California  millionaire,  D.  O.  Mills.  Reid  had  been 
Minister  to  France  under  Harrison. 

Good  Items  in  the  Record. — In  many  matters,  Harrison 
had  made  a  good  record.  The  Louisiana  Lottery  had  been  sup- 
pressed. The  navy  had  been  enlarged.  The  United  States  had 
called  an  international  money-conference.  A  controversy  had 
been  settled  peacefully  with  Chili,  and  another  over  Samoa 

aSee  pp.  507,  508,  supra. 


548  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

with  Germany.  The  Bering  Sea  and  Strait  open  sea  seal  fish- 
eries disputed  with  England  had  been  arbitrated  with  rea- 
sonable satisfaction.  The  national  debt  had  been  reduced.  The 
times  had  been  fairly  prosperous.  But  the  Homestead  strike 
had  stirred  the  labor  unions  against  the  Republican  party,  and 
Harrison  himself  had  failed  to  appeal  picturesquely  to  the 
people.     They  desired  Cleveland  again. 

Another  matter,  entirely  of  private  life,  helped  the  down- 
fall of  Harrison.  Mrs.  Harrison  had  died  at  the  White  House, 
and  it  was  commonly  believed  that  a  niece  of  hers  who  had 
lived  there  with  them,  a  widow,  Mrs.  Mary  Scott  Lord 
Dimock,  was  likely  to  marry  the  widower.  Without  much 
open  discussion  of  the  matter,  some  independent  voters  who 
don't  like  to  see  a  widower  marry  a  deceased  wife's  sister  or 
other  near  blood-relative,  quietly  preferred  Cleveland.  The 
anticipated  marriage  took  place  in  1896. 

Reid,  as  Vice-Presidential  candidate,  added  nothing  to  the 
popular  strength  of  the  ticket,  which  was  overwhelmingly 
defeated  in  the  November  elections. 

In  Private  Life. — Harrison  then  returned  to  the  practice 
of  the  law  at  Indianapolis.  Incidentally,  he  gave  lectures  on 
international  law  and  jurisprudence  at  several  great  univer- 
sities. In  1898  the  Government  of  Venezuela  retained  him  as 
leading  counsel  in  its  dispute  with  Great  Britain.  He  made  a 
dignified  appearance  in  Paris,  and  his  argument  was  consid- 
ered able  and  conclusive.  He  heartily  disapproved  of  the 
policy  of  the  Republican  party  after  the  Spanish  War.  In  these 
last  years  of  his  life,  he  wrote  two  books, — one  on  government, 
and  another  entitled  "Views  of  an  ex-President"  He  died  at 
Indianapolis  March  13,  1901,  of  pneumonia,  at  sixty-seven 
years  of  age,  leaving  a  son  and  a  daughter  by  his  first  wife 
and  a  daughter  by  his  second.  His  property  was  large,  for 
a  President,  being  some  two  or  three  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars acquired  as  a  lawyer. 

An  Excellent  Lawyer. — Harrison  was  a  man  of  brief 
speech,  self-contained  like  Grant,  than  whom  he  was  a  far 
better  President.  He  was  in  no  sense  a  politician,  but  he  was 
scarcely  a  statesman.  He  was  in  fact  a  competent  lawyer, 
a  diligent  man  of  business,  and  a  loyal  friend.  His  place  as 
President  is  properly  above  the  median.  He  was  perhaps 
not  quite  so  good  a  President  as  Martin  Van  Buren,  whom  as 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  549 

a  lawyer,  however,  he  closely  resembled.  But  for  the  conjunc- 
tion of  fate  that  brought  him  against  Grover  Cleveland,  he 
would  probably  have  had  two  terms  in  succession,  and  yet  he 
had  too  little  popular  strength  to  secure  in  1896  a  third  nomi- 
nation, such  as  Cleveland  had.  For  a  long  life  in  politics,  the 
advocacy  of  great  measures  is  almost  essential.  The  principle 
keeps  the  name  of  the  man  before  the  public.  In  politics  Ben- 
jamin Harrison  never  advocated  anything,  but  rather  served 
as  judge  of  issues  and  arbiter  between  factions  and  interests. 


CHAPTER  XXV 
William  McKinley 

1897-1901 

1843-1901 

45  States  1900— Population  76,304,799 

The  best  politician  ever  in  Washington — very  kind  manners — ancestry — 
early  life — educated  at  Alleghany  College — school  teacher — major — 
outdoor  life — Albany  Law  School — prosecuting  attorney — marriage — 
domestic  sorrows — Representative  in  Congress — defeated  by  gerry- 
mander— Governor  of  Ohio — high  tariff  advocate — influential  in  Con- 
gress— the  McKinley  Act — riots — Chairman  Republican  Convention — 
straddled  money  question — bankrupt — President — William  Jennings 
Bryan — the  Gold  Democrats — enormous  campaign  funds — "a  full 
dinner  pail" — his  backer,  M.  A.  Hanna,  made  United  States  Senator 
— the  Dingley  Tariff — Spain  in  Cuba — "Avenge  the  Maine!" — war  de- 
clared— naval  victories — the  Philippine  Islands — Porto  Rico — $20,000,- 
000  paid  to  Spain — the  scandals  of  the  War  Department — four  war- 
heroes,  Dewey,  Sampson,  Schley  and  Roosevelt — Aguinaldo — W.  H. 
Taft — Hawaii  annexed — with  the  allies  in  China — John  Hay — im- 
perialism— trusts — money — another  Bryan  defeat — Cuban  protection — 
assassination — McKinley  a  growing  man — left  no  property. 

A  Complete  Politician. — The  ninth  man  to  receive  two 
terms  in  the  Presidency  by  election  was  William  McKinley 
of  Ohio.  It  is  commonly  said  that  he  was  "the  best  politician 
ever  in  Washington."  Only  Lincoln  was  a  better  politician, 
but  he  was  a  statesman  also,  which  McKinley  never  quite  was, 
and  yet  was  coming  to  be  in  the  fatal  year  of  his  passing.  He 
was  also  one  of  the  most  charming  men  socially  whom  the 


1 


550  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

public  life  of  the  country  ever  kne.w.  There  was  indeed  about 
the  Presidency  in  the  days  of  Washington  an  air  that  no 
other  President  ever  secured, — the  air  of  the  court  and  of 
princes  and  nobles.  But  the  White  House  never  knew  a  more 
gracious  gentleman  than  McKinley ;  and  it  has  known  men  of 
rare  and  gentle  manners, — such  as  Madison,  Van  Buren, 
Pierce,  Hayes,  Garfield,  Arthur. 

Like  Jackson  and  Lincoln,  McKinley  knew  how  the  people 

--felt, — he  looked  into  his  own  heart. 

f  Early  Life. — William  McKinley  was  born  of  Scotch-Irish 
stock.1  His  first  forefather  in  America  was  an  emigrant  from 
County  Antrim,  in  Ireland,  about  1743,  settling  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  President  was  his  great  grandson,  born  in  Niles, 
Trumbull  County,  Ohio,  January  29,  1843.  His  mother  was 
Nancy  Campbell  Allison.  Of  their  nine  children,  William 
was  the  seventh.  The  father  and  grandfather  were  iron  manu- 
facturers in  a  small  way.  Because  William  was  a  pale,  sickly, 
and  delicate  child,  he  was  encouraged  to  go  to  school  and  col- 
lege. But  his  health  broke  down  completely  at  Allegheny 
College,  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  and  he  came  home  and  taught 
school  when  seventeen  years  of  age. 

Army  Life. — In  1861  McKinley  promptly  enlisted  in  the 
23d  Ohio  Volunteers  and  saw  four  years  of  service,  beginning 
as  a  private  and  ending  as  a  major.  At  Antietam  Private 
McKinley  carried  pails  of  hot  coffee  and  food  to  the  men  on 
the  firing  line  down  by  the  creek,  and  was  made  second  lieu- 
tenant for  bravery.  His  courage  at  Winchester  raised  him  to 
be  Captain.  He  served  gallantly  also  at  Cedar  Creek  and  be- 
came Major.  Generals  George  Crook  and  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes  both  knew  him  as  a  brave  youth.  The  four  years  of 
outdoor  army  life,  mainly  in  the  Virginian  mountains  and 
highlands,  had  given  him  perfect  health. 

Lawyer. — His  parents  were  now  living  at  Poland,  Ohio; 
but  he  left  there  to  study  in  the  law  school  at  Albany,  N.  Y., 
where,  beside  law,  he  learned  something  of  the  ways  of  New 
York  politicians.  In  1867  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at 
Warren,  Ohio ;  but  he  preferred  to  go  to  Canton  to  practice  in 
order  to  be  witr/an  older  sister  who  was  a  public  school  teacher 

xThat  is,  Saxons  who  lived"  successively  in  Germany,  Scotland  and  Ire- 
land and  constituted  one-half  of  all  our  stock  prior  to  1850.  They  have 
little  or  no  Celtic  blood. 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  551 

there.  Immediately  he  went  into  political  work  as  a  Republican 
campaign  speaker.  In  1869  he  was  elected  prosecuting  attor- 
ney, but  was  defeated  for  reelection  in  187 1.  In  1875  ne 
emerged  from  private  practice  as  a  lawyer  and  canvassed  for 
General  Hayes  as  Republican  candidate  for  governor. 

Domestic  Sorrow. — In  1871  he  had  married  Ida  Saxton. 
Sorrow  came  to  them  in  the  loss  of  their  two  children.  There- 
after his  wife  was  a  lifelong  semi-invalid. 

Congressman  and  Lawyer. — In  1876  Major  McKinley,  at 
thirty- three  years  of  age,  was  elected  to  Congress  by  3300 
majority.  He  was  reelected  in  1878  and  in  1880,  elected  in 
1882  by  8  majority  but  unseated  by  a  Democratic  House  late 
in  the  two-year  term,  and  then  reelected  continuously,  serving 
until  1890  when  he  was  defeated.  In  1891  he  was  elected 
Governor  of  Ohio  by  21,000  plurality  in  795,000  votes  cast; 
and  reelected  in  1893. 

Again  and  again,  hostile  Democratic  Legislatures  had  gerry- 
mandered his  Congressional  District.  At  last  by  an  amazing 
corkscrew  arrangement  of  precincts,  in  1890,  they  overpowered 
him  and  thereby  later  made  him  Governor  and  President. 
Sometimes  an  outrage  is  good  political  capital.1 

High  Tariff  Protectionist. — In  Congress  McKinley  was 
a  true  representative  of  the  political  powers  in  his  district; 
which  was  high  tariff  because  engaged  heavily  in  manufactur- 
ing. A  high  tariff  is  a  subsidy  levied  by  a  government  upon 
a  people  and  automatically  and  yet  secretly  collected  in  ordi- 
nary trade-channels  for  the  benefit  of  a  few,  who  are  always 
delighted  by  the  privilege. 

The  diligence  of  Major  McKinley  in  studying  all  industrial 
questions  brought  him  into  high  favor  with  James  G.  Blaine. 
When  Garfield  became  President,  McKinley  succeeded  him 
upon  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee.  In  1889  he  became 
Chairman  of  that  Committee.  Three  ballots  were  required 
to  determine  whether  or  not  Thomas  B.  Reed  of  Maine 
should  be  Speaker.  Reed  was  a  man  of  terrific  force  and 
of  caustic  wit;  McKinley  was  suave  and  friendly.  Reed 
won.  In  this  Congress,  McKinley  introduced  the  measure 
known  as  the  "McKinley  Bill,"  relating  to  the  tariff.  It  had 
many  interesting  features.  By  it  the  infant  tin-plate  industry 
was  built  up.  A  prohibitive  tariff  at  its  best  is  a  method  of 
forcing  consumers  to  contribute  through  high  prices  the  capi- 

"See  pp.  356,  357,  37 1,  529,  530,  supra. 


552  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

tal  requisite  to  build  up  a  new  business.  It  is  a  forced  popular 
indirect  subsidy,  all  the  more  dangerous  for  being  indirect, 
like  the  national  system  of  taxation.  The  McKinley  tariff 
also  gave  direct  bounties  to  American  sugar  growers. 

This  Act  stirred  all  Europe,  and  forced  Germany  to  admit 
American  pork.  In  America  it  resulted  in  Democratic  victories 
in  the  Congressional  elections  of  1890.  McKinley  himself 
went  down. 

As  Governor  he  used  the  troops  of  the  State  twice  to  quell 
labor  riots.    But  otherwise  his  administration  was  uneventful. 

A  National  Leader. — In  1892,  at  the  National  Republican 
Convention  at  Minneapolis,  McKinley  presided.  On  the  first 
ballot,  for  the  Presidential  nomination,  he  had  182  votes, 
Blaine  182  5/6,  and  Harrison  the  rest.  In  1896,  though  out 
of  office,  the  Republican  party  looked  upon  McKinley  as  their 
logical  standard-bearer.  He  had  no  personal  enemies.  Blaine 
had  died  in  January,  1893 ;  and  the  leadership  had  fallen  to 
McKinley.  On  the  money  question  he  could  be  quoted  either 
way,  for  his  utterances  were  Delphic.  He  was  an  Ohio  man, 
and  the  party  desired  to  carry  Ohio. 

A  Bankrupt. — Moreover,  he  was  bankrupt,  owing,  through 
unfortunate  business  associations,  something  over  two  hundred 
thousand  dollars  beyond  his  assets;  but  Marcus  A.  Hanna, 
who  was  a  multimillionaire  ironmaster  and  shipowner,  was 
McKinley's  friend.  Hanna  wished  to  go  deeper  into  politics, 
and  he  did.  He  financed  McKinley  and  became  the  power 
behind  the  throne. 

Nominated  for  President. — On  the  first  ballot,  Major 
McKinley  had  661  Yz  out  of  906  votes.  The  convention  adopted 
a  tariff  plank  drafted  by  McKinley,  and  a  currency  plank  in 
favor  of  the  "gold  standard."  This  drove  all  silver  men  out 
of  the  party.  For  Vice-President,  Garrett  A.  Hobart  of  New 
Jersey  was  selected  to  run.  He  was  a  rich  lawyer,  who  had 
been  prominent  in  the  New  Jersey  Legislature  for  years. 

The  Rise  of  Bryan. — The  Democratic  party  at  once  joined 
issue  with  the  Republican.  It  selected  a  brilliant  young  orator, 
William  Jennings  Bryan,  who  had  been  thoroughly  educated  in 
college  and  law  school,  studied  law  in  the  office  of  Judge 
Lyman  Trumbull,  Lincoln's  friend,  and  had  served  two  termi 
in  Congress,  making  a  notable  record  as  a  free  silver  man.  He 
was  now  but  thirty-six  years  of  age,  half-journalist,  half- 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  553 

lawyer,  all  enthusiast  to  better  the  world  by  political  reforms. 
With  him  the  Democrats  associated  as  nominee  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  Arthur  Sewall,  a  shipbuilder  of  Maine. 

This  nomination  split  the  Democratic  party.  The  seceders 
nominated  John  M.  Palmer  of  Illinois  and  Simon  B.  Buckner 
of  Kentucky.  But  the  Populists  named  Bryan  for  President 
with  Thomas  E.  Watson  of  Georgia  for  Vice-President.  And 
the  Free  Silver  party, — mostly  former  Republicans  from  the 
six  States  of  South  Dakota,  Montana,  Idaho,  Colorado, 
Nevada,  and  Utah, — endorsed  the  Democratic  ticket. 

Bryan  as  a  Campaigner. — Bryan  at  once  set  out  upon  a 
wonderful  campaign  trip,  eclipsing  utterly  the  record  even  of 
Blaine  in  1884.  He  spoke  everywhere,  travelling  18,000  miles 
and  speaking  upon  600  set  occasions.  He  advocated  the  un- 
limited coinage  of  silver  at  a  ratio  of  16  to  I.  McKinley 
stayed  quietly  at  home  at  Canton,  making  porch  speeches  to 
visiting  delegations.  He  was  an  excellent  but  a  gentle  speaker. 
By  the  end  of  September,  the  general  expectation  was  that 
Bryan  would  win.  But  the  Republicans  had  a  campaign  fund 
variously  estimated  at  from  $5,000,000  to  $11,000,000.  The 
Democrats  had  scarcely  one-fifth  as  much  as  the  lowest  esti- 
mate. The  newspapers  were  nearly  all  for  McKinley,  who 
was  styled  "the  advance  agent  of  prosperity."  The  working- 
man  was  promised  "a  full  dinner  pail."  Said  McKinley,  "Cheap 
clothing  makes  a  cheap  man."  The  panic  of  1893  was  charged 
to  the  repeal  of  the  McKinley  Act.  "Bill  McKinley  and  Mc- 
Kinley Bill"  was  a  favorite  campaign  slogan. 

Wealth  Wins. — Organization,  money,  tradition,  and  the 
G.  A.  R.  vote  won.  The  popular  vote  was  7,106,779  for  Mc- 
Kinley and  6,502,925  for  Bryan.  The  Democrats  charged 
fraud  in  several  States,  bribery  and  ballot-box  stuffing  and 
false  counting.  The  Electoral  College  stood  271  for  McKinley 
and  176  for  Bryan. 

Senator  Hanna. — President  McKinley  made  aged  John 
Sherman  his  Secretary  of  State.  To  the  vacancy  in  the  Sen- 
ate due  to  this  appointment,  the  Ohio  Legislature  then  elected 
M.  A.  Hanna.  The  move  was  neatly  made.  Thereafter,  Sena- 
tor Hanna  was  the  boss  of  the  Republican  party  and  the  cus- 
todian of  the  McKinley  policies  until  his  death  in  Washington 
in  1904.  That  he  used  his  power  to  promote  the  interests  of 
his   class, — bankers,    shipowners,    and    manufacturers, — was 


554  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

obvious  and  admitted  bluntly  by  him.  That  he  had  serious 
personal  faults  and  even  vices  was  known  to  many;  but  Mc- 
Kinley,  like  Grant,  was  politically  indifferent  to  the  erring  ways 
of  his  friends.  He  mourned,  but  in  private.  Grant  did  not 
mourn  at  all. 
The  Cabinet. — - 

State, — John  Sherman  of  Ohio,  one  year;  John  Hay  of 
Ohio,  two  years. 

Treasury, — Lyman  J.  Gage  of  Illinois. 

War, — Russell  A.  Alger  of  Michigan,  over  two  years ;  Elihu 
Root  of  New  York,  two  years. 

Attorney-General, — Joseph  McKenna  of  California,  nearly 
one  year;  John  W.  Griggs  of  New  Jersey,  over  three  years; 
Philander  C.  Knox  of  Pennsylvania,  five  months. 

Postmaster-General, — James  A.  Gary  of  Maryland,  one 
year;  Charles  Emory  Smith  of  Pennsylvania,  three  years. 

Navy, — John  D.  Long  of  Massachusetts. 

Interior, — Cornelius  N.  Bliss  of  New  York,  nearly  two 
years;  Ethan  Allen  Hitchcock  of  Missouri,  over  two  years. 

Agriculture, — James  Wilson  of  Iowa,  who  still  holds  office 
aftej:  fourteen  years. 

/National  Expenditures. — As  soon  as  he  was  inaugurated, 
McKinley  called  Congress  in  special  session  to  revise  the  tariff, 
which  is  never  right.  To  begin  with,  it  is  never  high  enough 
to  suit  the  beneficiaries  who  are  filling  the  land  with  foreign 
laborers  and  thereby  destroying  one  another's  markets,  for  on 
their  low  wages  and  standards  of  living  these  wage-servants  are 
not  large  consumers.  Nor  is  the  tariff  ever  low  enough  to 
please  the  "general  public."  And  according  to  some,  the  tariff 
is  not  only  undesirable  but  also  unconstitutional.  These  pre- 
dict that  some  day  soon  customs  houses  will  be  turned  into 
museums  or  into  institutes,  being  obsolescent  now.  In  1897 
more  revenue  must  be  raised,  partly  because  prevailing  duties 
were  too  high  to  permit  imports  and  partly  because,  for  alleged 
want  of  constitutionality,  the  income  tax1  could  not  be  levied. 
The  only  alternative  course  was  to  reduce  expenses ;  but  it  has 
never  been  the  policy  of  the  Republicans  as  it  was  never  that 
of  their  logical  predecessors,  the  Whigs,  or  by  the  Eederalists 
before  them,  to  reduce  the  national  expenditures.  The  party 
has  always  stood  for  centralization ;  and  it  is  incompatible  with 

1See  p.  541,  supra. 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  555 

the  magnifying  of  the  business  of  the  National  Government  to 
reduce  its  costs. 

The  Tariff. — The  Dingley  Tariff,  passed  and  signed  in 
July,  1893,  was  the  result  of  the  Republican  policy.  It  in- 
creased the  revenues  by  taking  some  articles  from  the  free  list 
and  by  lowering  the  tariff  upon  other  articles.  It  was  not  so 
prohibitive  an  Act  as  the  McKinley  Act  of  1890,  and  many  of 
its  rates  were  lower.  It  included,  however,  more  articles  for 
taxation;  and  yet  its  average  per  cent,  of  tax,  51,  was  still 
higher  than  the  McKinley  rate. 

Cuba. — For  all  the  centuries  since  Columbus,  the  island  of 
Cuba  had  been  under  the  oppression  of  Spain.  Frequently  the 
islanders  revolted,  but  always  unsuccessfully.  Prior  to  1898, 
for  two  years,  a  civil  war  of  peculiar  atrocity  had  been  waged. 
Non-combatants  were  starved  to  death  in  "concentration 
camps."  The  Spanish  rulers  ran  barbed  wire  fences  all  the  way 
across  the  island  at  various  points  and  treated  the  natives  like 
wild  animals.  The  American  people  sent  food  and  clothing 
to  the  victims  of  this  "pacification." 

The  "Maine"  Blown  Up. — At  last,  the  Government  de- 
spatched the  battleship  "Maine"  on  a  visit  to  the  harbor  of 
Havana,  the  largest  city  and  the  Capital  of  the  island,  lying 
southwest  of  Key  West,  Florida.  In  February,  1898,  the 
country  was  horrified  by  the  news  that  the  "Maine"  had  been 
blown  up  in  Havana  Harbor,  and  most  of  her  crew  and  sol- 
diers killed.  The  people  at  once  assumed  that  the  Spaniards 
had  done  this,  for  the  harbor  was  filled  with  mines  for  its 
protection  in  time  of  war.  The  Spaniards  at  once  replied, — 
"The  'Maine'  was  destroyed  by  an  internal  explosion;  or  if 
by  an  external  explosion,  then  by  some  Cuban  rebel,  in  order 
to  arouse  America."  Not  until  the  summer  of  191 1,  when 
we  drained  out  the  part  of  the  harbor  where  the  wreck  of  the 
"Maine"  lay,  did  we  really  know  the  truth  as  to  whether  the 
explosive  was  internal  or  external.  We  know  now  that  it  was 
both,  and  it  is  fair  to  assume  that  the  external  explosion  set  off 
the  ship's  own  powder  magazines,  but  whether  a  Spaniard  or 
a  Cuban  discharged  a  mine  or  a  torpedo,  we  are  not  likely 
ever  to  know. 

American  Victories. — The  country,  however,  did  not  wait 
to  find  out  who  or  what  destroyed  the  "Maine"  and  killed  our 
sailors.     The  cry  "Avenge  the  'Maine' !"  went  over  the  land. 


556  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

The  war-spirit  that  had  been  awakened  by  Cleveland's  Vene- 
zuelan message  still  stirred  in  the  army  and  navy,  in  the  sen- 
sational newspapers,  and  in  many  of  the  younger  citizens.  On 
March  23,  1898,  the  President,  under  the  pressure  of  opinion 
in  Congress  and  out  of  it,  issued  an  ultimatum  to  Spain  to 
reform  her  severe  course ;  on  April  20,  he  issued  a  second  ulti- 
matum to  take  her  troops  out  of  Cuba;  on  April  25,  getting 
no  response,  he  advised  Congress  to  declare  war,  which  Con- 
gress did  upon  that  day.  Land  forces  were  sent  into  Cuba. 
The  navy  organized  a  squadron  that  included  the  "Oregon" 
from  the  far  Pacific.  Her  cruise  of  15,000  miles  around  Cape 
Horn  ended  just  in  time  for  her  to  take  part  in  the  naval  battle 
off  Santiago,  in  which  a  Spanish  squadron  was  utterly  de- 
molished on  July  3d:  Santiago  surrendered  on  the  15th. 

Across  the  Pacific  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  Admiral  Dewey 
of  the  navy  took  Manila  on  May  1 .  The  land  operations  were 
all  favorable  to  the  Americans. 

More  Territory  Acquired. — On  August  12,  the  peace 
protocol  was  signed.  On  December  10,  peace  was  agreed  upon 
by  treaty.  This  gave  to  the  United  States  the  Philippine  Is- 
lands with  7,700,000  population,  of  whom  all  but  100,000  are 
of  the  brown  Malayan  race.  The  rest  were  40,000  of  the 
yellow  race,  15,000  of  mixed  races,' and  15,000  of  the  white 
race.  The  islands  are  thirty-one  in  number,  containing  in  all 
115,000  square  miles  (about  the  area  of  New  England,  New 
York,  and  New  Jersey  combined).  The  main  islands,  Luzon, 
north,  and  Mindanao,  south,  contain  respectively  41,000  and 
36,000  square  miles.  This  meant  to  our  nation  a  vast,  new, 
difficult,  and  unwelcome  problem. 

By  the  same  Treaty,  we  acquired  also  the  little  Pacific  Ocean 
island  of  Guam,  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean  island  of  Porto  Rico, 
containing  3500  square  miles  of  land  (three  times  the  area 
of  Rhode  Island)  and  950,000  population,  of  whom  62  per 
cent,  were  whites,  6  per  cent,  negroes,  and  the  rest  mestizoes. 

The  Cuban  Protectorate. — We  were  given  also  the  over- 
sight of  Cuba,  which  was,  however,  to  be  independent.  This 
magnificent  island  contains,  with  several  small  adjacent  islands, 
44,000  square  miles  (an  area  slightly  larger  than  that  of  New 
York  State)  and  had  in  1899  1,575,000  population,  having 
lost  60,000  inhabitants,  partly  by  emigration,  in  the  years  of 
the  last  of  its  civil  wars.     That  it  had  in  1910  2,100,000  in- 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  557 

habitants,  a  gain  of  a  third,  is  perhaps  partial  warrant  for  our 
intervention  in  its  affairs.  For  these  territories,  we  paid  Spain 
$20,000,000  and  assumed  all  claims  of  citizens  against  Spain. 
In  other  words,  once  more  the  victor  nation  helped  the  de- 
feated as  in  the  Mexican  War.  But  there  had  been  a  vast 
difference  between  the  attitudes  of  William  McKinley  toward 
war  and  of  James  Knox  Polk.  President  McKinley  deplored 
the  war  and  some  of  its  results  and  disclosures. 

Scandals  in  the  War  Department. — The  incompetence 
of  the  American  War  Department  as  compared  with  the  splen- 
did accomplishment  of  the  Navy  Department  was  a  startling 
revelation.  Considerable  land  forces,  including  volunteers, 
were  mustered;  and  in  the  camps  they  died  in  hundreds  of 
easily  preventable  diseases.  The  food  supplies  were  rotten. 
Evidences  of  corruption  abounded. 

The  War-Heroes. — From  the  War,  two  men  emerged  as 
heroes,  Admiral  George  Dewey,  who  took  the  Philippines,  and 
Colonel  Theodore  Roosevelt,  to  whom  three  things  were  at- 
tributed,— the  preparedness  of  thg  Navy  of  which  he  had  been 
Assistant  Secretary,  a  brilliant/^kirmish  upon  San  Juan  Hill 
when  Santiago  was  taken,  anasaving  the  health  of  the  sol- 
diers by  a  final  rendezvous  at  Montauk  Point,  the  eastern  end 
of  Long  Island.  Unhappily,  the  Atlantic  squadron  had  a  feud 
as  to  who  was  the  real  hero  of  Santiago,  the  admiral  in  com- 
mand, whose  ship  came  late  into  action,  W.  T.  Sam'pson,  or 
the  commander  during  the  action,  W.  S.  Schley. 

Imperialism. — President  McKinley  now  had  upon  his  hands 
the  business  of  subjugating  the  natives  of  the  Philippine  Is- 
lands. Under  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  they  had  set  up  a 
government  all  of  their  own.  Senator  Eugene  Hale  of  Maine, 
Senator  George  F.  Hoar  of  Massachusetts,  Thomas  B.  Reed, 
Carl  Schurz,  and  many  others  of  the  leading  Republicans  de- 
nounced subjugation  as  "imperialism."  No  representative 
democracy  is  adapted  to  rule  another  land  and  people, — for  at 
once  arises  the  question,  "What  are  the  rights  of  the  subjects?" 
The  struggle  in  the  islands  lasted  for  two  years  until  the  leader 
Aguinaldo  was  captured.  We  had  there  60,000  American  sol- 
diers. As  the  head  of  the  government  under  various  succes- 
sive titles  was  former  Judge  William  Howard  Taft  of  Ohio. 

Hawaii. — In  1898  we  annexed  Hawaii,  and  in  1900  created 
the  Territory  of  Hawaii.1    These  islands,  mainly  given  over 

*See  p.  541,  supra. 


558  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS' 

to  the  production  of  sugar,  lie  2100  miles  west  of  San  Fran- 
cisco and  4900  miles  east  of  Manila.  Only  eight  are  of  any 
commercial  importance.  All  together  they  contain  some  7000 
square  miles, — about  the  area  of  New  Jersey  and  twice  that 
of  Porto  Rico, — but  the  population  numbered  only  154,000  in 
1900.  It  is  now  growing  rapidly  both  by  natural  reproduction 
and  by  immigration.  Though  the  island  of  Oahu  is  but  one- 
seventh  the/size  of  the  island  of  Hawaii,  it  has  more  people  and 
the  main  cityT Honolulu.  This  population  is  one-half  Japa- 
nese, one-sixth  Portuguese,  one-eighth  Chinese,  one-fifth  native 
Hawaiian  or  Hawaiian-mestizo.  The  Teutons,  including  Ameri- 
cans, English,  Germans,  number  now  but  12,000  in  a  total  of 
175,000,  of  whom  only  one- third  are  females.  The  Hawaiians 
were  and  their  survivors  are  an  extraordinary  race, — their 
men  and  women  are  tall  and  often  weigh  350  to  500  pounds, 
the  largest  of  human  beings.  They  now  number,  however, 
scarcely  a  fifth  of  their  total  population  of  a  century  ago. 

In  1899  we  annexed  those  of  the  Samoan  Islands  which  lie 
east  of  1710,  acquiring  the  harbor  of  Pago-Pago. 

With  the  Allies  in  China. — In  1900  our  soldiers  marched 
with  the  allies  to  Pekin,  China,  to  suppress  the  Boxer  insurrec- 
tion against  foreigners.  And  our  Secretary  of  State  John  Hay, 
who  had  been  private  secretary  to  Abraham  Lincoln,  but  who 
upon  marrying  a  millionaire  heiress  in  Cleveland  had  risen  to 
high  place  both  social  and  political,  who  was  a  poet  of  genius 
and  a  biographer  of  Lincoln,  secured  the  integrity  of  the 
Chinese  Empire  and  "the  open  door,"  a  diplomatic  triumph 
involving  directly  the  welfare  of  400,000,000  persons  of  the 
yellow  race  and  indirectly  the  good  of  all  civilized  mankind. 
This  led  to  the  new  Chinese  Republic  of  19 12. 

Our  Changed  World-Position. — The  administration  of 
William  McKinley  had  been  of  vast  importance.  Spain  had 
been  reduced  to  her  own  problem  of  self-government;  and  her 
world-empire  was  ended.  By  the  Spanish  and  Chinese  treaties, 
the  United  States  had  become  a  world-power,  second  only 
to  Great  Britain.  The  days  of  avoidance  of  international  rela- 
tions,— the  days  of  Washington  and  Jefferson, — were  at  an 
end.  The  Monroe  doctrine  had  been  enforced  and  extended 
by  the  battleships  of  our  navy. 

The  country  was  prosperous.  War  and  trade  expansion  had 
speeded  the  wheels  of  industry  and  raised  the  prices  of  agricul- 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  559 

tural  products.  In  1900  we  had  formally  adopted  the  gold 
dollar  as  "the  standard  unit  of  value." 

Great  questions  had  come  up, — among  them  the  rights  of 
Filipinos,  of  Hawaiians,  and  of  Porto  Ricans.  This  took  the 
form,  "Does  the  Constitution  follow  the  flag?"  Another  was, 
— "How  long  shall  we  remain  in  the  Philippine  Islands  ?"  We 
had  in  1900  76,000,000  population,  of  whom  9,000,000  were 
Southern  negroes  and  7,000,000  Filipino  Malays.  Ugly  race 
problems  confronted  us.  The  people  responded  by  organizing 
ten  mostly  new  parties  that  adopted  national  platforms  and 
named  Presidential  candidates  besides  the  Democratic  and  the 
Republican. 

Renominated. — President  McKinley  was  unanimously 
nominated  at  once  by  the  Republican  Convention.  The  Vice- 
President  had  died;  and  with  McKinley, •  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
Rough  Rider,  then  Governor  of  New  York  State,  was  named 
as  Vice-Presidential  candidate.  He  was  a  war-hero,  a  re- 
former, an  author  of  high  reputation,  and  a  rich  man. 

The  Political  Issues. — The  Democrats  named  William  J. 
Bryan1  again  and  associated  with  him  Adlai  E.  Stevenson,2 
hoping  thereby  to  gain  the  votes  of  Cleveland  Democrats. 
Bryan  had  been  Colonel  of  a  Nebraska  volunteer  regiment  dur- 
ing the  Spanish  War,  but  had  seen  no  service  in  the  field,  which 
was  perhaps  unfortunate  for  him,  though  not  unintended  by 
the  Republican  administration.  He  now  raised  three  issues, — 
First,  imperialism,  asserting  that  the  Filipinos  should  have 
immediate  self-government  and  that  for  Americans  to  try  to 
rule  them  would  be  to  violate  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  Constitution,  to  corrupt  the  morals  of  the  soldiers  in 
the  islands,  to  make  maladministration  in  government  certain, 
and  to  distract  attention  from  home  problems.  Second,  free 
silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  I.  Third,  trusts:  these  were  great 
corporations,  syndicates,  and  pools  that  had  gotten  control  of 
industry  partly  because  of  the  tariff  system,  partly  because  of 
the  currency  system,  partly  because  of  the  panic  of  1893.  Bryan 
was  against  imperialism,  against  gold,  against  trusts. 

The  Election. — The  popular  vote  in  elections  was : 

McKinley  7,207,923,  Bryan  6,358,133. 

The  Electoral  College  stood  Republican  292,  Democrat  155. 

*See  pp.  121,  533,  supra.  2See  pp.  538,  539,  supra. 


560  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

The  Democrats  had  carried  only  the  Solid  South  and  four 
silver  States, — Colorado,  Nevada,  Idaho,  and  Montana.  The 
anti-imperialistic  cry  had  lost  them  the  Pacific  Coast,  which 
saw  trade  across  seven  thousand  miles  of  water.  The  anti- 
gold  cry  had  lost  them  the  East.  The  anti-trust  cry  alone 
held  a  respectable  vote  anywhere  in  the  whole  North.  The 
South  stayed  solid  only  because  of  the  memories  of  Republican 
reconstruction,  seeing  in  the  Philippines  a  new  race-question. 
This  campaign,  even  more  than  that  of  1896,  showed  that 
Bryan  was  not  a  master  politician.  He  raised  too  many  issues, 
thereby  alienating  too  many  groups.1  Incidentally,  he  dis- 
covered in  Theodore  Roosevelt  a  political  campaigner  who 
could  talk  almost  as  long  and  almost  as  often  as  himself  with- 
out breaking  down,  and  who,  by  representing  standard  capi- 
talism, got  his  speeches  into  the  newspapers. 

Cuban  Relations. — In  1 900-1 901  Congress  arranged  to 
terminate  the  military  occupation  of  Cuba  and  to  start  the 
Republic.  We  were  to  hold  a  certain  kind  of  protectorate, — 
two  naval  stations  upon  the  island  were  included.  The  Piatt 
Amendment  to  the  Cuban  Constitution  gives  to  the  United 
States  the  right  to  intervene  in  Cuban  affairs  when  we  think 
it  necessary  in  order  to  protect  the  independence  of  the  island, 
to  preserve  life,  property  and  liberty  there,  and  to  keep  our 
treaty  with  Spain. 

Tour  of  the  President. — Early  in  the  summer  of  1901, 
William  McKinley  set  out  upon  a  tour  of  the  South,  the  Pacific 
Coast,  and  the  Middle  West.  The  presence  of  Confederate 
veterans  side  by  side  with  Federal  veterans  in  the  Spanish 
War,  the  long  lapse  of  time,  the  new  industrial  life,  had 
made  a  new  bond  between  South  and  North ;  and  Major  Mc- 
Kinley was  heartily  welcomed  in  the  South.  At  wSan  Francisco 
he  witnessed  the  launching  of  the  battleship  "Ohio,"  named 
for  his  own  State.  He  was  to  make  a  speech  at  the  Pan-Ameri- 
can Exposition  at  Buffalo,  New  York,  in  September,  and, 
being  in  poor  health,  with  his  wife  went  to  Canton,  Ohio,  to 
rest  for  a  month. 

Assassinated. — On  September  5,  the  President  made  the 
address,  not  only  the  best  of  his  life  but  one  of  the  great 
speeches  of  American  history.  It  showed  him  as  a  true  disciple 
of  Blaine.  In  it  he  expounded  the  doctrine  of  reciprocity  with 
friendly  foreign  nations,  a  wise  modification  of  the  protective 

JSee  pp.  112,  120,  supra. 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  561 

system  after  infant  industries  have  reached  adult  size.  Next 
day,  at  a  reception,  the  secret  service  officers  let  pass  a  young 
man  with  his  right  hand  done  up  in  a  handkerchief  as  though 
wounded.  This  man  was  Leon  Czolgoscz,  a  Czech  by  birth,  and 
Anarchist,  who  had  attended  private  schools  for  a  year  or  two 
here,  and  who  looked  upon  William  McKinley  as  a  tyrant- 
ruler.  Perhaps  his  mind  had  been  inflamed  by  sensational  news 
and  pictures  representing  the  President  as  the  tool  of  pluto- 
crats and  an  enemy  of  the  people.  Like  the  other  murderers 
of  Presidents,  he  was  no  American  by  blood  and  tradition  of 
generations.  Whether  he  was  really  an  "Anarchist"  or  not  is 
unknown  and  immaterial.  His  act  showed  that  he  believed  in 
no  government,  death-to-rulers.  Through  the  handkerchief,  he 
discharged  two  revolver  shots  as  McKinley  stretched  out  a  kind 
right  hand  to  greet  him.    One  bullet  penetrated  the  abdomen. 

Like  Grant,  William  McKinley  had  been  an  excessive  smoker 
of  cigars.  He  preferred  cheap  big  black  ones.  His  health 
was  popularly  supposed  to  be  good ;  but  those  who  knew  dis- 
trusted the  promise  of  the  surgeons  that  there  would  be  a 
quick  recovery.  On  the  14th,  the  patient  collapsed  and  died,  the 
third  martyr  to  the  greatness  of  the  Presidency  in  a  land  that 
does  not  cherish  Presidents.  The  assassin  was  duly  executed 
in  October,  1901.  It  was  the  standard  mechanical  revenge  of 
society  upon  a  man  of  feeble,  frantic  mind  baffled  by  life's 
great  evils. 

A  Growing  Man. — William  McKinley  left  no  property  to 
his  invalid  wife,  who  survived  him  until  1907.  He  had  given 
most  of  his  life  in  war  and  peace  to  the  public  service.  He  had 
shown  powers  of  growth.  He  was  one  of  the  type  of  men 
whom  plain  people  respect  and  like;  and  his  taking  off  was 
another  example  of  the  irony  of  fate.  Few  abler  Presidents  in 
our  epoch  of  amazing  and  undesired  and  unexpected  expan- 
sion would  have  done  as  well  for  us  as  this  modest  and  indus- 
trious soldier-lawyer-politician. 


— .     +***jm0tjr  . 


562  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

CHAPTER  XXVI 

Theodore  Roosevelt 

1901-1909 
1858- 

45-46  States  Population  85,000,000 

Admitted :    Oklahoma. 

Ancestry — a  frail  boy — visits  Europe — educated  at  Harvard — married 
wealthy  wife — Alpine  climber — State  Assemblyman — death  of  wife — 
cattle-rancher — second  marriage — defeated  for  mayor  of  New  York 
— literary  work — Civil  Service  Commissioner — New  York  Police  Com- 
missioner— Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy — raises  "Rough  Rider" 
regiment — hero  of  San  Juan  Hill — writes  round  robin — Governor  of 
New  York — reformer — Vice-President — succeeds  to  Presidency — 
more  books — compared  with  Abraham  Lincoln — rediscovers  the  Ten 
Commandments — Panama  seized — the  Canal — nominated  for  Presi- 
dency— the  issues — Democratic  candidate  charged  corruption  and 
lying — tremendous  victory  for  Roosevelt — many  reform  statutes — 
centralization — the  fleet  circumnavigates  the  earth — the  House  of 
Governors — rural  life  studied — District  of  Columbia  affairs — Roose- 
velt helps  peace  between  Russia  and  Japan — the  Roosevelt  panic  of 
1907 — the  steel  merger — refuses  renomination— names  and  elects  his 
successor — the  amazing  African  hunt — tour  of  Europe — New  York 
State  politics — still  more  books — superb  health — versatility — compared 
with  Franklin,  Jackson  and  J.  Q.  Adams — contrasted  with  Hayes — 
his   fame   secure   on   other  grounds   than   Presidency. 

Distinguished  Ancestry. — The  so-called  "twenty-sixth*' 
President,  but  really  twenty-fifth,  for  Cleveland  counts  twice, 
of  the  United  States  was  Theodore  Roosevelt,  born  in  New 
York  City  on  October  27,  1858.  Upon  his  father's  side  he 
was  of  Dutch  ancestry,  long  resident  in  New  York.  His  father, 
a  merchant,  attained  high  civil  distinction,  as  did  others  of 
his  ancestors  and  relatives.  His  mother  was  Martha  Bulloch, 
daughter  of  a  Southern  family  of  Scotch-Irish1  and  Huguenot 
extraction,  of  even  greater  prominence  in  South  Carolina  and 
in  Georgia  than  the  Roosevelts  were  in  New  York,  though  not 
of  equal  wealth.  Roosevelt  is  Dutch-Saxon-Celt, — a  Dutch- 
man speeded  up. 

Not  a  Vigorous  Lad. — Like  Monroe  and  McKinley,  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt  was  weak  in  strength  and  poor  in  health  in  his 

*See  p.  550,  supra. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  563 

boyhood  and  youth;  but  both  his  father  and  the  boy  himself 
realized  the  need  of  care.  He  lived  much  of  the  time  at  his 
country  home  at  Oyster  Bay,  Long  Island,  and  gave  special 
attention  to  rowing,  swimming,  horseback  riding,  Nature  excur- 
sions, and  outdoor  life.  When  fourteen  years  of  age,  he 
accompanied  his  father  to  Egypt,  going  up  the  Nile  to  Luxor 
and  making  a  collection  of  birds  that  was  placed  in  the  Smith- 
sonian Museum    in  Washington. 

Educated  at  Harvard  ;  First  Marriage. — Roosevelt  was 
graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1880,  in  the  same  class  with 
Robert  Bacon,  who  became  partner  in  the  firm  of  J.  Pier- 
pont  Morgan  and  whom  he  appointed  to  several  high  offices, 
and  in  the  same  year  married  Alice  Hathaway  Lee,  daughter 
of  one  of  the  wealthiest  bankers  of  Boston,  and  employer  of 
this  same  wealthy  classmate.  They  went  to  Europe,  where 
the  young  man  climbed  both  the  Jungfrau  and  the  Matter- 
horn,  and  in  honor  of  these  exploits  was  made  a  member  of 
the  London  Alpine  Club. 

Member  State  Assembly. — Settling  in  New  York,  Roose- 
velt studied  law  at  Columbia  University  and  in  the  office  of  his 
interesting  uncle,  Robert  B.  Roosevelt,1  but  before  being 
admitted  to  the  bar,  entered  actively  into  politics.  As  an 
avowed  opponent  to  boss  rule,  he  was  elected  in  1881  to  the 
State  Assembly.  In  1883  he  was  his  party's  candidate  for 
Speaker,  but  the  Democrats  were  in  the  majority.  Next  year 
he  went  as  delegate  to  the  Republican  National  Convention,1 
opposed  the  nomination  of  Blaine,  and  advocated  that  of  Sena- 
tor George  F.  Edmunds  of  Vermont. 

His  Wife  Died. — In  this  same  year,  his  wife  died,  leaving 
him  with  a  daughter.  He  immediately  gave  up  Eastern  life 
and  with  impaired  health  went  as  owner  and  manager  into| 
extensive  cattle-ranching  near  Medora  upon  the  Little  Mis- 
souri river,  North  Dakota. 

Second  Marriage. — In  1886  Roosevelt  returned  to  the 
East,  married  Edith  Kermit  Carow,  a  well-to-do  lady  of  New 
York  City,  and  at  once  ran  for  Mayor  against  Abram  F.] 
Hewitt,  Tammany  Democrat,  and  Henry  George,  Single 
Taxer  and  United  Laborite.  The  Republican  vote  .was  the 
smallest  of  the  three. 

*He  advocated  cutting  Central  Park  into  building  lots  for  funds  tojfill 
the  city  treasury.  •    •. 


564  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Literary  Work. — For  several  years,  Roosevelt  devoted 
himself  largely  to  literary  work.  In  1882  he  had  published  a 
standard  naval  history  of  the  War  of  1812.'  He  brought  out  a 
life  of  Senator  Thomas  Hart  Benton  in  1887  and  a  life  of 
Gouverneur  Morris  in  1888,  "Hunting  Trips  of  a  Ranchman" 
in  1886,  and  "Ranch  Life  and  the  Hunting  Trail'  in  1887. 
J  Service  in  Appointive  Offices. — His  interest  in  politics 
now  consisted  mainly  in  civil  service  reform.  In  April,  1889, 
President  Harrison  appointed  him  a  member  of  the  United 
States  Civil  Service  Commission.  In  a  period  of  six  years' 
service,  he  made  a  national  reputation  for  himself  by  vigorous 
advocacy  of  the  examination  system  and  by  efficient  adminis- 
trative methods.  Most  of  the  time,  he  was  at  war  with  Con- 
gress and  Congressmen;  but  in  the  end  20,000  places  were 
added  to  the  reform  system. 

In  1895  ne  resigned  to  become  President  of  the  Board  of 
Police  Commissioners  in  New  York  City.  His  service  was 
notably  efficient,  being  a  combination  of  sympathy  with  exist- 
ing conditions  and  of  determination  to  better  them. 

In  1897  Roosevelt  became  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
under  McKinley  and  set  diligently  about  getting  up  (and  ready 
for)  a  war  with  Spain.  Secretary  John  D.  Long  was  cold  and 
indifferent;  most  of  the  long-time  clerks  of  the  department, 
hostile;  Congress  was  disposed  to  ridicule  the  notion.  But  he 
undertook  to  improve  the  gunnery  of  the  navy,  collected  am- 
munition, bought  transports,  sent  ships  and  supplies  to  the 
Pacific  stations,  and  advised  the  President  to  protest  against 
the  sailing  of  Cervera's  fleet  from  Spain  because  it  must  be 
aimed  against  us,  not  against  Cuba,  which  had  no  navy. 

The  Rough  Riders. — All  this  Theodore  Roosevelt  accom- 
plished because  the  political  world  had  to  make  room  for  a 
man  of  so  much  energy,  wealth,  prestige,  and  daring.  As 
soon  as  the  war  broke  out,  he  resigned  and  raised  a  regiment  of 
cavalry  known  as  "Rough  Riders."  It  included  collegians, 
rich  sportsmen,  New  York  policemen,  and  Western  cowboys 
and  ranchmen.  Dr.  Leonard  Wood,  army  surgeon  and  good 
soldier  also,  was  colonel  and  Theodore  Roosevelt  lieutenant- 
colonel.  Colonel  Wood  was  soon  made  brigade  commander. 
At  San  Juan  Hill  the  regiment  charged  on  foot,  in  the  face 
of  severe  fire,  and  drove  the  Spaniards  out  of  their  trenches 
before  Santiago.     Though  a  colored  regiment  was  equally 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  565 

prominent  and  useful  in  this  exploit,  the  glory  came  to  the 
famous  political  reformer.  When  the  war  was  over,  Colonel 
(Roosevelt,  with  others,  wrote  a  "round  robin"  letter  that  ex- 
posed the  mismanagement  of  the  War  Department.  This  was 
insubordination,  but  it  accomplished  both  immediate  and  last- 
ing good. 

.  Governor  of  New  York. — The  Republican  party  of  New 
York  State  promptly  seized  upon  Roosevelt  as  the  best  available 
material  for  the  making  of  a  governor.  In  November,  1898,  he 
was  elected  by  a  considerable  plurality. 

Named  for  Vice-President. — The  notion  of  an  aristocrat, 
a  political  reformer,  and  a  man  of  letters  leading  valiantly  the 
Rough  Riders  into  battle  caught  the  public  fancy.  As  gov- 
ernor, Roosevelt  made  the  Canal  Commission — for  the  Erie 
Canal,  like  a  railroad,  is  never  done — non-partisan;  intro- 
duced more  civil  service  reform;  and  signed  a  corporation 
act  that  taxed  public  franchises.  It  was  a  good  beginning; 
and  Roosevelt  was  anxious  to  get  another  term  and  to  go  on 
with  his  projected  reforms.  But  the  national  bosses  of  the 
Republican  party  desired  a  different  kind  of  governor  and 
conceived  the  idea  of  side-tracking  a  too  independent  man  by 
making  him  Vice-President.  They  were  also  quite  sure  that 
his  name  would  strengthen  the  ticket.  Much  to  his  chagrin,  he 
was  named  for  the  obscure  office  of  Vice-President. 

Succeeds  to  the  Presidency. — Governor  Roosevelt  be- 
came Vice-President  duly  in  March,  1901 ;  but  he  never  pre- 
sided over  the  Senate,  for  upon  the  death  of  McKinley  on 
September  14,  he  succeeded  to  an  office  that  the  bosses  never 
intended  him  to  have.  The  news  reached  him  when  hunting 
in  the  Adirondacks;  and  he  immediately  hastened  to  Buffalo 
where  he  took  the  oath  of  office,  asserting  that  he  proposed 
to  follow  the  policies  of  the  martyred  President. 

He  was  now  but  forty-two  years  of  age,  being  much 
younger  than  any  other  President.  Full  of  energy,  running 
over  with  ideas,  fearless,  rich,  famous  on  his  own  account, 
independent  of  the  honors  of  any  office,  with  an  enthusiasm  for 
real  people  derived  from  his  ranch  life  and  Cuban  war  asso- 
ciations, Theodore  Roosevelt  could  not  follow  the  policies  of 
William  KcKinley. 

More  Literary  Work. — Before  coming  to  the  Presidency 
in  1 90 1,  he  had  added  other  books  to  his  literary  record, — in 


566  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

1891  one  upon  New  York  City;  in  1895,  in  collaboration  with 
Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  "Hero  Tales  from  American 
History";  his  greatest  work,  "The  Winning  of  the  West"  in 
1889-1896;  "The  Rough  Riders"  in  1899;  "The  Wilderness 
Hunter"  in  1893;  "American  Ideals"  in  1900;  and  "The 
Strenuous  Life"  in  1901. 

Not  an  Economist. — In  the  character  of  the  national  prob- 
lems that  interested  Theodore  Roosevelt,  he  was  more  like 
Abraham  Lincoln  than  any  other  President  and  the  antithesis 
of  Martin  Van  Buren.  Like  Lincoln,  he  cared  little  and  knew 
little  about  economic  questions  as  such.  His  interest  and  his 
understanding  concerned  ethical  questions  and  the  ethical 
aspects  of  all  questions;  the  social  situation  that  does  not  have 
moral  and  ethical  aspects  never  exists  or  can  exist.  To  use 
his  own  phrase,  he  turned  the  Presidency  into  "such  a  bully 
pulpit"  for  preaching  the  principles  of  right  and  wrong  to  his 
fellow  countrymen.  In  the  language  of  his  critics  and  enemies, 
he  "rediscovered  the  Ten  Commandments."  Along  with  the 
preaching  went  such  accomplishment  as  existing  statutes  and 
the  personnel  of  the  three  several  branches  of  government, — 
the  courts,  Congress,  and  the  executive  branch, — permitted. 
Unprecedented  Number  of  Cabinet  Changes. —  ' 

State, — John  Hay  of  Ohio,  four  years ;  Elihu  Root  of  New 
York,  three  and  a  half  years;  Robert  Bacon  of  New  York, 
six  weeks. 

Treasury, — Lyman  J.  Gage  of  Illinois,  four  months;  Leslie 
M.  Shaw  of  Iowa,  five  years;  George  B.  Cortelyou  of  New 
York,  over  two  years. 

War, — Elihu  Root  of  New  York,  over  two  years ;  William 
H.  Taft  of  Ohio,  four  and  a  half  years;  Luke  E.  Wright  of 
Tennessee,  nine  months. 

Attorney-General, — Philander  C.  Knox  of  Pennsylvania, 
three  years;  William  H.  Moody  of  Massachusetts,  two  and 
a  half  years;  Charles  J.  Bonaparte  of  Maryland,  over  two 
years,  great  grandson  of  the  father  and  mother  of  Napoleon. 

Postmaster-General, — Charles  E.  Smith  of  Pennsylvania, 
five  months ;  Henry  C.  Payne  of  Wisconsin,  nearly  three  years ; 
Robert  J.  Wynne  of  Pennsylvania,  four  months;  George  B. 
Cortelyou  of  New  York,  two  years;  George  Von  L.  Meyer 
of  Massachusetts,  two  years. 

Navy, — John   D.   Long  of   Massachusetts,   eight   months; 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  567 

William  H.  Moody  of  Massachusetts,  over  two  years;  Paul 
Morton  of  Illinois,  one  year;  Charles  J.  Bonaparte,  one  and 
a  half  years;  Victor  H.  Metcalf  of  California,  two  years; 
Truman  H.  Newberry  of  Michigan,  five  months. 

Interior, — Ethan  A.  Hitchcock  of  Missouri,  five  and  a  half 
years;  James  R.  Garfield  of  Ohio,  two  years,  son  of  James  A. 
Garfield,  President,  1881. 

Agriculture, — James  Wilson  of  Iowa. 

Commerce  and  Labor, — George  B.  Cortelyou,  one  and  a 
half  years;  Victor  H.  Metcalf,  two  and  a  half  years;  Oscar  S. 
Straus,  two  and  a  half  years. 

This  was  a  new  department. 

Departmental  Efficiency. — Of  the  accomplishments  of 
Roosevelt  as  President,  not  the  least  was  his  improvement  of 
the  efficiency  of  the  men  at  the  head  of  the  executive  divisions 
and  bureaus.  He  was  always  himself  the  chief,  treating  all  his 
Secretaries  (as  did  Jackson  and  Lincoln  and  Cleveland), 
whether  rich  or  poor,  famous  or  unknown,  old  or  young,  as 
working  assistants,  not  as  colleagues.  The  persistent  tendency 
of  Congress  is  to  seek  to  break  up  the  unity  of  the  executive 
branch  by  requiring  reports  directly  to  itself  without  passing 
through  the  hands  of  the  President.  Congress  tried  to  do  so 
repeatedly  under  Roosevelt,  but  failed. 

The  Republic  Transformed. — The  range  of  interests 
cared  for  under  Roosevelt  vastly  exceeded  those  under  any 
earlier  President.  The  administration  of  McKinley  had  trans- 
formed the  Republic.  The  number  of  Government  offices  and 
clerkships  grew  to  360,000  in  Roosevelt's  time,  an  increase 
of  thirty  per  cent,  in  ten  years.  Theodore  Roosevelt  managed 
to  make  himself  felt  everywhere,  even  in  places  where  the 
common  sense  of  the  public  scarcely  supported  his  intrusions. 
Especially  disliked  by  many  were  his  utterances  respecting 
large  families  of  children.  But  he  set  in  process  the  demolition 
of  great  trusts,  as  in  the  attack  upon  the  Northern  Securities 
Company,  which  aimed  to  unite  the  great  competing  railways 
of  the  Northwest.  Yet  he  was  no  legalist;  and  his  actions, 
being  without  inner  consistency,  appeared  those  of  a  polyphase, 
unprincipled,  earnest,  and  somewhat  dangerous  man.  No  one 
knew  what  to  expect  next. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine. — The  first  important  official  action 


568  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

of  President  Roosevelt  was  to  modify  the  Monroe  Doctrine1 
by  a  limitation.  Venezuela  had  resented  the  claims  of  private 
citizens  against  herself.  Some  claims  were  probably  fraudu- 
lent, but  Venezuela  did  not  judiciously  or  even  judicially  dis- 
criminate. When,  in  1901,  Germany  undertook  to  enforce 
payment,  President  Roosevelt  declared  that  the  United  States 
would  permit  punishment  provided  Germany  did  not  un- 
dertake to  acquire  territory  in  the  New  World.  A  year  later 
Germany,  England,  and  Italy  blockaded  Venezuela.  Next  year 
the  new  Hague  Court  of  internal  arbitration  supported  the 
claims  of  these  powers. 

Similarly,  Roosevelt  intervened  in  the  affairs  of  San  Do- 
mingo, quite  in  the  spirit  of  President  Grant.  This  occurred 
in  1904,  when  he  extended  the  Monroe  Doctrine  by  asserting 
that  when  a  government  was  wicked  or  impotent  the  United 
States  might  resort  "to  the  exercise  of  international  police 
power."  In  1905  he  signed  a  protocol  giving  to  the  United 
States  control  of  San  Domingo  finances.  Congress  objected 
strenuously  until  in  1907  the  Senate  agreed  to  a  treaty  along 
the  lines  of  the  original  Roosevelt  plan. 

Helps  the  Mine  Workers  and  the  Nation. — Early  in 
1902  the  United  Mine  Workers  struck  for  shorter  hours  and 
for  higher  wages.  The  attitude  of  the  mine  owners  was 
offensive  to  the  public  mind.  Wholly  without  warrant  of  law 
or  custom,  Roosevelt  intervened,  and  with  signal  success.  It 
was  a  picturesque  incident  in  that  he  was  laid  up  at  the  time 
with  trouble  in  a  leg, — the  circumstance  was  a  reminder  of  the 
experience  of  George  Washington  in  his  early  days  as  Presi- 
dent.2 By  his  intervention  Roosevelt  saved  us  the  horrors  of 
a  Homestead  strike3  and  a  Pullman  riot,4  and  secured  better 
terms  for  the  men. 

The  Earth  Girdled  by  Electric  Telegraph  Lines. — 
In  the  summer  of  1903,  the  circuit  of  the  earth  by  electric  cable 
and  wire  was  completed,  and  from  his  summer  home  at  Oyster 
Bay  President  Roosevelt  telegraphed  to  Honolulu  and  Manila. 
This  achievement  greatly  facilitated  government  in  the  Pa- 
cific islands.6 

^ee  pp.  298  et  seq.;  542,  supra.  *See  p.  54*.  supra. 

'See  p.  232,  supra.  "See  p.  158,  supra. 

'See  p.  547,  supra. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  569 


In  the  fall  of  the  same  year,  by  arbitration  award,  the 
boundaries  of  Alaska  and  Canada  were  settled.  These  sus- 
tained most  of  the  American  claims. 

Panama  Seized. — But  the  most  interesting  of  all  the  events 
of  the  first  term  of  Roosevelt  was  a  revolution  at  Panama,  by 
which  the  State  of  Panama  seceded  from  Columbia  and  created 
itself  a  Republic  and  then  gave  to  the  United  States  a  right 
of  way  for  an  interocean  ship-canal.  Such  a  canal  had  been 
dreamed  of  for  four  hundred  years.  It  was  more  than  sus- 
pected that  the  "revolution"  was  engineered  by  Americans. 
In  191 1,  in  an  address  in  California,  Roosevelt  definitely  said 
of  Panama,  "I  took  it." 

A  Highly  Significant  View  of  the  Presidency. — Later 
in  the  same  year,  in  a  published  article,  he  set  forth  his  theory 
that  the  President  has  the  right  to  do  anything  useful  that  he 
has  the  power  to  do  and  that  the  Constitution,  the  statutes, 
and  the  judicial  decisions  do  not  expressly  forbid.  The  Presi- 
dent is  "the  steward  of  the  public  welfare."  In  the  zone  lying 
between  his  powers  and  his  prohibitions,  t!he  President  deals 
only  with  his  own  conscience,  and  his  only  risk  is  impeachment.1 

The  Panama  Canal. — In  1902  we  had  bought  the  old 
French  canal  as  far  as  completed  and  the  rights  for  $40,000,- 
000.  By  treaty  in  1904,  we  paid  $10,000,000  to  Panama  for  2. 
strip  of  land  ten  miles  wide.  Unless  the  vast  Gatun  dam 
breaks,  the  canal  will  be  completed  in  191 3,  at  a  cost  of 
$400,000,000,  the  most  stupendous  engineering  achievement 
in  human  history,  reducing  the  distance  by  sea  from  New 
York  to  San  Francisco  from  14,000  to  5000  miles,  and  chang- 
ing the  politics  of  all  the  earth.  How  useful  this  will  prove 
in  a  future  age  of  airships  and  aeroplanes,  how  soon  science 
will  make  it  as  obsolete  as  the  pyramids,  we  do  not  foreknow. 

Nominated  President. — In  1904  the  Republican  party 
named  Theodore  Roosevelt  for  President,  with  Charles  W. 
Fairbanks  of  Indiana  as  Vice-President.  The  latter  was  a 
rich  corporation  lawyer,  a  friend  of  former  President  Harri- 
son, and  at  this  time  United  States  Senator. 

The  Democratic  party  nominated  Alton  B.  Parker,  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  New  York  State,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  with  him  associated  for  the  Vice-Presidential  place 
upon  the  ticket  Henry  Gassaway  Davis,  former  United  States 

*See  p.  154,  supra. 


570  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

Senator  from  West  Virginia,  banker  and  railroad  president, 
multimillionaire,  and  at  the  time  eighty-one  years  of  age. 

The  Issues. — The  party  platforms  joined  issue  on  the  pro- 
tective tariff,  on  the  imperialism  itself,  and  on  the  resultant 
colonial  policy,  but  agreed  substantially  on  the  trusts  and  on 
the  gold  standard.  During  the  campaign,  Judge  Parker  made 
the  charge  that  the  Republicans  were  gathering  immense  cam- 
paign funds  from  life  insurance  companies  and  other  great 
corporations.  This  charge  Roosevelt  vehemently  denied,  ask- 
ing for  "a  square  deal."  The  people  believed  him, — for  sev- 
eral years. 

A  Brilliant  Past  and  the  Lie  Win  the  Election. — In 
the  election  the  popular  vote  stood  for  the  Republicans  by 
2,500,000  plurality  and  by  1,500,000  majority.  To  this  amaz- 
ing triumph,  several  factors  contributed.  Many  of  Bryan's 
free  silver  followers  refused  to  vote  for  the  Democratic  ticket; 
the  nomination  of-  Davis  had  been  offensive  because  obviously 
the  intention  was  to  "tap  Davis'  money-barrel,"  yet  in  fact 
Davis  gave  but  little ;  and  the  Republicans  had  immense  funds, 
derived,  as  Parker  has  said,  from  the  trusts  and  insurance 
companies.  If,  as  Roosevelt  asserted  later,  upon  proof  of  his 
error,  he  did  not  know  the  sources  of  the  supplies,  then  he  was 
singularly  blind  in  view  of  his  opportunities,  for  his  own  secre- 
tary, George  B.  Cortelyou,  was  campaign  manager.  If  not 
ignorant,  then  his  stout  denial  was  a  dark  and  damning  stain 
upon  his  mainly  white  escutcheon.  The  labor  vote  was  his 
anyway. 

President  for  Himself. — With  this  endorsement,  Roose- 
velt now  entered  upon  his  own  elective  term  with  enthusiasm 
and  confidence.  He  was  the  only  Vice-President  ever  to  be 
elected  President.1  No  other  man  had  ever  received  so  large 
a  popular  vote  or  so  great  a  majority.  The  Electoral  College 
had  stood  336  for  him  to  140  for  Parker.  It  was  true  that 
Judge  Parker  had  not  proven  to  be  a  popular  national  can- 
didate; and  yet  he  was  in  fact  a  good  lawyer,  a  man  of  the 
highest  character,  and  was  a  popular  man  in  his  own  State. 
In  the  trial  between  them,  the  former  New  York  Governor, 
however,  had  defeated  the  Chief  Justice.  Even  the  Solid 
South,  moved  by  his  Southern  maternal  ancestry  and  by  his 
favorable   attitude   toward    negro   industrial    education,   had 

1See  pp.  31,  32,  58,  supra. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  571 

shown  signs  of  breaking-up  in  order'  to  honor  Theodore 
Roosevelt. 

Public  Enlightenment. — His  one  all-inclusive  aim,  in 
what  was  virtually  his  second  term,  was  to  enlighten  the  public 
mind  and  to  awaken  the  public  conscience  to  the  serious  evils 
of  the  politico-economic  regime.  To  defeat  plutocracy  he  ad- 
vocated publicity  through  the  agencies  of  government.  It  was 
not  a  wholly  logical  program,  it  was  not  wholly  successful, 
but  that  the  aim  was  itself  true,  and  that  the  President  ren- 
dered an  exceedingly  important  service,  later  history  is  not 
likely  to  dispute. 

In  1903  the  Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor  had  been 
created,  and  to  its  activities  the  President  directed  especial  at- 
tention in  the  development  of  his  program  of  reform. 

Congress  passed  a  Meat  Inspection  Act  and  a  Pure  Food 
and  Drug  Act  in  order  to  promote  the  interests  of  honest 
dealers  against  the  dishonest  adulterators.. 

An  act  was  passed  prohibiting  the  States  from  naturalizing 
as  citizens  any  persons  who  cannot  read  and  write  the  English 
language.  This  was  a  distinct  step  in  centralization,  but  one 
so  consonant  with  almost  universal  public  opinion  that  its  con- 
stitutionality has  never  been  challenged.  This  limitation  tends 
to  weaken  the  power  of  political  bosses  in  cities, — which  means 
the  power  of  capitalists  to  buy  votes  and  to  control  govern- 
ment. 

The  Russo-Japanese  Treaty. — In  1903  war  had  begun 
between  Japan  and  Russia.  In  a  single  battle  of  that  war 
there  had  fallen  more  killed  and  wounded  than  fell  in  all  the 
battles  of  the  War  between  the  States  together.  In  the  summer 
of  1905  the  American  government  initiated  proposals  of 
peace, — in  a  manner  that  caused  both  parties  to  hesitate  to 
proceed.  At  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  upon  our  own  soil, 
a  treaty  was  finally  arranged  late  in  August  by  representatives 
of  the  Mikado  and  of  the  Emperor.  The  credit  of  forcing  this 
peace  clearly  belongs  to  Theodore  Roosevelt,  President  of  the 
United  States.  But  historians  will  dispute  for  many  a  cen- 
tury whether  or  not  it  would  have  been  better  to  let  one  of 
the  greatest  wars  in  human  history  work  itself  out  to  the 
bitter  end;  and  what  that  end  would  have  been.  Russia  is 
Christian-Greek  Catholic;  but  Russia  is  also  a  tyranny  gross, 
brutal,  and  corrupt.    Japan  is  pagan,  whatever  that  means,  pro- 


572  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

gressive,  idealistic.  Russians  are  white,  Japs  are  yellow.  And 
the  race-struggle  is  the  greatest  fact  of  all  the  life  of 
humanity. 

As  Japan  was  winning,  the  treaty  was  favorable  to  her ;  but 
not  so  favorable  as,  of  course,  her  patriots  desired.  The  action 
of  Roosevelt, — with  its  covert  threat  of  the  interference  of 
American  troops  and  ships, — pleased  no  Japanese,  and  angered 
Russian  progressives.  It  laid,  however,  new  solid  stones  in 
the  rising  temple  that,  ages  and  ages  hence,  may  shelter  the 
world-parliament  of  peaceful  mankind. 

Breaks  a  Party  Leader. — In  1906  the  personal  affiliations 
of  Senator  Joseph  B.  Foraker  of  Ohio,  with  corrupt  business 
magnates  and  their  tools  and  heelers,  became  known  in  part 
through  the  activities  of  a  New  York  newspaper,  which  pub- 
lished some  of  his  correspondence.  The  Senator  had  incensed 
the  President  by  attacking  a  military  order  discharging  three 
companies  of  colored  troops  for  "shooting  up"  the  town  of 
Brownsville,  Texas.  There  were  threats  even  of  impeachment. 
In  fiery  personal  conversation,  Roosevelt  asserted  that  he 
"would  dig  a  grave  six  feet  deep,  chuck  Foraker  into  it,  and 
stamp  the  earth  down  upon  him."  And  he  did,  for  he  under- 
stood Ohio  politics  better  even  than  the  famous  and  eloquent 
but  at  least  indiscreet  Grand  Army  orator.  Foraker  was 
soon  out  of  the  Senate  and  dead  in  politics. 

Admission  of  Oklahoma. — In  1907,  after  much  parleying, 
the  new  State  of  Oklahoma  was  admitted  into  the  Union.  It 
contained  then  about  1,500,000  persons,  of  whom  two-third9 
were  white,  the  rest  being  Indians,  half-breeds,  negroes,  and 
mestizos.  The  Constitution  of  this  State,  which  comprised 
both  the  Indian  Territory,  begun  in  1838  under  Jackson  and 
settled  largely  in  the  ten  years  after  the  Interstate  War, — the 
Indians  had  negro  slaves  and  supported  the  South, — and  also 
the  western  territory  of  Oklahoma,  contained  many  innova- 
tions that  did  not  please  the  Northeast  in  general  or  Roosevelt 
in  particular.  It  is  at  least  radical,  if  not  progressive ;  and  it  is 
certainly  long  enough  and  detailed  enough,  if  not  wise.  It  is 
not  a  constitution  only,  but  legislation. 

In  1 91 2,  Roosevelt  became  the  convinced  advocate  of  all 
these  innovations, — direct  legislation  by  initiative,  by  referen- 
dum, by  recall, — and  even  advocated  review  of  judicial 
decisions  by  popular  vote. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  573 

An  American  Fleet  Astonishes  the  World. — In  1907, ! 
in  a  recess  of  Congress,  without  specific  legislation  or  appro- 
priation therefor,1  but  by  economizing  in  the  miscellaneous 
funds,  President  Roosevelt  despatched  a  fleet  of  sixteen  battle- 
ships to  circumnavigate  the  earth.  It  was  an  astonishing  inno- 
vation to  teach  the  world  the  greatness  of  the  United  States. 
When  Congress  assembled,  there  was  some  grumbling,  for  the 
extra  cost  for  coal  and  other  supplies  was  several  millions  of 
dollars.  But  public  opinion  exercised  for  Roosevelt  a  dispens- 
ing power. 

The  House  of  Governors. — In  1908  the  President  called 
a  meeting  of  all  the  governors  of  the  States,  together  with 
several  notable  multimillionaires  and  public  leaders,  to  discuss 
at  the  White  House  the  conservation  of  our  natural  resources. 
This  led  to  the  formation  of  the  House  of  Governors,  meeting 
annually,  and  has  tended  in  consequence  to  State's  rights 
through  decentralized  activities.  The  first  direct  result  of  this 
first  meeting  was  the  appointment  of  a  commission  to  reclaim 
arid  lands  by  irrigation  and  swamp  lands  by  drainage ;  to  check 
the  erosion  of  soil  by  streams,  especially  to  check  complete 
denudation  of  hillsides  of  their  forests;  to  develop  inland 
waterways ;  and  to  regulate  the  removal  of  ores  and  coal  from 
their  treasuries  under  ground. 

There  was  appointed  by  the  President  an  unofficial  rural  life 
commission,  without  salary,  whose  direct  purpose  was  to  dis- 
cover ways  to  induce  city  families  to  move  into  the  country, 
and  country  families  to  improve  their  conditions  at  home. 

The  District  of  Columbia. — It  illustrates  the  multifarious 
activities  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  that  in  1906,  at  his  instance, 
Congress  passed  an  Act  reforming  the  public  schools  of  the 
voteless  District  of  Columbia  by  extending  to  them  a  civil 
service  merit  system  and  by  introducing  industrial  instruction. 
By  Congressional  lobbying,  however,  these  measures  were 
partly  frustrated  before  they  became  fully  operative. 

In  1908,  when  a  bill  was  before  Congress  to  enforce  free 
transfers  between  the  several  electric  traction  street  railways 
of  Washington,  an  ugly  discovery  was  made  that  the  private 
secretary  to  the  President  held  in  his  Own  name  4750  shares 
of  these  companies.  Upon  his  own  written  admission,  as  pub- 
lished in  the  "Congressional  Record,' '  most  of  these  shares 
were  held  for  Senators  and  Representatives.     The  bill  was 

1See  pp.  384,  302,  supra. 


574  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

defeated  to  the  enrichment  of  the  companies;  and  the  secretary 
became  a  director  of  the  largest,  .whose  active  manager  had 
led  the  lobby  that  in  part  defeated  the  school  reform  measures. 
Incidentally,  it  was  revealed  that  the  private  secretary  of  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  was  heavily  interested  in  asphalt  con- 
tracts for  the  streets  of  the  District.  Speaker  J.  G.  Cannon 
was  found  to  be  interested  in  the  Anacostia  flats,  which  it  was 
proposed  to  drain  at  National  cost.  To  all  such  matters,  the 
President  refused  to  open  his  eyes,  asserting  that  the  govern- 
ment of  the  District  was  as  good  as  the  people  wished  it  to  be. 
His  successor,  however,  made  some  prompt  and  beneficial 
changes  in  the  District  Commission  and  elsewhere. 

The  "Roosevelt  Panic." — In  1907  a  financial  panic  oc- 
curred. Its  first  symptoms  were  the  failures  of  a  prominent 
trust  company  in  New  York  and  of  certain  allied  banks  and 
speculators.  But  it  spread  widely,  affecting  banks  perhaps  as 
much  as  the  panic  of  1893.  In  the  course  of  the  settlement 
of  these  affairs,  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation,  with  a 
capital  of  one  and  a  half  billions  of  dollars,  was  allowed  by 
the  President  to  absorb  its  greatest  rival,  the  Tennessee  Coal, 
Iron  and  Railroad  Company.  That  this  was  done  in  violation 
of  the  Sherman  Act  against  trusts  all  now  understand.1 

Many  rich  men  charged  that  this  was  a  "Roosevelt  panic,'' 
due  to  his  preachments  against  "malefactors  of  great  wealth," 
by  which  he  had  created  general  business  distrust. 

Declines  to  Allow  His  Name  for  President  Again. — 
At  the  same  period,  he  undertook  to  coerce  Congress  to  pass 
certain  bills  that  he  favored,  using  measures  that  both  aston- 
ished, angered  and  disconcerted  his  enemies.  Nevertheless, 
had  he  himself  been  willing  to  accept  the  nomination,  the  Re- 
publican party  would  have  named  him  for  President  again  in 
the  elections  of  1908.  He  was,  however,  himself  unwilling  to 
run, — and  for.  many  reasons.  He  was  by  no  means  sure  of  re- 
election on  account  of  a  third- term  cry  (not  wholly  justified) 
and  of  the  opposition  of  certain  rich  men  and  of  many  politi- 
cians. If  elected,  he  had  seen  in  his  own  lifetime  the  deaths  of 
Lincoln,  Garfield,  and  McKinley  and  had  read  in  history  how 
Caesar  died.  He  would  go  a-hunting  and  then  spend  his  later 
years  writing  books,  and  to  use  his  own  phrase,  reflecting  upon 
his  "perfectly  corking  time"  as  President. 

Names  His  Successor. — Among  his  lieutenants,  two  were 

JSee  p.  586,  infra. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  575 

highly  regarded, — Elihu  Root  and  W.  H.  Taft.  Chiefly  upon 
the  grounds  of  availability,  Roosevelt  decided  to  endorse  the 
candidacy  of  the  latter. 

He  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  campaign  for  the  election 
of  Taft  to  "carry  out  the  Roosevelt  policies." 

The  African  Hunt. — Before  he  had  ended  his  term  as 
President,  Roosevelt  had  been  appointed  "consulting  editor" 
of  a  national  weekly  magazine,  originally  founded  by  Henry 
Ward  Beecher,  and  had  contracted  with  a  high-class  monthly 
magazine  for  a  series  of  hunting  articles.  On  March  23, 
1909,  he  set  out  for  Africa  to  revisit  the  scenes  of  his  excur- 
sions as  a  boy-naturalist  ancl  to  extend  the  range  of  his  hunt- 
ing to  the  equatorial  tropics.  He  proposed  to  add  to  the 
Smithsonian  Museum  at  Washington  the  finest  collection  of 
African  animals  and  birds  in  the  world.  To  this  end,  assisted 
by  some  multimillionaires  whose  names  he  has  recently  given 
to  the  public, — an  admission  that  has  created  distrust  regard- 
ing the  Tennessee  Coal  and  Iron  deal  with  the  United  States 
Steel  Corporation, — Roosevelt  organized  the  greatest  hunting 
expedition  that  is  recorded  in  human  history.  The  exploits  of 
Nimrod  are  mythical,  those  of  Roosevelt  are  attested  by  the 
skins  of  trophies,  by  the  captured  living  animals  themselves, 
by  the  many  African,  European  and  American  witnesses,  and 
by  photographs.  The  hunt  ended  in  March,  19 10,  with  entire 
success.  His  book,  "African  Game  Trails,"  is  admirably 
written  and  is  of  substantial  value  as  a  social  study  and  a 
travel  record  as  well  as  the  diary  of  a  big  and  small  game 
naturalist. 

Tour  in  Europe. — Then  the  former  President  made  a 
tour  of  Europe,  visiting  many  sovereigns,  and  seeing  its  capi- 
tals and  universities  on  even  terms  with  monarchs  and  savants 
and  statesmen.  He  was  received  with  honors  comparable 
with  those  of  ex-President  Grant,  and  with  evenjouder  and 
more  public  acclaim.  He  refused  to  see  the  Pope,(because  the 
Pope  ordered  him  not  to  visit  a  certain  Protestant  minister  in 
Rome.  He  failed  to  visit  Russia,  probably  because  the  Rus- 
sian autocracy  had  been  ungrateful  to  him  for  saving  its  politi- 
cal life  and  the  Russian  people  were  hostile  because  he  had 
delayed  the  coming  of  the  Republic.  All  of  his  European  ad- 
dresses were  widely  published.  One  of  them  considerably 
affected  European  history, — that  at  the  Guild  Hall,  London, 


576  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

advocating  a  more  rigorous  policy  in  Egypt  against  the  mur- 
derous Nationalists. 

Ovation  at  Home. — On  his  arrival  home  at  New  York, 
almost  literally  all  nearby  America  turned  out  to  welcome 
him.  He  received  an  ovation  like  that  accorded  in  1899  to 
Admiral  George  Dewey,  hero  of  Manila  Bay.  But  he  did  not 
rest.  He  immediately  took  part  in  the  Republican  party  politics 
of  New  York  State,  naming  the  candidate  for  Governor.  After 
the  defeat  of  that  candidate,  in  191 1,  he  persuaded  President 
Taft  to  make  him  Secretary  of  War. 

Since  1910  Roosevelt  has  made  speaking  tours  of  the 
country.  His  magazine  articles  are  widely  read.  Individually 
considered,  the  former  President  is  the  most  prominent  citizen 
of  the  country.  But  he  has  not  the  political  influence  of  Jef- 
ferson or  of  Jackson.  He  lives  at  Oyster  Bay,  Long  Island. 
His  oldest  daughter  is  now  the  wife  of  a  millionaire  Congress- 
man,— Nicholas  Longworth  of  Ohio.  He  has  four  sons  and 
two  daughters. 

In  the  spring  of  191 2  he  made  a  vigorous  canvass  for  re- 
homination  as  President,  repudiating  friendship  with  the  Presi- 
dent and  insisting  upon  his  right  to  a  third  term.  He  styled 
the  proposition  to  make  a  President  ineligible  to  a  second  term 
or  to  a  third  "tomfool." 

Personal  Appearance. — Theodore  Roosevelt  is  a  large 
man,  not  tall,  but  strong  and  heavy,  weighing  above  two  hun- 
dred twenty-five  pounds.  His  physical  endurance  is  not 
easily  credible.  He  has  already  done  an  able  man's  life  work 
in  each  of  three  fields, — in  government  and  politics,  in  natural 
history  and  hunting,  and  in  history  and  literature. 

Ability  and  Character. — His  versatility  is  his  most 
notable  intellectual  quality;  his  intense  earnestness  his  most 
notable  moral  quality.  His  fault  has  been  insufficient  con- 
sideration of  important  matters,  with  too  quick  aptness,  to 
interfere  in  misunderstood  policies  and  details.  He  has,  of 
course,  been  inconsistent;  nor  has  he  been  above  that  human 
quality  of  intense  natures  of  being  blind  to  the  faults  of  his 
friends.  Too  much  the  politician  to  be  wholly  scrupulous, 
Theodore  Roosevelt  nevertheless  is  easily  entitled  to  a  place 
among  the  leading  Presidents.  He  will  rank  high  rather  in 
ability  than  in  character,  however ;  and  the  censures  upon  him 
will  be  that  he  exhausted  his  influence  by  dissipating  his  own 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  577 

interests  and  activities  and  by  resorting  upon  more  than  one. 
occasion  to  bullying,  to  evading,  to  simulation,  and  to  dissimu- 
lation. It  is  a  pity  indeed  that  one  with  so  clean  a  personal 
life  cannot  rank  with  the  reformed  and  the  redeemed.  Quality 
as  well  as  quantity  counts  in  this  life.         *— 

Compared  with  Others. — Let  us  set  Theodore  Roosevelt 
with  Jackson.  Let  us  think  of  him  side  by  side  with  Benjamin 
Franklin.  Even  so,  we  see  that  he  was  unique.  Perhaps, 
Hayes  was  his  almost  exact  antithesis.  Perhaps,  intellectually, 
but  not  otherwise,  he  most  resembled  J.  Q.  Adams. 

For  all  his  faults,  however,  Theodore  Roosevelt  was  dis- 
tinctly superior  to  the  weakest  and  worst  of  our  Presidents — 
to  speak  comparatively,  for  not  one  was  intentionally  un- 
patriotic or  false  to  his  trust — to  Tyler,  Fillmore,  Pierce, 
Buchanan,  and  Grant.  For  all  his  virtues,  he  was  measurably 
inferior  to  the  strongest  and  best  of  the  Presidents.  His  ulti- 
mate rank  is,  of  course,  beyond  present  estimation;  but  with 
his  views  on  war  and  peace,  on  sobriety  of  utterance  and  dig- 
nity in  action  before  a  calmer  world  of  posterity,  Theodore 
Roosevelt  is  not  likely  to  be  listed  with  Jefferson,  Madison, 
Lincoln  or  even  with  J.  Q.  Adams,  Van  Buren,  or  Cleveland. 

But  owing  to  his  admirable  achievements  in  so  many  other 
lines  and  to  his  influence  upon  general  American  social  history 
and  to  his  European  fame,  though  he  may  accomplish  nothing 
more  from  now  to  his  death, — which  is  unlikely, — Theodore 
Roosevelt  is  certain  to  be  classed  as  one  of  the  ablest  of  our 
race.  He  is  easily  an  American  immortal.  Not  often  does  a 
man  appear  who  is  an  athlete — hunter — rancher — naturalist — 
historian  —  critic  —  politician  —  statesman  —  soldier  willing  to 
kill  or  to  be  killed  all  in  one;  and  in  each  at  least  second,  if  not 
first,  class.  To  be  versatile  imperils  fame ;  but  to  be  sufficiently 
versatile  insures  fame.  In  itself,  versatility  is  a  distinctive 
quality. 

In  all  explicitness,  Roosevelt  suffers  beside  McKinley  in 
modesty  and  in  charity,  and  beside  Taft  in  candor  and  in  quiet 
efficiency  as  an  administrator;  but  clearly  exceeds  even  them 
in  a  terrible  directness  of  insight.  But  all  three  together  suffer 
in  comparison  with  their  predecessor,  Cleveland,  whose  politi- 
cal career  was  without  intrigue  or  secrecy  or  indirection.  No 
rich  friends  backed  Cleveland,  no  funds  elected  him,  no  apolo- 
gists followed  him  to  explain  his  public  character  and  conduct. 


578  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

But  the  suspicion  will  persist  that  in  some  day  to  come  we 
shall  know  the  inner  story  of  the  career  of  Theodore  Roose- 
velt and  that  it  will  be  a  revelation  of  personal  character  and 
of  American  social  conditions  well  worth  reading  and  con- 
sidering. Here  is  almost  as  fascinating  an  example  of  human 
nature  as  Napoleon,  without  his  opportunities,  with  not  quite 
his  abilities  but  of  a  higher  moral  life.  Perhaps  polyphase 
dynamic  mediocrity,  though  it  seems  intellectual  disorder  and 
moral  irresponsibility,  is  admirable  in  an  age  that  worships 
cautious,  thorough,  brilliant  specialization. 

Not  until  he  is  dead,  will  the  United  States  have  political 
peace.  And  yet  perhaps  "in  the  providence  of  God"  (as  men 
say)  we  may  need  strife  rather  than  peace. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 
William  Howard  Taft 

1909- 

1857- 
46-48  States  1910 — Population  92,000,000 

Admitted :    Arizona,  New  Mexico. 

Taft  v.  Root  for  President — his  ancestry — a  distinguished  father — edu- 
cated at  Yale  College — fine  student — personal  appearance — Cincinnati 
Law  school — newspaper  work — collector  of  internal  revenue — assistant 
county  collector — Judge  of  Superior  Court — United  States  Solicitor- 
General — Circuit  Judge — decides  against  labor — marriage — multimillion- 
aire relatives — law  school  dean — head  of  the  Philippine  Government — 
the  best  proconsul  ever  sent  out  by  any  people — $7,000,000  paid  for 
lands*  of  Spanish  friars — public  schools — Secretary  of  War — Panama 
Canal — "Uncle  Sam's  travelling  man" — liked  by  Congress — "steam- 
roller" methods  in  Republican  Convention — another  balanced  ticket — a 
third  Bryan  defeat — great  funds — his  Cabinet — tariff  revision  upward 
— Congress  becomes  Democratic — Champ  Clark — Canadian  reciprocity 
— tariff  reduction  vetoed — his  addresses — high  administration  effi- 
ciency— the   present   issues. 

Root  or  Taft. — Theodore  Roosevelt  made  William  How- 
ard Taft  President,  but  Benjamin  Harrison  discovered  him. 


WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT  579 

Nor  was  he  the  first  choice  of  Roosevelt,  who  would  have 
preferred  his  Secretary  of  State,  Elihu  Root.  But  Root  was 
not  only  a  man  of  far-sighted  statesmanship  but  also  a  great 
and  famous,  even  notorious,  New  York  corporation  lawyer, 
rich  partly  by  marriage  though  mainly  by  fees.  The  Republi- 
can managers  dared  not  name  him  as  Presidential  candidate 
but  instead  voted  their  tools  in  the  New  York  Legislature  and 
sent  him  to  the  United  States  Senate  to  succeed  the  providen- 
tially deceased  Thomas  H.  Piatt,  corruptionist  and  head  of  a 
corrupt  express  company.  Taft  was  available.  He  was  per- 
sonally poor,  but  he  had  a  rich  half-brother  and  a  very  rich 
sister-in-law;  and  his  wife  had  another  rich  sister-in-law,  each 
reputed  to  be  a  twenty-millionaire,  and  willing  to  help  forward 
a  connection-by-marriage. 

Ancestry. — President  Taft,  the  twenty-seventh  President 
to  hold  office,  counting  Cleveland  twice,  was  born  in  Cincinnati, 
Ohio,  on  September  15,  1857.  His  father  Alphonso  Taft  was 
a  man  of  public  distinction,  a  native  of  Vermont,  graduate 
of  Yale  College  and  Law  School,  later  a  judge  of  court,  then 
Secretary  of  War  and  Attorney-General  under  Grant,  and 
Minister  to  Austria  and  to  Russia  under  Arthur,  a  prominent, 
if  not  powerful,  man  in  politics.  His  mother  comes  from 
Massachusetts  colonial  stock. 

Educated  at  Yale  ;  His  Mind  and  Body. — William  How- 
ard Taft  went  to  the  Cincinnati  public  schools,  and  then  to 
Yale  where  he  made  a  brilliant  and  substantial  record  in  his 
class  as  a  student,  becoming  salutatorian.  He  was  interested 
in  athletics,  though  his  huge  size  made  his  own  participation  in 
sports  inconvenient. 

Experiences  in  Early  Manhood. — Taft  was  graduated 
from  the  Cincinnati  College  of  Law  in  1880,  being  tied  for 
first  place  as  a  law  student ;  and  was  at  once  admitted  to  the 
bar.  His  older  half-brother,  Charles  P.  Taft,  owner  of  the 
Times  newspaper  in  Cincinnati,  employed  him  as  a  legal  re- 
porter for  a  few  months.  Then  he  went  to  the  Commercial. 
But,  early  in  1881,  he  became  assistant  prosecuting  attorney 
for  his  county  and,  in  1882,  was  made  collector  of  internal 
revenue  for  the  first  district  of  Ohio.  In  1883  he  resigned 
and  practiced  law  for  two  years.  From  1885  to  1887,  he  was 
assistant  solicitor  for  his  county,  and  then  was  appointed  to 
fill  a  vacancy  as  judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Ohio,  an  office 


580  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

that  his  father  had  held  at  fifty-five  years  of  age.  Next  year 
the  people  duly  elected  him  judge.  In  1890  President  Harri- 
son chose  him  to  be  Solicitor-General  of  the  United  States. 

As  Circuit  Judge. — This  was  his  first  real  opportunity. 
He  was  engaged  in  two  important  matters,  drafting  the  Sher- 
man Anti-Trust  Act1  and  negotiating  the  Bering  Sea  seal  con- 
troversy.2 In  1892  he  was  made  a  United  States  (Sixth) 
Circuit  Judge.  In  this  capacity,  he  rendered  several  important 
decisions  against  organized  labor.  One  was  against  the  secon- 
dary boycott.  Another  was  against  the  powerful  Brotherhood 
of  Locomotive  Engineers,  which  tried  to  prevent  certain  rail- 
roads from  accepting  freight  from  another  railroad,  against 
which  its  engineers  were  on  strike.  Still  another  decision  de- 
clared criminal  a  rule  of  the  Brotherhood  forbidding  its  mem- 
bers to  haul  freight  under  certain  conditions.  In  a  fourth 
instance,  he  sent  an  agent  of  the  American  Railway  Union  to 
jail.  He  said  that  "the  starvation  of  a  nation  cannot  be  the 
lawful  purpose  of  a  combination,"  and  also  that  "if  there  is 
any  power  in  the  army  of  the  United  States  to  run  those 
trains,  the  trains  will  be  run." 

By  these  various  decisions  and  injunctions,  Taft  became 
known  as  a  friend  of  the  railroads  and  an  enemy  of  organized 
labor.  He  had  especially  antagonized  P.  M.  Arthur,  the  able 
chief  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Engineers,  and  Eugene 
V.  Debs,  president  of  the  American  Railway  Union. 

Marriage. — The  personal  associations  of  Judge  Taft  caused 
him  to  favor  the  rich.  In  1886  he  had  married  Helen  Herron 
of  Cincinnati,  whose  sister  was  the  wife  of  a  Pittsburg  multi- 
millionaire iron  manufacturer,  the  junior  partner  of  the  inde- 
pendent firm  of  Jones  &  Laughlin.  His  own  brother  was  a 
multimillionaire,  as  was  his  wife,  Annie  Sinton  Taft.  The 
Tafts  were  intimate  friends  of  the  Longworths,  an  old  family 
of  Cincinnati,  and  commonly  reputed  to  be  its  wealthiest 
citizens.3  No  historical  view  of  W.  H.  Taft  that  neglects 
these  facts  is  impartial  and  serious. 

As  an  Educator. — In  1896  Taft  was  dean  and  professor 
in  the  Law  School  of  the  University  of  Cincinnati.  In  1899 
there  was  a  serious  movement  to  make  him  President  of  Yale 

department  officers  frequently  "assist"  Congress  in  drafting  legislation. 
2See  p.  548,  supra,  3See  pp.  576,  supra;  582,  infra. 


WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT  581 

University,  but  he  favored  Professor  Arthur  T.  Hadley,  who 
was  selected.  Judge  Taft  had  had  some  experience  in  control 
of  public  schools  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati,  and  with  his  usual 
quick  and  true  insight  into  situations  asserted  that  a  college 
president  should  be  a  professional  educator.  He  is  now  a 
Trustee  of  Yale  University. 

Pro-consul  in  the  Philippines. — In  1900,  suddenly, 
there  came  to  Professor  Taft  his  second  great  opportunity. 
President  McKinley  asked  him  to  take  the  Presidency  of  the 
Commission  to  govern  the  Philippine  Islands.  With  his  usual 
frankness,  he  told  McKinley  that  he  was  opposed  to  American 
rule  in  the  Philippines.  But  upon  the  President's  characteristi- 
cally persuasive  insistence,  Taft  accepted.  In  1901  he  became 
Governor-General  of  the  Islands.  He  confronted  one  of  the 
worst  possible  situations.  There  was  constant  friction  be- 
tween the  American  military  and  civil  authorities.  Though 
the  primacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military  is  a  cardinal  principle 
of  American  Government,  the  existing  situation  in  the  Philip- 
pines made  it  necessary  that,  in  many  matters,  the  military 
should  have  right  of  way.  The  Filipinos  hated  the  Spaniards 
and  were  scarcely  more  friendly  at  first  to  the  Americans. 

Though  the  United  States  Government  supported  Taft  uni- 
formly, many  Americans  were  constantly  intriguing  against 
the  regime.  These  included  the  Boston  anti-imperialists,  many 
Bryanites,  and  many  business  men  who  saw  advantage  in  tur- 
moil. But  though  the  historian  of  the  future  may  write  cen- 
soriously of  William  H.  Taft  as  a  Judge,  and  not  wholly 
favorably  of  him  as  a  President,  it  is  scarcely  likely  to  revise 
the  opinion  that  he  made  the  best  "pro-consul"  ever  sent  out 
by  a  foreign  and  victorious  nation  to  rule  a  conquered  people 
up  to  the  year  1904,  when  he  resigned.  His  excellent  per- 
formances included  inaugurating  American  public  schools  and 
an  adjustment  with  Rome  by  a  personal  visit  to  the  Pope  by 
which,  for  $7,000,000,  the  Philippine  Government  acquired  all 
the  vast  areas  of  land  owned  in  the  islands  by  the  Spanish 
friars.  In  1902  President  Roosevelt  offered  to  him  a  place 
on  the  Supreme  Court  bench,  but  he  declined  in  order  to  finish 
his  work  in  the  Philippines. 

Secretary  of  War. — But  in  1904,  when  the  President 
asked  him  to  become  Secretary  of  War,  in  his  Cabinet,  Gov- 
ernor-General  Taft  resigned.     In  the  appointment,  he  saw 


582  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

opportunities  both  to  forward  the  building  of  the  Panama 
Canal,  which  would  help  the  Filipinos,  and  also  to  regulate  the 
military  establishment  in  the  Islands.  He  knew  also  that  few 
white  men  can  long  remain  in  the  Philippines  without  serious 
impairment  of  health.  Despite  several  ocean  trips  during  his 
term  of  office,  he  felt  that  on  account  of  his  health  he  should 
end  his  stay  at  Manila.  Nevertheless,  in  the  summer  of  1905, 
he  took  a  party  of  Congressmen  out  there, — the  party  included 
Nicholas  Longworth,  M.  C,  of  Cincinnati,  and  Alice  Roose- 
velt, the  oldest  child  of  Theodore  Roosevelt. 

Uncle  Sam's  Traveling  Man. — In  the  fall  of  1906,  when 
the  United  States  intervened,  Secretary  Taft  took  charge  of 
Cuban  affairs.  In  1907  he  inspected  the  Panama  Canal  and 
also  visited  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico.  In  October  of  this  year,  he 
went  to  the  Philippines  and  opened  their  first  legislature.  He 
came  back  via  Japan,  Siberia,  and  Russia,  attending  en  route  to 
several  diplomatic  duties.  In  this  period  he  became  popularly 
known  as  "Uncle  Sam's  traveling  man." 

A  Popular  Man. — Many  forces  contributed  to  his  candi- 
dacy for  the  Republican  nomination  for  President  in  1908.  He 
had  had  no  time  to  make  money  and  no  time  even  to  consider 
how  to  save  any  money  out  of  his  salaries.  Except  for  the  four 
years  of  his  modest  law  professorship,  he  had  always  been  a 
public  man ;  and  a  public  servant  in  America  cannot  easily  save 
money.  Theodore  Roosevelt  was  his  friend  and  admirer ;  and 
was  now  the  father-in-law  of  a  son  of  his  nearest  Cincinnati 
family  friends. 

Most  of  all,  the  "big  man"  had  caught  the  public  eye  happily 
as  being  good-natured,  diplomatic,  industrious,  honest,  and 
efficient.  Senators  and  Representatives  on  the  Committees  of 
Congress  told  how  Taft,  unlike  all  other  Secretaries,  when 
asked  questions  by  mail  or  by  telephone  as  to  the  Department 
of  War  about  pending  legislation,  swung  upon  a  trolley  car 
down  Pennsylvania  Avenue  and  in  a  quarter  hour  was  at  the 
Capitol.  Other  Secretaries  took  days  to  hunt  information  and 
to  write  it  out.  One  prominent  Senator  remarked,  "Taft  may 
be  in  Washington  only  a  day  a  month,  but  he  is  of  more  use  to 
Congress  in  that  one  day  than  other  Secretaries  who  spend 
the  whole  month  at  their  desks."  It  was  exaggeration,  but  it 
formulated  the  general  Congressional  opinion.  For  one  thing, 
"Big  Bill  Taft,"  as  he  had  been  called  since  college  days  by 


WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT  583 

many,  liked  to  meet  other  men;  his  size  and  his  geniality  and 
his  amazingly  quick  mind  enabled  him  usually  to  win  his  points 
quickly. 

"Injunction  Bill/' — But  organized  labor  called  him  "In- 
junction Bill."  Only  once  in  his  life  had  he  come  before  the 
people  for  an  election  office,  and  that  was  for  a  judgeship. 
Though  his  rich  brother  Charles  had  been  a  Congressman  in 
1895-6,  the  Tafts  were  not  considered  popular  in  Ohio;  and 
Ohio  was  perhaps  the  pivotal  State.  Judges  seldom  make 
popular  candidates.  Only  four  years  before,  Judge  Parker  of 
New  York  had  been  tremendously  defeated.1 

Work  for  the  Republican  Nomination. — The  Taft  en- 
thusiasts, however,  set  to  work  to  force  his  nomination.  The 
Postmaster-General,  Frank  H.  Hitchcock,  a  brilliant  young 
bachelor,  resigned  from  the  Cabinet,  and,  being  supplied  with 
great  funds,  opened  offices  in  Washington  to  corral  the  votes 
of  all  the  Southern  delegates,  many  of  whom  were  Federal 
officeholders.  By  the  time  that  the  Convention  had  assembled 
at  Chicago  in  June,  the  field  was  ready  for  "steam-roller" 
methods. 

The  vote  on  the  first  ballot  stood  702  to  278  for  all  other 
candidates.  For  Vice-President,  the  party  leaders  then  turned 
to  a  personal  and  political  friend  of  Speaker  Joseph  G.  Cannon, 
well  known  as  a  corruptionist,  who  was  Roosevelt's  avowed 
enemy,  and  named  James  Schoolcraft  Sherman,  member  of 
Congress  from  New  York  State.  Sherman  was  a  scholarly 
man,  a  banker.  He  was  known  as  "Sunny  Jim  Sherman"  and 
as  a  clever  New  York  State  politician.  The  nomination  was 
generally  considered  weak  and  unsatisfactory,  because  Sher- 
man was  not  conspicuously  rich  and  the  Cannon  anti-Roose- 
velt wing  of  the  Republican  party  was  unpopular. 

Bryan  Again. — The  Democrats,  however,  played  directly 
into  the  hands  of  the  Republicans.  They  chose  for  Presi- 
dential nominee  William  Jennings  Bryan,  whom  McKinley 
had  twice  defeated ;  and  for  Vice-Presidential  candidate  John 
W.  Kern,  an  Indiana  lawyer,  who  had  twice  been  defeated 
for  the  governorship  of  his  own  State  and  had  never  risen 
higher  than  State  Senator,  an  office  that  he  had  held  for  three 
years.  He  had  then  become  city  attorney  for  Indianapolis, 
leaving  that  office  in  190 1.  As  far  as  Kern  stood  for  anything, 
it  was  for  a  rich  Democratic  politician,  Thomas  Taggart,  who 

^ee  p.  569,  supra. 


584  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

was  in  bad  odor  locally  and  nationally.  It  was  a  fatal  associa- 
tion for  Bryan,  the  reformer. 

Elected  President. — In  the  campaign,  great  funds  were 
expended  by  the  Republicans,  though  not  so  great  as  in  the  year 
when  Hanna  helped  to  put  McKinley  into  the  Presidency.1  The 
Republican  vote  was  7,678,908,  the  Democratic  6,409,104.  The 
Socialist  vote  was  420,793,  the  Prohibitionist  253,840.  In  the 
Electoral  College  Taft  had  321  votes,  Bryan  162. 

In  his  inaugural  address,  following  the  Republican  party 
platform  and  his  own  campaign  speeches,  President  Taft  advo- 
cated a  strict  enforcement  of  the  John  Sherman  Anti-Trust 
Act,  the  regulation  of  railroad  rates  by  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission,  the  conservation  of  natural  resources;  a 
strong  navy ;  postal  savings  banks ;  free  trade  with  the  Philip- 
pine Islands;  mail  subsidies  for  American  ships;  and  the  re- 
vision of  the  tariff  in  order  to  insure  to  our  manufacturers  a 
price  sufficient  to  give  to  them  a  reasonable  profit  in  competi- 
tion with  foreigners.  All  these  propositions,  together  with  his 
personal  assurance  that  he  hoped  to  help  solve  the  race  prob- 
lems and  to  secure  a  better  mutual  understanding  between 
South  and  North,  indicated  a  desire  to  promote  centralization 
and  national  unity. 

The  Cabinet  of  Taft. — The  Cabinet  chosen  by  the  famous 
general  agent  of  the  American  Government  when  he  took 
charge  of  it  as  head  aroused  great  interest  and  much  question- 
ing.   The  membership  was : 

State, — Philander  C.  Knox  of  Pennsylvania. 

Treasury, — Franklin  MacVeagh  of  Illinois. 

War, — Jacob  M.  Dickinson  of  Tennessee. 

Attorney-General, — George  W.  Wickersham  of  New  York. 

Postmaster-General,  Frank  H.  Hitchcock  of  Massachusetts. 

Navy, — George  von  L.  Meyer  of  Massachusetts. 

Interior, — Richard  A.  Ballinger  of  Washington  (State). 

Agriculture, — James  Wilson  of  Iowa. 

Commerce  and  Labor, — Charles  Nagel  of  Missouri. 

This  Cabinet  was  universally  considered,  first,  a  Cabinet  to 
represent  "the  interests,"  meaning  thereby,  the  rich;  second, 
non-partisan,  for  Dickinson  and  MacVeagh  were  Democrats; 
third,  experienced  and  able.  A  strong  administration  was 
looked  to,  but  not  a  progressive  one.  Continued  popular  at- 
tacks of  newspaper  origin  and  a  Congressional  investigation 

^ee  pp.  552  et  seq.,  supra. 


WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT  585 

led  to  the  resignation  of  Secretary  Ballinger,  who  had  forced 
the  removal  of  Gifford  Pinchot,  head  of  the  Forestry  Division 
and  the  leading  conservationist  in  America,  a  millionaire  and 
an  intimate  friend  of  Theodore  Roosevelt.  The  Department 
of  the  Interior  was  then  placed  in  charge  of  Walter  L.  Fisher, 
a  Chicago  lawyer,  a  local  reformer,  and  a  conservation  leader. 
Not  long  afterwards,  Dickinson  resigned  from  the  War  De- 
partment, finding  that  the  hold  of  the  bureaucrats  upon  the 
Department  of  War  was  too  strong  to  permit  the  Secretary  to 
accomplish  anything.1  He  was  succeeded  by  the  defeated  Re- 
publican candidate  for  Governor  in  New  York  State  in  the 
campaign  of  1910,  Henry  L.  Stimson,  whose  selection  was 
considered  an  effort  by  the  President  to  bind  the  loyalty  to 
himself  of  former  President  Roosevelt. 

Tariff  Revision  Upward. — In  view  of  his  election  prom- 
ises, President  Taft  called  a  special  session  of  Congress  for 
April,  1909,  to  revise  the  tariff.  The  people  expected  the  tariff 
to  be  scaled  downward.  Instead  the  Payne-Aldrich  compro- 
mise measure  revised  the  tariff  slightly  upward,  making  its 
duties  slightly  higher  than  those  of  any  other  tariff  in  our 
history.  As  incidental  features  to  secure  the  signature  of 
the  President,  liberal  concessions  were  made  to  the  Philip- 
pines, always  near  his  heart.  The  people  generally  hoped  for 
a  veto ;  but  were  greatly  disappointed. 

Postal  savings  banks  were  established  in  all  parts  of  the 
land,  with  deposits  exceeding  $50,000,000  by  December  31, 
1911. 

The  Tour  of  the  Country  in  1909. — In  the  fall  of  1909 
the  President  made  a  tour  of  the  country,  traveling  some 
13,000  miles  and  making  some  three  hundred  speeches.  At 
Winona,  Minnesota,  he  declared  the  Payne-Aldrich  tariff  the 
best  so  far  in  the  history  of  the  country.  This  declaration 
aroused  bitter  criticism.  The  Congressional  election  of  19 10 
went  heavily  against  the  Republicans.  Speaker  Joseph  G. 
Cannon  of  Illinois,  a  politician  of  a  racy  character,  personally 
interesting  but  morally  indefensible,  was  succeeded  by  Champ 
Clark  of  Missouri,  long  the  Democratic  leader  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  a  scholar  and  an  orator.  The  Democrats 
now  had  forty-six  majority  in  a  House  of  three  hundred 
and  ninety-one  members. 

Canadian   Reciprocity. — But   President  Taft  had  been 

^ee  pp.  191-192,  supra, 


586  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

steadily  at  work  upon  a  matter  of  international  diplomacy  in- 
volving substantial  free  trade  under  reciprocity  with  Canada. 
He  forced  the  agreement  through  a  reluctant  Republican 
Senate,  assisted  by  the  enthusiastic  support  of  the  Democratic 
House,  in  the  summer  of  191 1  at  a  special  session  of  Congress. 
This  measure  was  a  political  coup  of  major  importance  and 
was  extraordinarily  popular  with  the  middle  and  working 
classes  of  the  American  people,  who  fondly  dream  that  the 
plutocracy  will  allow  tariffs  to  be  made  innocuous. 

Suits  Against  Great  Corporations. — Decisions  of  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court  in  191 1  supported  the  Roosevelt- 
Taft  policy  in  respect  to  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Act  by  order- 
ing the  dissolution  of  the  Oil,  the  Tobacco  and  several  minor 
trusts,  from  all  of  which  dissolutions,  their  stockholders  came 
out  richer  than  before;  nor  was  any  effect  upon  prices 
favorable  to  the  consumers. 

Three  Vetoes. — The  special  session  of  Congress  passed 
three  measures  to  reduce  the  tariff.  These  were  known  as  the 
Wool  Bill,  the  Farmers'  Free  List,  and  the  Cotton  Bill.  The 
President  vetoed  each  with  the  statement  that  he  must  wait 
upon  a  tariff  commission  that  he  had  appointed  in  order  to 
find  out  what  reductions  were  fair  and  proper  under  the  Re- 
publican theory  that  the  manufacturer  must  be  guaranteed  a 
reasonable  profit.  These  vetoes  were  effective  since  the  Demo- 
crats of  the  House  were  not  numerous  enough  to  put  the  bills 
through  against  the  vetoes  and  then  to  force  them  upon  the 
Republican  Senate  for  passage. 

These  vetoes  were  all  unpopular,  but  worse  befell  when 
Canada  refused,  by  a  large  majority  in  a  general  election,  to 
ratify  the  reciprocity  agreement.  Its  reason  for  so  doing  was 
largely  sentimental  and  natural  hatred  felt  by  descendants  of 
the  exiled  Loyalists.  A  defection  already  of  importance  in 
the  Republican  ranks  was  thereby  greatly  strengthened.  In- 
surgency became  strong  generally  and  dominated  the  West 
under  Senator  Robert  M.  La  Follette  of  Wisconsin.  In  the 
Fall  of  191 1  Taft  made  another  circuit  of  the  country; 
and  directed  judicial  proceedings  to  dissolve  the  Steel 
Trust.  He  ended  his  tour  with  the  assertion  that  either  the 
country  must  have  restored  individualism  in  industry  or  State 
Socialism. 

His  Disposition  Changing. — President  Taft  has  written 


WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT  587 

nothing  directly  for  commercial  publication,  but  there  have 
been  published  three  volumes  of  his  university  and  other  ad- 
dresses and  speeches.  A  great  change  took  place  during  his 
administration  in  his  own  disposition.  At  first,  he  was  insen- 
sitive to  public  opinion,  but  later  he  became  sensitive.  This 
change  was  due  in  part  to  the  return  of  Theodore  Roosevelt 
from  his  African  hunt,  and  to  the  bitter  public  criticism  of  all 
the  features  of  his  course  with  respect  to  the  reduction  of  the 
tariff. 

During  his  administration  the  work  upon  the  Panama  Canal 
advanced  with  notable  rapidity  and  thoroughness. 

Uncertainties. — In  the  Spring  of  191 2,  the  future  of  Wil- 
liam Howard  Taft  is  highly  doubtful.  Though  his  nomination 
to  succeed  himself  is  likely,  it  is  by  no  means  certain.  A  split 
of  the  party  into  two  factions  is  entirely  possible.1  His  re- 
election, despite  administrative  efficiency  of  a  high  order,  is 
even  more  doubtful.  Constant  Cabinet  dissensions  have  aided 
much  to  weaken  his  political  position  before  the  country. 
These  have  turned  largely  upon  questions  of  the  honesty  and  sin- 
cerity of  the  Cabinet  Secretaries  and  division  and  bureau  chief  s. 
There  have  been  charges  of  executive  betrayals  of  the  public 
interest  in  respect  to  forest  and  coal  conservation  and  of  pure 
food  legislation.  Several  prominent  official  workers  for  the 
public  good  were  released  from  Government  service  and  others, 
though  retained,  were  permitted  to  suffer  from  continuing 
departmental  broils. 

In  March,  19 12,  Dr.  Harvey  W.  Wiley,  head  chemist  of 
the  Department  of  Agriculture  and  the  leader  in  the  pure  food 
and  drug  movement,  was  forced  out  of  office  by  his  official 
associates.    To  this,  President  Taft  unwisely  consented. 

Rumors  of  great  governmental  and  quasi-public  corporation 
funds  misappropriated  to  political  uses,  high  prices  and  slack 
business,  the  extraordinary  influence  of  Federal  office-holders 
in  State  and  local  politics  and  "trust-busting"  without  con- 
structive policies  have  made  the  country  feel  distrust  like  that 
in  the  latter  days  of  Grant.  We  need  leadership  in  a  day 
when  we  are  not  sure  as  to  whether  we  desire  again  free  com- 
petition under  regulation,  or  something  else.  At  least  one  of 
our  greatest  corporations,  one  nominally  with  one  per  cent,  of 
all  the  national  wealth  invested  in  it,  was  beginning  to  be  in  a 
way  a  cooperative  collective  ownership  machine  of  production, 

*See  pp.  117,  118,  supra. 


$88  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

with  150,000  stockholders,  many  of  them  being  wage-earners 
in  its  service. 

Reconstitutes  the  Supreme  Court. — To  President  Taft 
has  come  the  opportunity  to  reconstitute  the  Supreme  Court 
by  selecting  five  of  its  Justices.  Nothing  like  it  came  in  so 
brief  a  period  to  any  other  President  since  Washington.  We 
are  getting  ready  for  two  great  changes  in  the  Court.  One 
is  to  enlarge  it  in  order  that  it  may  more  fully  reflect  existing 
legal  and  political  opinion,  for  we  have  so  outgrown  the  con- 
ditions of  the  Fathers  that  the  Court  rewrites  the  Constitution 
inevitably.  Another  change  is  that  the  Court  has  as  its  present 
Chief  Justice  a  lawyer  reared  not  in  the  English  common  law 
but  in  the  Louisiana  system  which  is  far  less  experiential  and 
far  more  Roman,  theoretical,  logical,  rigid,  and  systematic. 
Chief  Justice  White  is  also  a  Catholic  and  a  former  Con- 
federate, both  facts  with  which  we  shall  have  to  reckon  if  he 
serves  long.  He  was  educated  at  a  Catholic  University  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  was  for  a  few  years  Senator  from 
Louisiana. 

Tariff  Commission. — So  unsatisfactory  became  the  tariff 
situation  that  in  191  o,  with  partial  warrant  of  law,  the  Presi- 
dent appointed  a  tariff  commission  to  report  just  what  tariff 
upon  each  several  item  would  be  fair.  This  commission  made 
an  elaborate  report  in  December,  191 1,  which  proved  that  a 
tariff  system  cannot  be  equitable,  owing  to  varieties  of  condi- 
tions and  to  fluctuations  of  labor  and  other  costs.  The  plan 
was  foredoomed  to  failure  because  in  effect  it  aims  to  set  up  a 
legislature  by  appointment  to  do  the  work  of  a  legislature  by 
popular  election ;  and  perforce  Congress  and  people  resented  it. 

Interstate  Commerce  Commission  and  Court. — Simi- 
larly, a  most  elaborate  governmental  mechanism,  the  Inter- 
State  Commerce  Commission,  formed  in  1887,  and  strength- 
ened considerably  in  1890  by  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Act, 
was  made  yet  more  difficult  and  complex  by  the  addition  of 
an  Interstate  Commerce  Court,  in  19 10.  In  the  following 
year  the  Supreme  Court  gave  a  decision  by  8  to  1  (Justice 
Harlan,  dissenting)  that  a  reasonable  restraint  of  trade  of 
whatever  sort  is  not  illegal, — whereby  the  Court  again  asserted 
itself  as  a  superlegislature. 

All  these  matters  give  support  to  a  growing  belief  that 
through  central  government  we  are  presumptuously  trying  to 


WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT  589 

interfere  with  natural  laws.  There  is  no  one  man,  and  there  are 
no  six  hundred  judges,  commissioners,  legislators,  presidents, 
secretaries  and  other  chief  men,  fit  and  able  to  manage  the 
business  affairs  of  a  hundred  million  people  through  four 
million  square  miles  of  land. 

International  Relations. — In  the  Spring  of  191 1,  there 
were  rumors  that  Mexico  was  about  to  overthrow  her  auto- 
cratic, though  brave  and  progressive,  President  Porfirio  Diaz, 
then  serving  his  seventh  term.  The  President  of  the  United 
States  promptly  ordered  a  mobilization  of  the  army  upon  the 
Mexican  border  and  called  it  "a  summer  maneuver"  for  the 
sake  of  drill,  asserting  that  intervention  was  wholly  out  of  his 
contemplation.  Diaz  fell,  and  Madero  succeeded.  It  was  a 
skillful  piece  of  diplomacy;  and  an  excellent  example  of 
duplicity,  for  a  good  purpose.  The  presence  of  the  American 
troops, — some  fifteen  thousand  in  number, — encouraged  the 
revolutionists,  who  were  especially  active  in  the  northern  prov- 
inces, and  helped  them  promptly  to  win  and  to  set  up  a  new 
government  on  the  ruins  of  a  corrupt  despotism. 

But  the  finest  feature  of  the  situation  was  the  easy  poise  of 
the  President.  A  Polk  or  a  Grant  would  have  annexed  at  least 
a  part  of  Mexico.  A  Buchanan  or  a  Cleveland  would  have 
kept  the  troops  away  from  the  Mexican  boundary,  which  might 
have  been  worse  than  to  fight  at  once  as  several  Presidents 
would  have  been  inclined  to  do,  among  them  Jackson  and 
Roosevelt. 

Again,  in  the  Spring  of  191 2,  the  President  held  in  readiness 
for  intervention  in  Mexico  a  considerable  army  because  of  the 
failure  of  the  new  Mexican  Government  to  maintain  order. 

Whatever  other  mistakes  Taft  may  have  made,  he  made 
none  in  this  matter. 

Indeed,  his  course  in  respect  to  all  international  relations 
has  been  impressively  competent,  recalling  the  best  traditions 
of  such  men  as  the  three  Adamses,  Webster,  and  Seward. 

Taft  has  patiently  and  wisely  pursued  a  policy  of  advancing 
arbitration  treaties  with  European  nations  and  of  encouraging 
the  peace  movement  of  the  civilized  world.  This  movement  is 
not  so  much  a  movement  as  a  resistance  and  a  negation.  It 
resists  the  primitive  instinct  of  man  to  appeal  from  the  status 
quo,  from  talk  and  bargain,  from  inefficient  and  ineffective 
reason  to  force  and  battle.     It  denies  that  the  issue  of  war  is 


590  LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS 

usually  right,  for  behind  the  arbitrament  of  arms,  the  tradi- 
tional resort  to  bloodshed  is  a  philosophy  of  fate  or  of  deter- 
minism or  of  materialism  or  even  perhaps  of  agnosticism  that 
whatever  befalls  is  just  as  good  as  whatever  else  might  have 
befallen.  The  movement  asserts  that  the  parliament  of  thought 
as  revealed  in  speech  is  higher  in  its  justice,  is  more  likely  to 
help  evolve  the  ultimate  man  of  righteousness  than  the  battle- 
field and  that  war  is  wholly  and  always  evil. 

Such  is  the  meaning  of  the  Temple  of  Peace  at  The  Hague. 

Extension  of  the  Classified  Service. — On  January  i, 
1912,  President  Taft  issued  an  order  transferring  42,000  more 
places  from  the  spoils  system  to  the  classified  service,  entry  to 
which  depends  upon  examination.  It  was  an  act  worthy  of 
Grover  Cleveland  and  done  in  the  same  matter-of-fact,  quiet 
manner. 

The  Family  of  the  President. — In  1886  Taft  married 
Helen  Herron  of  Cincinnati.  They  have  three  children,  the 
oldest  a  son,  in  1912  a  student  in  the  Harvard  Law  School, 
the  second  a  daughter,  and  the  third  a  son. 

Government  Economies. — Late  in  January,  the  President 
sent  a  message  to  Congress  urging  the  inclusion  of  all  but  the 
highest  officers  within  the  classified  and  permanent  service, 
and  showed  how  millions  of  dollars  might  be  saved  by  thou- 
sands of  economies,  large  and  small,  many  of  which  were 
specifically  cited.  The  political  wisdom  of  such  a  publication 
upon  the  eve  of  the  party  conventions  is  debatable.  The 
persons  thereby  eliminated  prospectively  became  at  once  bitter 
critics;  and  the  general  public  was  slow  to  appreciate  the 
propositions. 

The  Forecast. — In  so  vast  a  nation,  changes  come  in  a  day, 
but  nothing  has  appeared  so  far  indicating  a  probability  that 
William  Howard  Taft  will  not  rank  high  among  the  Presidents 
for  personal  ability  and  faithfulness  in  an  era  of  economic 
change.  He  may  be  defeated  for  reelection  and  even  for  re- 
nomination.  But  he  has  at  least  worked  for  decentralization 
of  industry,  if  not  for  decentralization  of  government.  Yet 
all  centralization  is  makeshift,  for  a  great  people  consists  of 
individuals  needing  and  enduring  but  little  control,  and  being 
themselves  highly  developed  and  self-reliant. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

(References  for  the  general  reader.) 

Part  I. 

Chapter    I.    See  Part  III,  below. 

Chapter  II.  Stanwood,  History  of  the  Presidency.  Bryce,  American 
Commonwealth.  Hart,  Actual  Government.  The  Federalist.  Mes- 
sages and  Papers  of  the  Presidents.  Macy,  Party  Organisation  and 
Machinery.  Smith,  The  Spirit  of  American  Government:  A  study 
of  the  Constitution,  its  origin,  influence  and  relation  to  democracy. 
Croly,  The  Promise  of  American  Life.  Dunning,  Reconstruction, 
Political  and  Economic.  Hart,  National  Ideals,  Historically  Traced. 
Records  of  the  Federal  Convention  (Farrand,  edit.)-  Trevelyan, 
American  Revolution.  Burgess,  The  Civil  War  and  the  Constitution. 
Gordy,  History  of  Political  Parties.  Simons,  Social  Forces  in 
American  History.    Taylor,  Origin  and  Growth  of  the  Constitution. 

Chapter  III.    See  above. 

Part  II. 

Chapter  I.  Hosmer,  Samuel  Adams.  Tyler,  Patrick  Henry.  Morgan, 
The  True  Patrick  Henry.  Franklin,  Autobiography  (Bige- 
low,  edit.).  Ford,  The  Many-sided  Franklin.  Morse,  Benjamin 
Franklin.  Fisher,  The  True  Benjamin  Franklin.  Brown,  Hancock, 
His  Book.  Van  Tyne,  Loyalists  in  the  American  Revolution.  Chan- 
cellor, Colonial  Union.    Fisher,  Struggle  for  American  Independence. 

Chapter  II.  The  Constitution.  See  also  references  Part  I,  Chapter  II, 
and  Part  III,  text  and  references. 

Chapter  III.    Hinsdale,  A  History  of  the  President's  Cabinet. 

Chapter  IV.  Wilson,  Washington,  the  Capital  City.  Crooks,  Memories 
of  the  White  House.    Briggs,  The  Olivia  Letters. 

Chapter    V.    See  above. 

Part  III. 

Chapter     I.    Lodge,  Washington.    Ford,  The  True  George  Washington. 

Manuscripts  in  Washington  and  at  Mount  Vernon. 
Chapter    II.    Morse,  John  Adams. 
Chapter  III.    Watson,   Life  and   Times  of  Thomas  Jefferson.     Adams, 

History  of  the  United  States,  1801-1817.   Morse,  Thomas  Jefferson. 

59i 


592  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Chapter  IV.     Gay,  James  Madison.     Hunt,  James  Madison. 

Chapter  V.  Gilman,  James  Monroe.  Adams,  James  Madison  and  James 
Monroe. 

Chapter  VI.     Morse,  /.  Q.  Adams.     Adams,  Memoirs. 

Chapter  VII.  Sumner,  Andrew  Jackson.  Peck,  The  Jacksonian  Epoch. 
Buell,  History  of  Andrew  Jackson. 

Chapter  VIII.  Shepard,  Martin  Van  Buren.  MacDonald,  Jacksonian 
Democracy.     Smith,  Parties  and  Slavery. 

Chapter  IX.  Dawson,  Historical  Narrative  of  the  Civil  and  Military 
Services  of  Major  General  William  Henry  Harrison. 

Chapter     X.     Letters  and  Times  of  the  Tylers. 

Chapter   XI.    Jenkins,  James  Knox  Polk.    Diary  of  J.  K.  Polk. 

Chapter  XII.    Howard,  Zachary  Taylor. 

Chapter  XIII.    Millard  Fillmore  Papers. 

Chapter  XIV.  Hawthorne,  Franklin  Pierce.  Burgess,  Middle  Period. 
Carroll,  Review  of  Pierce's  Administration. 

Chapter  XV.  Curtis,  Life  of  James  Buchanan.  Moore,  Works  of  James 
Buchanan,  including  his  own  history  of  his  ad  linistration. 

Chapter  XVI.  There  are  more  books  and  articles  about  Lincoln  than 
about  any  other  three  Americans  combined,  and  as  many  as  about 
all  other  Presidents  combined.  Only  a  few  may  be  cited.  Nicolay 
and  Hay,  Abraham  Lincoln:  A  History.  Morse,  Abraham  Lincoln. 
Tarbell,  Early  Life,  and  Life.  Herndon  and  Weik,  Abraham  Lin- 
coln: the  true  story  of  a  great  life.  Arnold,  History  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,   and   the    Overthrow    of   Slavery. 

Chapter  XVII.  Davis,  Jefferson  Davis,  Ex-President  of  the  Confederate 
States.  Dodd,  Jefferson  Davis,  Davis,  A  History  of  the  Confed- 
erate States. 

Chapter  XVIII.  Blaine,  Twenty  Years  of  Congress.  Chadsey,  Struggle 
between  President  Johnson  and  Congress.  Foster,  Life  of  Andrew 
Johnson.     DeWitt,    Impeachment  and  Trial  of  Andrew  Johnson. 

Chapter  XIX.  Grant,  Personal  Memoirs.  Garland,  U.  S.  Grant,  His 
Life  and  Character.    Eaton,  Grant,  Lincoln  and  the  Freedmen. 

Chapter  XX.  Howells,  Life  of  R.  B.  Hayes.  Haworth,  The  Tilden- 
Hayes  Disputed  Presidential  Election  of  1876. 

Chapter   XXI.     Garfield,  Writings  (Hinsdale,  edit.). 

Chapter  XXII.     Andrews,  The  United  States  in  Our  Own  Times. 

Chapter  XXIII.  Whittle,  Grover  Cleveland.  Williams,  Mr.  Cleveland,  a 
Personal  Impression. 

Chapter  XXIV.    Wallace,  General  Benjamin  Harrison. 

Chapter  XXV.  Riis,  Theodore  Roosevelt.  Bennett,  Roosevelt  and  the 
Republic. 

Chapter  XXVI.  Taft,  Present  Day  Problems,  and  Political  Issues  and 
Outlooks. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  593 

Neale,  The  Sovereignty  of  the  States.  Hammer,  The  United  States  Gov- 
ernment.   Halsey  (edit.),  Great  Epochs  in  American  History. 

In  general,  Schouler,  History  of  the  United  States  under  the  Constitution. 
McMaster,  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States  from  the 
Revolution  to  the  Civil  War.  Rhodes,  History  of  the  United  States 
after  the  Compromise  of  1850.  Von  Hoist,  Constitutional  History  of 
the  United  States.  Elson,  History  of  the  United  States.  Hart,  Ameri- 
can History  Told  by  Contemporaries,  Vols.  Ill  and  IV.  Also  the 
works  cited  for  Part  One.  Also  Lives  of  the  Presidents  (Wilson, 
edit).  Stoddard,  Lives  of  the  Presidents.  Encyclopedia  Britannica, 
do.  Americana,  do.  International,  do.  Nelson's.  Certain  Presidents 
have  been  the  subject  of  excellent  magazine  articles,  for  which  see 
Poole's  Index.  Other  Presidents  have  been  neglected,  in  some 
cases  without  good  warrant  in  justice.  In  fine,  the  current  views 
have  usually  been  too  favorable  because  of  the  use  of  official  power 
to  conceal  relevant  facts,  because  of  hero-worship  of  visible  men 
and  because  of  later  developments  in  remote  but  inevitable  results. 


INDEX 


Abolitionism,  82,  91,  107,  109,  357, 
364,  383,  386,  404,  425,  439,  44i,  444, 
445,  5I3- 

Adams,  Abigail  Smith,  37,  141,  205, 

206,  242,  (characterized)  244,  305, 
306. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis  (family- 
characterized),   206,   305,  313,   366, 

467,  507. 

Adams,  John,  23,  24,  25,  26,  30,  32, 
34,  35,  (characterized)  37,  40,  43, 
45,  48,  49,  50,  51,  54,  55,  56,  68,  71, 
73,  75,  76,  79,  81,  94,  97,  98, 
(quoted)  98,  135,  140,  159,  161,  168, 
175,  178,  181,  194,  204,  224,  236, 
(life  of)  240-252,  (characterized) 
243,  253,  254,  255,  257,  263,  264,  269, 
270,  278,  281,  284,  301,  302,  305,  307, 
309,  316,  321,  331,  333,  372,  380,  384, 
406,  589. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  26,  30,  34,  35, 
37,  43,  45,  48,  49,  50,  51,  54,  55,  56, 
58,  (characterized)  76,  99,  105,  106, 
109,  159,  162,  163,  164,  166,  168,  178, 
193,  194,  195,  205,  206,  251,  297,  298, 
301,  (life  of)  304-319,  (character- 
ized) 317,  321,  322,  330,  33i,  332, 
333,  336,  337,  353,  354,  355,  361,  364, 
367,  369,  371,  373,  377,  401,  486,  509, 
526,  544,  545,  577. 

Adams,  Samuel,  22,  23,  24,  67,  71,  93, 
107,  (life  of)  127-136,  (character- 
ized) 133.  140,  141.  145.  216,  221, 
241,  244,  245,  256,  257,  258,  270,  307, 
317. 

Alaska,  Purchase  of,  192,  489,  490, 
569. 

Alien  and  Sedition  Acts,  97,  248,  249, 
263,  264,  284. 

Anarchism,    561. 

Anti-imperialism,  104,  117,  166,  353, 
385,   556,   557,   58i. 

Anti-Masons,  100,  338,  342;  party  his- 
tory of,    104. 

Anti-trust  Act,  Sherman,  580,  584, 
586,  588. 


Aristocracy  in  America,  76,  97,  115, 
230,  231,  321,  346. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  (characterized)  68, 
225,  228,  258,  260. 

Arthur,  Chester  Alan,  29,  30,  31,  33, 
34,  39,  43,  45,  48,  51,  54,  55,  56,  57, 
58,  60,  64,  85,  86,  165,  172,  195,  208, 
519,  525;  (life  of)  527-532,  533, 
579-  . 

Assassinations  of  Presidents,  62,  446; 
521,  528.  See  also  lives  of  Jack- 
son, Lincoln,  Garfield,  McKinley. 

Assumption  of  State  debts,  235,  236, 
281,  282. 

Astor,  John  Jacob  (First),  268,  396; 
(second),  167. 

Bancroft,  George,  365,  382,  384,  387. 

Banking,  30,  60,  76,  89,  94,  101,  114, 
165,  354,.  358,  359,  368. 

Barbary  pirates,  War  with,  265,  266, 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  112,  167,  305, 

443,  535,  575- 
Bell,  John,  102,  423,  424,  432,  444,  486. 
Benton,  Thomas  Hart,  354,  (quoted) 

356,  374,  389,  395,  398,  417  453,  564. 
Bibliography,  592. 
Biddle,  Nicholas,  94,   (characterized) 

338,    344,   362.      See   also  National 

Bank. 
Bierce,  Ambrose,   (quoted)   511. 
Birth-rate,   88,   89,   90,   97,    115,   400, 

541. 
Black,  Jeremiah  S.,  417,  424,  5*6. 
Blaine,   James  Gillespie,  30,  45,   177, 

195,   509,    (characterized)    514,   524, 

525,  526,  527,  531,  535  et  seq.,  549, 

551,  560. 
Blair,  Montgomery,  447,  448,  465. 
Blair,  Francis  Preston,  502. 
Booth,  John  Wilkes,  422,  469  et  seq., 

(characterized)  470,  521. 
Breckenridge,  John  Cabell,  423,  424, 

427,  444,  486. 
Briggs,  Emily  E.,    (quoted)  84. 
Brown,  John,  82,  113,  318,  420  et  seq., 

466. 


595 


596. 


INDEX 


Bryan,  William  Jennings,  30,  31,  47, 
56,  120,  167,  559,  570,  583;  (char- 
acterized)  552. 

Buchanan,  James,  28,  30,  33,  34,  38, 
40,  43,  44,  45,  48,  51,  54,  55,  56,  58, 
78,  79,  83,  100,  102,  163,  164,  168, 
177,  207,  208,  211,  236,  321,  384,  408, 
412;  (life  of)  412-429,  43i,  440, 
446,  463,  594- 

Burr,  Aaron,  25,  73,  97,  226,  250,  263, 
264,  (characterized)  267,  268,  291, 
324,  338,  347,  348,  349,  368. 

Business  interests,  76,  77,  81,  85,  87, 
103,  165,  450,  474.  See  also  Capital 
and  Labor;  "Interests,  The";  Plu- 
tocracy. 

Butler,  Benjamin  Franklin  (of  Mas- 
sachusetts), 118,  456,  490. 

Cabinet  enlargement,  197. 

Cabinet  secretaries,  151,  173  et  seq., 
343,  344,  447,  488,  505,  566,  567,  582. 

Cabinet  selection,  Principles  of,  183- 
188,  189. 

Calhoun,  John  Caldwell,  93,  103,  105, 
107,  167,  193,  194,  195,  301,  (quoted) 
311,  314,  316,  321,  330,  333,  34i,  355, 
356,  395,  397,  476. 

California,  Admission  of,  394,  397, 
402,  486. 

Canada,  65,  91,  117,  225,  286,  362,  462, 
528,  569,  586,  591. 

Capital  and  Labor,  70  et  seq.,  79,  87, 
92,  96,  196,  297,  303,  336,  358  et  seq., 
421,  459,  479,  488,  541,  547,  551,  559, 
567,  568,  572,  580,  584. 

Carnegie,  Andrew,  546,  547. 

Carroll,  Charles,  47,  142. 

Cass,  Lewis,  47,  56,  61,  108,  III,  193, 
194,  195,  334,  366,  367,  386,  388,  390, 
(characterized)  394,  395,  (quoted) 
395,  396,  397,  4o8,  409,  4ii,  417, 
(quoted)  425. 

Centralization,  30,  60,  63,  65,  73,  82, 
86,  105,  in,  149,  172,  199,  232,  237, 
246,  249,  340,  357,  361,  379,  40i,  410, 
419,  517,  534,  545,  547,  554,  571,  584, 
589,  590. 

Chase,  Salmon  Portland,  112,  190, 
(characterized)  193,  443,  447,  463, 
467,  482,  490,  503,  5o8. 

Chief  Justice,  20,  21,  98,  139,  197,  233, 
235,  238,  268,  344,  381,  466,  490,  508, 
538. 

China,  558. 


Chinese,  Exclusion  of  the,  525,  530, 
537. 

Civil  Service  Reform,  103,  165,  172, 
3i6,  332,  354,  505,  5i8,  530,  536,  537, 
564,  573,  590. 

Civil  War.     See  Interstate  War. 

Clark,  Champ,  (introduction  by)  9- 
11,  585. 

Clay,  Henry,  30,  56,  61,  75,  80,  105, 
106,  107,  108,  112,  177,  194,  195,  286, 
297,  3io,  311,  313,  314,  315,  327,  330, 
333,  337,  342,  343,  344,  345,  355,  356, 
360,  363,  365,  366,  367,  371,  375,  377, 
378,  381,  382,  383,  384,  385,  387,  389, 
394,  396,  397,  398,  400,  402,  436,  485, 
526,  546. 

Cleveland,  (Stephen)  Grover,  (quot- 
ed) title  page,  19,  22,  29,  30,  31, 
32,  33,  35,  39,  40,  43,  45,  46,  48,  49, 
5i,  54  55,  56,  57,  58,  59,  64,  72,  85, 
86,  100,  104,  165,  168,  172,  177,  181, 
195,  205,  208,  209,  236,  243,  313,  321, 
367,  411,  5ii,  530,  532,  (life  of) 
532-543,  545,  548,  549,  556,  562,  577, 
589,  590. 

Cobb,  Howell,  397,  416,  (quoted)  426. 

Compromise  of  1850,  106,  379,  397, 
398,  402,  403. 

Confederate  States,  The,  of  North 
America,  118,  378,  379,  389,  427, 
454,  455,  456,  457,  465,  468,  471,  473 
et  seq.,  505. 

Congress,  The,  of  the  United  States, 
83,  152,  162,  164,  165,  168,  175,  178, 
201,  202,  233,  235,  297,  340. 

Congress,  The  Continental.  See  Con- 
gress, The,  of  the  Confederation, 
23,  132,  142,  146,  150,  223,  225,  229, 
232,  244,  255,  257,  273,  437,  438. 

Conservation  of  National  Resources, 
117,  106,  520,  573,  584. 

Constitution,  The,  of  the  Confed- 
erate States,  475,  476. 

Constitution,  The,  of  the  United 
States,  8,  9,  20,  22,  25,  69,  71,  82, 
83,  96,  102,  106,  107,  in,  116,  117, 
123,  134,  139,  150,  151,  159,  160,  163, 
164,  171,  200,  230,  268,  281,  284,  297, 
340,  352,  353,  4i8,  437,  446,  451,  452, 
458,  464,  486,  488,  491,  504,  505,  517, 
554,  569,  588. 

Constitution,  Strict,  versus  broad 
construction  of,  97  et  seq.,  569.  A 
system  of  checks  and  balances,  20, 

22,  96,  171. 


INDEX 


S97 


Constitutional  Convention,  The  fed- 
eral, 20,  23,  25,  44,  69,  74,  96,  98, 
147,  148,  230,  231,  248,  251,  274  et 
seq.,  283,  339. 

Convention  at  Annapolis,  230,  274. 

Conventions,  Party,  92,  99,  100,  165, 
169,  338,  339,  343. 

Copperheads,  The,  103,  451,  461,  502, 
536. 

Corporations,  30,  364,  586. 

Corruption,  Political,  85,  103,  116, 
118,  119,  130,  161,  162,  164,  165,  178, 
179,  193,  202,  203,  231,  338,  344  345, 
355,  356,  383,  384,  402,  429,  455,  463, 
502,  503,  504,  506,  508,  509,  512,  513, 
517,  524,  525,  530,  553,  557,  559,  570, 
583,  584,  585,  587. 

Crawford,  William  Harris,  287,  301, 
(characterized)  313,  314,  327,  330, 
352,  508. 

Cuba,  403,  415,  555,  556,  557,  560. 

Currency,  30,  60,  88,  94,  103,  104,  114, 
115,  118,  119,  250,  260,  345,  361,  362, 
479,  5o8,  518,  540,  542,  547,  552,  559, 
560. 

Czolgoscz,  Leon,  521,  561. 

Dark  Horse  Candidates,  55,  165,  382, 
407,  408,  445,  525,  545- 

Davis,  Jefferson,  54,  102,  178,  391, 
392,  397,  409,  427,  465,  468,  471, 
(life  of)  473-482,  (characterized) 
475,  476,  498  et  seq. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  24,  133, 
134,  146,  245,  257,  258,  459,  559- 

Deification,  The  Progressive,  of 
Washington  and  of  Lincoln,  445, 
446. 

Democracy  in  America,  30,  31,  94,  95, 
100,  158,  159,  166,  167,  169,  195,  196, 
197,  225,  226,  230,  231,  253,  269,  285, 
312,  319,  321,  328  et  seq.,  345,  346, 
348  et  seq.,  461,  462. 

Democratic  party,  History  of,  97-105, 
110,  in,  353,  423,  542,  543,  552,  553- 

Democrats,  74  92,  93,  94,  95,  100,  107, 
in,  112,  113,  249,  309,  315,  316. 

Departments  of  Federal  Govern- 
ment, 84,  178,  179,  180,  189,  190,  191, 
343.     See  also  Cabinet  secretaries. 

District  of  Columbia,  65,  199  et  seq., 
239,  277,  374,  466,  470,  508,  573,  574. 

Dolliver,  Jonathan   Prentiss,   118. 

Douglas,  Stephen  Arnold,  28,  29,  102, 
103,  109,  I".  112,  367,  397,  408,  420, 


421,  423,  424,  428,  431,  436,  437,  439, 

441,  442,  444,  445,  477,  486, 
Dred  Scott  decision,  28,  113,  166,  303, 

340,  417  et  seq.,  425,  452,  477,  490, 

528. 
Economic  determinism,  405,  406. 
Education,  101. 
Electoral    College,   31,   99,    100,    170, 

263,  266,  314,  316,  353,  369,  426. 
Electoral  Commission,  29,  511,  516. 
Ellsworth,  Oliver,  238. 
Emancipation,  417,  433,  451,  456,  458. 
Embargo  Acts,  266,  285,  286. 
Emerson,    Ralph    Waldo,     (quoted) 

17,  93,  167,   (quoted)   173. 
Farewell    Address    of    Washington, 

238,  299. 
Federal  party,  History  of,  96-97. 
Federalists,  26,  73,  93,  95,  97,  98,  105, 

112,  113,  232,  233,  241,  246,  247,  251, 

252,  266,  267,  268,  296,  302,  308,  309, 

349,  350,  554- 
Fillmore,  Millard,  27,  30,  32,  33,  34, 

38,  43,  45,  48,  49,  50,  51,  54,  55,  56, 

58,  78,  79,  91,  102,  163,  164,  168,  177, 

194,  207,  394,  (life  of)  399-405,  408, 

412,  413,  415,  416,  431,  531. 
Florida,   Purchase  of,  297,  311,  312, 

327,  401. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  22,  24  49,  67,  75, 

83,  98,  128,  133,  134,  139,  143,  (life 

of)    144,   149,    (characterized)    148, 

149,  167,  220,  244,  246,  251,  254,  257, 

270,  271,  283,  306,  384,  577- 
Fraud   of    1876,   The,    103,   516,   517, 

535.  See  also  Tilden,  Samuel  Jones. 
Free   silver,    103,   539,   547,   552,   553, 

558,  559- 
Free   Soil  party,    108,   in,   113,  366, 

367- 
Free  trade,  04,  95.  See  also  Tariff. 
Freedman's   Bureau,   The,   201,    488, 

524. 
Fremont,  John  Charles,  56,  113,  417, 

440,  463. 
Fugitive  Slave  Act,  113,  290,  377,  398, 

403,  410,  423,  424. 
Fuller, -Melville  Weston,  538. 
Gadsden  Purchase,  411. 
Gallatin,   Albert,   193,   264,   265,   287, 

(quoted)  324. 
Garfield,  James  Abram,  21,  29,  30,  32, 

33,  34,  37,  43,  44,  45,  48,  49,  $J,  52, 

54,  55,   56,   58,  62,  64,    (character- 


598 


INDEX 


ized)  85,  165,  177,  195.  205,  208,  516, 
517,  (life  of)  521-527,  545,  55*,  567. 

George  the  Third,  King,  74,  128,  131, 
133,  216,  257,  258. 

Gerrymandered  nation,  A,  170,  388, 
396,  397,  425,  538,  546,  547. 

Gladstone,  William  Ewart,  (quoted) 
477- 

Government,  Tripartite,  174,  193,  566. 
See  also  Cabinet  secretaries,  De- 
partments, Constitution. 

Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  51,  79, 

115,  553- 

Grant,  (Hiram)  Ulysses  [Simpson], 
22,  27,  28,  29,  30,  32,  33,  34,  38,  43, 
44,  45,  48,  51,  54,  55,  56,  58,  59,  61, 
64,  84,  85,  116,  155,  162,  164,  170, 
172,  178,  194,  195,  201,  203,  208,  209, 
211,  264,  382,  454,  456,  (character- 
ized) 460,  461,  463,  464,  465,  468, 
469,  470,  480,  482,  487,  489,  491, 
(life  of)  492-511,  (characterized) 
511,  524,  529,  543,  548,  554,  56i,  575, 
579,  587,  589. 

Greeley,    Horace,    56,    no,    112,    114, 

116,  366,  427,  507,  508,   547. 
Greenback  party,  History  of,  118, 119. 
Greenbackers,  103,  511,  525,  530. 
Guiteau,  Charles  Julius,  521  et  seq. 
Habeas  corpus,  Writ  of,  81,  115,  164, 

326,  403,  45i,  452,  461. 

Hague  Court,  The,  568,  590. 

Hale,  John  Parker,  108  (character- 
ized) 108,  109,  no,  112,  366,  397, 
409. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  24,  25,  60,  70, 
73,  94,  97,  112,  160,  161,  190,  196, 
229,  233,  (characterized)  235,  236, 
237,  238,  241,  246,  247,  249,  250,  252, 
262,  264,  267,  270,  274  (character- 
ized) 278,  279,  283,  291,  292,  299, 
308,  338,  348,  349,  353,  357,  399- 

Hancock,  John,  22,  23,  47,  128,  135, 
J39,  (life  of)  140-144,  (character- 
ized) 142,  224,  228,  234,  241,  244, 
257,  270. 

Hancock,  Winfield  Scott,  525. 

Hanna,  Marcus  Alonzo,  552,  (char- 
acterized)  553,  554,  584. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  29,  30,  32,  33,  34, 
37,  43,  44,  45,  48,  51,  54,  55,  56,  58, 
59,  62,  86,  91,  162,  165,  168,  195,  205, 
37i,  538,  (life  of)  543-549,  564,  569, 
578,  580. 


Harrison,  William  Henry,  21,  22,  27, 

29,  30,  32,  34,  37,  38,  39,  40,  43,  44, 
45,  48,  5i,  54,  55,  56,  57,  58,  61,  64, 
77,  99,  102,  105,  106,  171,  172,  177, 
206,  207,  208,  358,  363,  364,  365,  (life 
of)  368-372,  373,  374,  375,  379,  391, 
392,  394,  406,  430,  431,  436,  487,  526, 
544. 

Hartford   Convention,   The,  96,    101, 

326. 
Hawaii,  22,  541,  562,  563,  568. 
Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  27,  28,  406. 
Hayes,  Rutherford  Birchard,  20,  29, 

30,  34,  43,  44,  45,  47,  48,  51,  54,  55, 
56,  57,  58,  61,  84,  (characterized) 
85,  118,  164,  165,  166,  168,  172,  177, 
195,  202,  203,  208,  211,  (life  of) 
512-520,  (characterized)  520,  525, 
529,  550,  55i,  577- 

Henry,  Patrick,  22,  24,  37,  67,  71,  93, 
95,  (life  of)  136-140,  222,  242,  244, 
254,  256,  258,  270,  280,  307,  369. 

House  of  Governors,  573. 

Immigration  of  foreigners,  81,  87,  88, 
104,  109,  no,  115,  170,  172,  229,  248, 
383,  460,  521,  528,  530,  554-  See  also 
Birth-rate, 

Impeachment,  83,  155,  161,  569;  of 
Justice  Chase,  269 ;  of  Justice  Peek, 
414,  415;  of  Andrew  Johnson, 
President,  489  et  seq.,  505,  519- 

"Impending    Crisis,"    Helper's,    422, 

423. 

Income  Tax,  554. 

Indian  Wars,  218,  219,  220,  234,  324, 
335,  362,  369,  370,  391,  392,  434,  468. 

Individualism,  94,  95,  122,  123,  225, 
232,  285,  586,  590. 

"Interests,  The,"  85,  337,  594,  585. 
See  also  Corporations,  Plutocracy. 

Internal  improvements,  60,  105,  112, 
115,  196,  303,  315,  327,  336,  337,  352, 
354,  357,  364,  401,  439,  485,  530. 

Interregnum,  The,  between  Presi- 
dential election  and  inauguration, 
128,  163,  168,  426,.  446. 

Interstate  Commerce,  537,  584,  588. 

Interstate  War,  The,  60,  64,  66,  79  et 
seq.,  106,  160,  161,  168,  234,  282,  340, 
389,  432,  447  et  seq.,  494  et  seq.,  503, 
508,  513,  523,  525,  534,  535,  544,  550, 
572. 

Irving,  Washington,  356. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  21,  22,  26,  27,  30, 
32,  33,  34,  35,  36,  38,  40,  43,  44,  45, 


INDEX 


599 


46,  48,  49,  51.  52,  54,  55,  56,  58,  61, 
62,  72,  74,  76,  (characterized)  77, 
81,  84,  85,  91,  99,  100,  102,  104,  105, 
106,  ir2,  155,  159,  160,  162,  163,  166, 
168,  169,  171,  172,  176,  177,  181,  191, 
194,  205,  209,  236,  262,  287,  296,  311, 
313,  314,  (life  of)  320-346,  (char- 
acterized) 321,  35i,  353,  354,  355, 
356,  357,  358,  364,  365,  366,  368,  369, 
370,  37i,  373,  374,  380,  382,  384,  388, 
390,  405,  406,  415,  425,  430,  43i,  435, 

451,  452,  485,  50i,  506,  514,  533,  543, 
550,  572,  577,  589. 

Japan,  404,  411,  57 h  572. 

Jay,  John,  233,  234,  235,  237,  238,  274, 
279,  280,  291,  306. 

Jay's  Treaty,  237,  238,  284,  293,  33  h 
376. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  7,  24,  25,  30,  33, 
34,  37,  40,  43,  44,  45,  48,  49,  5i,  52, 
54,  55,  56,  58,  61,  71,  73,  (character- 
ized) 74,  75,  79,  86,  91,  93,  98,  99, 
102,  103,  (quoted)  104,  133,  136,  159, 
160,  161,  162,  166,  168,  177,  194,  199, 
200,  203,  206,  207,  211,  233,  235,  236, 
237,  241,  246,  247,  248,  251,  252,  (life 
of)  252-271,  (characterized)  254, 
272,  278,  284,  285,  286,  289,  290,  294, 
295,  296,  299,  300,  301,  302,  304,  307, 
309,  3io,  313,  317,  321,  328,  329,  335, 
339,  349,  35i,  354,  357,  374,  384,  43 1, 

452,  459,  504,  533,  543,  558. 
Johnson,  Andrew,  28,  30,  32,  33,  34, 

43,  44,  45,  48,  49,  50,  51,  52,  54,  55, 

56,  58,  64,  (characterized)  83,  91,  100, 
104,  116,  162,  168,  176,  178,  181,  192, 
194,  208,  209,  380,  400,  429,  463,  469, 
(life  of)  483-492,  501,  502,  505,  519, 
522,  531,  533. 

Johnson,  (Bessie)  Elizabeth  Mc- 
Cardle,  39,  (characterized)  207, 
484. 

Judges,  tenure  of,  98;  nature  of, 
352,  353,  354;  respect  for,  414;  cor- 
ruption of,  515,  517.  See  also  Im- 
peachment. 

Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  III,  410,  415, 
429,  486,  489,  523. 

Kent,  Chancellor  James,  21,  348,  351, 
(quoted)    351^ 

Kentucky-Virginia  Resolutions,  422. 

"King  Caucus,"  99,  169,  241. 

Kitchen  Cabinet,  333,  343- 

Know-Nothings,  109,  404. 

LaFollette,  Robert  Marion,  118. 


Lawyers  as  Presidents,  54,  348. 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  129,  133, 
(quoted)   239,  245,  280,  289. 

Lee,  Robert  Edward,  379,  422,  449, 
458,  460,  462,  465,  468,  480,  481,  497 
et  seq. 

Liberty  party,  History  of,  107,  108, 
.169,  375,  383. 

Limitations  of  Presidential  powers, 
154,  155-  See  also  Presidential 
Powers. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  21,  27,  28,  29,  30, 
32,  33,  34,  36,  43,  44,  45,  46,  47,  48, 
49,  5i,  52,  54,  55,  56,  58,  61,  62,  64, 
80,  86,  91,  99,  100,  102,  103,  107,  112, 
113,  114,  116,  133,  155,  163,  164,  165, 
166,  167,  169,  171,  175,  177,  190,  191, 
192,  193,  194,  195,  203,  205,  206, 
(characterized)  207,  208,  211,  232, 
236,  264,  (quoted)  281,  283,  302, 
321,  328,  366,  367,  369,  375,  380,  386, 
391,  392,  404,  405,  423,  424,  428,  429, 
(life  of)  429-472,  (characterized) 
442,  443,  473,  474,  475,  478,  480,  482, 
484,  485,  486,  487,  488,  490,  (quoted) 
496,  (quoted)  497,  498,  499,  505, 
507,  508,  521,  523,  526,  533,  549,  574- 

Lincoln,  Mary  Todd,  38,  243,  (char- 
acterized) 437,  471. 

"Lost  Cause,  The,"  475,  481,  482. 

Louisiana  Lottery,  The,  547. 

Louisiana  Purchase,  66,  89,  264,  265, 
274  285,  294,  295,  308. 

Loyalists,  Exile  of  the,  216,  217. 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  cited,  106, 
(quoted)  216,  (quoted)  430,  (quot- 
ed) 432. 

McClellan,  George  Brinton,  56,  453, 
454,  455,  456,  (characterized)  457, 
458,  464,  465,  466,  480,  496,  497,  530. 

McKinley,  William,  21,  22,  29,  30,  34, 
39,  45,  47,  48,  51,  52,  54,  55,  56,  58, 
62,  64,  72,  86,  91,  165,  166,  167,  177, 
195,  203,  205,  206,  2io,  368,  387,  433, 
522,  545,  546,  (life  of)  549-56i, 
562,  565,  577,  583. 

Madison,  Dolley  Parke,  37,  40,  206, 
284. 

Madison,  James,  25,  26,  30,  32,  34,  35, 
43,  44,  45,  48,  49,  51,  52,  54,  55,  56, 
58,  69,  71,  75,  79,  82,  86,  93,  96,  98, 
99,  100,  (quoted)  125,  162,  165,  166, 
168,  193,  194,  203,  204,  205,  248,  260, 
264,  265,  270,  (life  of)  271-289,  290, 
291,  295,  296,  301,  302,  305,  310,  311, 


6oo 


INDEX 


313.  321,  331,  333,  339,  350,  353,  367, 
369,  387,  453,  459,  501. 

Majorities,  Government  by,  8. 

Mankind,   Orders  of,  253. 

Marcy,  William  Larned,  178,  366, 
408,  409,  411,  412. 

Marshall,  John,  81,  82,  93,  162,  194, 
231,  248,  249,  250,  251,  254,  267,  302, 
335,  340,  344,  452. 

Martin*  Luther,  269,  270,  (charac- 
terized) 278. 

Mexican  War,  22,  27,  72,  78,  104,  108, 
166,  376,  384,  385  et  seq.,  392  et  seq., 
407,  408,  438,  486,  494,  525,  557- 

Mexico,  589. 

Missouri  Compromise,  The,  76,  106, 
297,  303,  340,  351,  396,  402,  403,  408, 
410,  418. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  The,  162,  165,  298 
et  seq.,  312,  321,  395,  542,  545,  546, 
556,  567,  568. 

Monroe,  James,  25,  26,  30,  32,  34,  40, 
43,  44,  45,  48,  51,  54,  55,  56,  58,  75, 
79,  91,  93,  99,  159,  162,  164,  168,  177, 
193,  206,  247,  264,  280,  284,  287, 
(life  of)  289-304,  (characterized) 
301,  302,  311,  327,  331,  333,  409,  562. 

Morgan,  John  Pierpont,  143,  504,  563, 

573,  575. 
Mormonism,   90,   113,   388,   403,   530, 

541,  547- 
Mortality    of    Presidents,    171,    172. 

See  also  Assassinations. 
Napoleon  Bonaparte,  68,  74,  105,  231, 

246,  261,  262,  264,  265,  285,  286,  287, 

292,  294,  295,  300,  301,  308,  310,  325, 

578. 
National  Bank,  The,  94,  101,  106,  235, 

262,  287,  315,  336,  337,  338,  343,  344, 

357,  361,  362,  364,  374,  376,  386. 
National  Banks,   114,   160,  162.     See 

also  Banking. 
National  debt,  The,  81,  101,  102,  114, 

US,  n8,  160,  235,  264,  337,  345,  357, 

361,  505,  540,  541,  545,  548. 
Naturalization  laws,  73. 
Nelson,  Thomas,  47,  142,  239,  258. 
Northwest  Ordinance,  The,   94,  437, 

546. 
Northwest  Territory,  The,  369,  375, 

546,  547- 
Nullification,  94,  103,  106,  337  et  seq., 

422. 
Oregon,  353,  382,  386,  387,  439- 
Ostend  Manifesto,  The,  112,  113,  415. 


Panama  Canal,  72,  182,  569,  582,  587. 

Pan-American  Congress,  The,  315, 
346,  347,  353,  545,  546,  560. 

Panic  of  1837,  The  Jackson-Van 
Buren,  160,  358  et  seq.,  371. 

Panic  of  1857,  The  Pierce-Buch- 
anan, 421. 

Panic  of  1893,  540. 

Panic  of  1907,  The  Roosevelt,  574, 
575- 

Parker,   Alton   Brooks,   56,  569,   570, 

583. 

Party  leaders  as  Presidential  candi- 
dates, 55. 

Party  platforms,  31,  357. 

Pensions,  64,  81,  537,  540,  546. 

Petition,  Right  of.  See  Right  of  Pe- 
tition. 

Philippine  Islands,  22,  66,  86,  168, 
556,  568,  581,  585. 

Phillips,  -  Wendell,  425,  427,  441, 
(emoted)  445,  463- 

Pierce,  Franklin,  27,  28,  30,  33,  34,  43, 
45,  48,  50,  51,  54,  55,  56,  57,  58,  78, 
79,  99,  102,  109,  163,  168,  172,  178, 
207,  208,  (life  of)  405-412,  (char- 
acterized) 407,  413,  415,  429,  431, 
441,  (quoted)  474,  476,  486. 

Platforms,  Party.  See  Party  Plat- 
forms. 

Plutocracy,  46,  60,  62,  72,  84,  85,  86, 
115,  159,  160,  161,  162,  164,  165,  185, 
227,  228,  239,  247,  250,  281,  282,  302, 
376,  507,  5o8,  513,  553,  554,  57i,  579, 
584.   See  also  "Interests,  The." 

Political  issues,  30,  31,  60,  61,  90, 
102,  103,  104,  117,  118,  195,  196,  382, 
383,  398,  399,  4io,  524,  535,  547,  548, 
549,  559,  570,  571,  572,  583,  584. 

Political  methods,  66,  183,  184,  189, 
249,  250,  327,  354,  355,  358,  383,  384, 
393,  394,  517,  533,  553- 

Polk,  James  Knox,  20,  22,  27,  28,  30, 
32,  34,  36,  38,  40,  43,  44,  45,  46,  48, 
5i,  54,  55,  56,  58,  61,  72,  (character- 
ized) 78,  86,  91,  99,  102,  155,  163, 
166,  172,  191,  201,  205,  207,  302,  365, 
376,  377,  (life  of)  379-389,  390.  392, 
393,  396,  407,  4ii,  412,  43i,  438,  453, 
485,  487,  520,  557,  589. 

Populism,  120,  121,  539. 

Population,  64,  88,  109,  158,  159,  196, 
215,  216,  217,  240,  252,  271,  289,  304, 
320,  346,  369,  372,  379,  390,  399,  405, 


INDEX 


601 


412,  429,  473,  483,  492,  512,  521,  527, 
532,  543,  549,  562,  578. 

Porto  Rico,  89,  582. 

Presidency,  Respect  for  the  office, 
11;  a  kaleidoscope,  20;  a  web  of 
fate,  22  et  seq.;  not  solely  execu- 
tive, 35;  requirements  for,  59,  127, 
128;  short  term,  252;  powers  of 
the,  127  et  seq.,  265,  451,  488,  505. 

President  as  leader,  8,  30. 

Presidents,  Births  and  deaths  of,  43- 

Presidential  ages,  44. 

Presidential  manners,  42,  549,  55°. 

Presidential    names    and    nicknames, 

53,  494- 
Presidential  reforms,  168,  185,  516. 
Presidential  scholarships,  51. 
Presidential  States,  44,  45- 
Presidential  succession,  537. 
Presidential  temperament,  36. 
Presidential  tenure,  122,  490,  491. 
Presidential  wealth,  45,  46,  57,  60,  78. 
Progressives,  117,  122,  572,  586. 
Public  lands,  73,  76,  77,  80,  101,  113, 
#n5,  336,  337,  342,  345,  359,  362,  369, 

370,  439,  486. 
Public  opinion,  63,  66,  297,  554,  57 1. 
Race  question,  90,  92,   116,  201,  275, 

282,  353,  374,  375,  492,  519,  520,  525, 

528,  529,  556,  557,  558,  559,  57i,  572. 
Railroads,  30. 
Randolph,   John,   269,   3M,    315,   341, 

374,  375- 
Recall  of  judicial  decisions,  572. 
Recall  of  officers,  100,  122,  491. 
Reciprocity,  117,  560. 
Reconstruction,  85,  92,  103,  116,  201, 

202,  482,  486  et  seq.,  505,  513,  5M, 

519,  525,  54i,  542,  560. 
Referendum,  20,  284,  572. 
Religious  faith  of  Presidents,  54. 
Reproduction  of  population,  95.  See 

also  Birth-rate. 
Republican  party,  History  of,  100-1 18. 
Republicans,  90,  92,  93,  107,  108,  109, 

118,  165,  166,  169,  202,  203,  411,  416, 

419,  440. 
Revolutionary  War,  94,  95,   97,    159, 

160,  223  et  seq.,  256  et  seq.,  305  ** 

seq.,  322,  406. 
Right  of  petition,  76,  317  et  seq.,  401, 

486. 
Roosevelt,  Theodore,  20,  29,  30,  34, 

35,  39,  43,  45,  47,  48,  50,  $h  52,  54, 


55,  56,  57,  58,  61,  64,  (character- 
ized)  86,  91,  W  155,  160,  l65, 
(characterized)  166,  167,  168,  171, 
181,  184,  185,  191,  192,  195,  200,  202, 
203,  204,  209,  210,  236,  241,  302,  411, 
557,  559,  560,  (life  of)  562-578,  579, 
587. 

Russia,  57i,  572. 

Santo  Domingo,  Proposed  annexa- 
tion of,  505,  5io,  568. 

Scott,  Winfield,  78,  106,  107,  109, 
(quoted)  163,  327,  341,  393,  394, 
407,  408,  (characterized)  409,  427, 
428,  451,  453,    (quoted)   478. 

Secession,  341,  377,  398,  424,  426,  427, 
446,  473,  474,  536. 

Second  term,  57,  168,  313,  463,  509, 
549. 

Sectionalism,  100,  115,  170,  303,  336, 
385,  388,  408,  411,  419,  423,  441,  444, 
445,  519. 

Sedition  Act.  See  Alien  and  Sedition 
Acts. 

Separation  of  Church  and  State,  74, 
120,  258,  279,  407,  536,  581. 

Seward,  William  Henry,  109,  no,  112, 
178,  192,  193,  194,  195,  366,  377,  397, 

400,  401,  424,  441,  443,  444,  447,  467, 
469,  470,  478,  482,  489,  491,  492,  526, 

589. 

Seymour,  Horatio,  56,  103,  (quoted) 
462,  502,  508. 

Sherman,  John,  118,  518,  524,  545, 
553,  554,  58o. 

Single  tax,  563. 

Slavery,  48,  60,  70,  72,  76,  79,  82,102,107, 
108,  in,  112,  113,  196,  201,  221,  222, 
255,  275,  280,  288,  290,  297,  311,  317, 
3i8,  35i,  352,  357,  365,  374,  379,  385, 
387,  388,  394,  395,  396",  397,  398,  399, 

401,  402,  403,  404,  415,  417,  4i8,  419, 
421,  422,  423,  428,  456,  458,  459,  478, 
528,  529,  572. 

Socialists,  92,  119,  121,  122,  134,  232, 
439,  508,  586. 

Social  question,  The,  69  et  seq.,  216, 
258,  394,  405,  470,  541. 

Solid  South,  The,  92,  103,  113,  114, 
303,  315,  395,  396,  419,  425,  519,  547, 
560,  570.  See  also  Gerrymandered 
Nation. 

Spanish  War,  The,  72,  116,  548,  555 
et  seq.,  564  et  seq. 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, Office  of,  197,  381. 


602 


INDEX 


Spoils  system,  164,  329,  331,  349,  371, 
375,  432,  433,  590. 

"Spot  Resolutions,"  392,  438. 

"Squatter  Sovereignty/'  III,  395,  396, 
410,  419,  421,  440. 

Stanton,  Edwin  McMasters,  193, 
(quoted)  194,  195,  417,  453,  469, 
471,  488  et  seq.,  498,  501,  503. 

State's  rights,  30,  60,  77,  82,  97,  in, 
144,  177,  196,  232,  234,  249,  284,  315, 
337,  338,  34i,  342,  374,  377,  379,  395, 
415,  416  419,  422,  426,  486,  517,  534, 
546. 

Stephens,  Alexander  Hamilton,  400, 
467,  480. 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  116,  181,  489,  491. 

Stowe,  Harriet  Beecher.  See  "Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin." 

Suffrage,  abrogated  in  District  of 
Columbia,  508,  509;  equal,  21;  man- 
hood, 21,  100,  200,  314,  316,  349,  375, 
377,  378,  547  5  negro,  504,  505,  517- 

Summer  Capital,  210. 

Sumner,  Charles,  112,  116,  181,  (char- 
acterized) 366,  505,  507. 

Supreme  Court,  20,  81,  84,  93,  161, 
162,  176,  231,  238,  250,  251,  267,  268, 
269,  284,  302,  335,  339,  340,  414,  415, 
417,  418,  419,  451,  452,  516  et  seq., 
538,  588. 

Syndicalists,  121. 

Taft,  William  Howard,  7,  30,  32,  34, 
35,  3^,  39,  43,  45,  47,  48,  49,  5o,  51, 
54,   55,  56,   58,  64,    (characterized) 

87,  100,  162,  167,  191,  195,  203,  209, 
210,  211,  216,  241,  302,  506,  557,  566, 
575,  577,  (life  of)  578-590. 

Tammany  Hall,  264,  351,  515. 

Toney,  Roger  Brooke,  28,  72,  81,  83, 
164,  194,  195,  334,  340,  343,  344, 
(characterized)  418,  419,  428,  441, 
451,  452,  487. 

Tariff,  The,  29,  30,  51,  60,  76,  80,  86, 

88,  92,  103,  105,  115,  ii7,  167,  169, 
170,  196,  280,  287,  303,  304,  315,  317, 
319,  327,  336,  337,  341,  342,  352,  358, 
363,  374,  382,  383,  386,  401,  486,  530, 
537,  539,  541,  546,  550,  552,  553,  554, 
555,  585,  588,  593. 

Taylor,  Zachary,  27,  30,  32,  33,  34,  36, 
38,  43,  44,  45,  47,  48,  51,  54,  55,  56, 
58,  61,  78,  99,  102,  107,  163,  172,  181, 
194,  205,  207,  366,  367,  385,  386,  388, 
391,  401,  402,  409,  415,  428,  430,  431, 


439,  475,  476,  487,  490,  500,  501,  520, 
525. 

Ten  Commandments,  The,  36,  321, 
566. 

Texas,  Annexation  of,  365,  367,  377, 
382,  384,  392,  394,  401,  486. 

Third  term,  20,  168,  247,  250,  313,  343, 
509,   574- 

Tilden,  Samuel  Jones,  47,  56,  61,  103, 
104,  165,  366,  511,  (life  of)  512  it 
seq. 

Trade  unions,  no,  580,  583. 

Treaty  of  Ghent,  296,  309,  326. 

Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  387. 

Treaty  of  Washington,  505. 

Treaty  of  Portsmouth,  571,  572. 

Trumbull,  Lyman,  440,  452,  516,  552. 

Trusts,  559,  567,  574,  584.  See  also 
Corporations. 

Two-thirds  rule,  357,  365,  408,  423. 

Tyler,  John,  22,  27,  30,  32,  34,  36,  40, 
43,  44,  45,  48,  51,  54,  55,  56,  58,  79, 
99,  100,  102,  104,  106,  162,  168,  205, 
207,  208,  364,  365,  371,  (life  of) 
372-379,  (characterized)  378,  380, 
394,  412,  413,  431,  472,  53i,  533,  544, 
577- 

"Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  403,  416. 

United  States  Steel  Corporation,  574, 
575,  586,  587,  591. 

Vallandigham,  Clement  Laird,  412, 
461,  464,  471,  502. 

VanBuren,  Martin,  27,  30,  32,  34,  38,  40, 
43,  45,  48,  51,  54,  55,  56,  57,  58,  77, 
79,  86,  99,  100,  101,  102,  108,  162, 
167,  168,  169,  194,  195,  206,  332,  333, 
334,  338,  342,  345,  (life  of)  346-368, 
(characterized)  3^7-3^8,  37 A,  375, 
377,  382,  388,  395,  396,  400,  402,  408, 
413,  414,  415,  421,  485,  514,  515,  544, 
548. 

Vanderbilt,  William  H.,  508,  510 

Venezuela,  541,  542. 

Veto,  Presidential,  83,   155,   156,   157, 

165. 
Vice-Presidency,    31,    175,    246,    263, 

356-357,  38i,  401. 
Victoria,  Queen,  456. 
Virginia,   Mother  of   Presidents,  44, 

300,  422. 
Virginia-Kentucky    Resolutions,    249, 

284. 
Waite,  Morrison  Remick,  508. 


INDEX 


603 


War  of  1812,  25,  26,  285  et  seq.,  295 
et  seq.,  308  et  seq.,  326  et  seq.,  351 , 

370,  371,  376,  391,  456. 

War  of  Independence,  94.  See  also 
Revolutionary   War. 

War  Presidents,  166.  See  also  Madi- 
son, Polk,  Lincoln,  McKinley. 

Washington,  City  of,  33,  60,  64,  84, 
157,  176,  199  et  seq.,  203,  261,  262, 
280,  281,  282,  286,  296,  325,  353,  357, 

371,  389,  394,  398,  399,  414,  429,  448, 
449,  456,  465,  468,  469,  47o,  477,  478, 
507,  521  528,  531. 

Washington,  George,  7,  21,  22,  23,  24, 
25,  30,  32,  33,  37,  42,  44,  45,  47,  48, 
49  50,  5i,  54,  55,  56,  57,  58,  61,  68, 
69,  70,  71,  72,  73,  75,  9i,  94,  95,  99, 
128,  135,  139,  142,  147,  149,  159,  160, 
161,  163,  175,  177,  180,  190,  194,  200, 
204,  205,  (life  of)  215-240,  (charac- 
terized) 226,  241,  244,  245,  247,  248, 
249,  251,  252,  253,  254,  258,  259, 
(characterized)  260,  261,  262,  263, 
270,  271,  283,  285,  289,  290,  291,  292, 
294,  298,  299,  302,  303.  305,  (quoted) 
307,  313,  317,  321,  327,  328,  331,  357, 
368,  369,  380,  384,  398,  430,  432,  433, 
446,  501,  533,  558,  568. 


Washington,  Martha  Dandridge 
(Custis),  37,  204,  220,  221,  239,  263. 

Webster-Ashburton  Treaty,  376. 

Webster,  Daniel,  65,  106,  107,  108, 
112,  113,  167,  177,  194,  195,  196, 
(quoted)  236,  300,  316,  332,  335, 
356,  358,  361,  364,  366,  3^7,  37i,  375, 
37^,  389,  394,  397,  400,  (character- 
ized) 402,  403,  408,  485,  589. 

Webster,  Pelatiah,  25,  278. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  351,  363,  390,  427. 

Whigs,  91,  101,  102,  108,  in,  112,  113, 
169,  315,  338,  364,  439,  554- 

Whig  party,  History  of,  105-107. 

Whisky  Rebellion,  The,  235,  236. 

White  House,  The,  19  et  seq.,  157, 
204  et  seq.,  250,  468. 

White,  Edward  Douglass,  588. 

Whitman,  Walt,    (quoted)    472. 

William  the  Fourth,   (quoted)  356. 

Wilmot   Proviso,   366,   388,   394,    395, 

403. 
Wives  of  the  Presidents,  30,  220,  243, 
255,  256,  284,  292,  307,  323,  348,  369, 
373,  377,  378,  381,  39i,  400,  404,  406, 
407,  436,  437,  475,  476,  484,  494,  5J3, 
523,  531,  538,  544,  548,  551,  563,  58o. 


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